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littp://www.arcliive.org/details/liistoryofmexicobOObanc 



HISTORY OF MEXICO 






BEING 



A POPULAR HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE FROM THE 

EARLIEST PRIMITIVE CIVILIZATION TO 

THE PRESENT TIME 



BY 

HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT 



MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS 



NEW YORK 

THE BANCROFT COMPANY, Publishers 
1914 



Copyright, 1914, by 
The Banchoft Company 



Printed in the United States of America 



/^, //3'7/ 



THE COMPLETE WORKS OP HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT 



HISTORICAL SERIES IN 39 VOLUMES 
Vols. I-V The Native Races of the Pacific States 
Vols. VI-VIII History of Central America 
Vols. IX-XIV History of Mexico 

Vols. XV-XVI History of the North Mexican States and Texas 
Vol. XVII History of Arizona and New Mexico 
Vols. XVIII-XXIV History of California 
Vol. XXV History of Nevada, Colorado and Wyoming 
Vol. XXVI History of Utah 

Vols. XXVII-XXVIII History of the Northwest Coast 
Vols. XXIX-XXX History of Oregon 
Vol. XXXI History of Washington, Idaho and Montana 
Vol. XXXII History of British Columbia 
Vol. XXXIII History of Alaska 
Vol. XXXIV California Pastoral 
Vol. XXXV California Inter Pocula 
Vols. XXXVI-XXXVII Popular Tribunals 
Vol. XXXVIII Essays and Miscellany 
Vol. XXXIX Literary Industries 

The Book of the Fair ; The Book of Wealth ; Resources of Mex- 
ico; The New Pacific; Retrospection; Popular History of Mexico. 



©aA3S7239 OCT 27 1914 



t^ 



PREFACE 



This volume was written and printed, in part, in 1887 
under title of "A Popular History of the Mexican People," 
the term "people," in the absence of an intelligent middle 
class as the mainstay of the body politic essential in every 
properly ordained republican government, applying to the 
upper element rather than to the lower or menial order of 
society. 

As here presented, in clear and condensed narrative form, 
a complete history of this fascinating region in all its parts, 
from the indigenous civilization of the opaque past to the 
mad doings of to-day, is given, let us hope, in sufficient de- 
tail to meet the requirements of the scholar as well as of the 
general reader. 

As to the earlier questions herein involved, although in- 
vestigation has continued, no new facts not here presented 
have come to light since the author first began his study of 
the subject now some sixty years ago. Of the origin of the 
Indians, the occupation of Anahuac by the iN^ahua nations, 
and the migrations of the Aztecs nothing more is known 
than when Garcia summarized in his Origen de los Indios 
de el Nuevo Mundo, in 1729, the then existing forty and 
more antagonistic theories, or when Lord Kingsborough 
wrecked mind and fortune in the production of his nine 
folio volumes, or when Brasseur de Bourbourg, at the end 



IV 



PREFACE 



of twenty-five years of speculation left in manuscript and 
print, confessed that he could make no further progress in 
these insoluble questions. 

All that follows, the Spanish Conquest, Viceregal Rule, 
the Revolution, and the development of the Republic is well- 
defined and open history which he who runs may read. 

What is best for the peons and mixed races of low de- 
gree, whether to lift them up as Porfirio Diaz would do 
or kill them off as Huerta and Villa and Zapata have done 
and as a dozen others will do, foreign intervention assisting, 
time will determine. Some of them may yet be saved. 
Time was when it was deemed a disgrace for the offspring of 
European parents to be born in America; but now we see 
high in ofiice, military and civil, and high upon the honor- 
rolls of literature, science, and art, lords aboriginal who boast 
the purity of their ancestral blood uncontaminated by any 
European intermixture. 




CONTENTS 



PART I— ABORIGINAL 

Chap. Page 

I Geography, Climate, and Race 1 

II The Toltec and Chichimec Periods : . . 10 

ill The Aztecs 22 

IV Mythology and Tradition 30 

V Government, Royalty, and Royal Palaces 43 

VI Nobles and Slaves 56 

VII Land Tenure, Taxation, and Laws 63 

VIII Industries and Commerce 68 

IX Food, Feasts, Amusements, and Dress 76 

X Language, Hieroglyphics, Education, and Calendar 87 

XI War and Weapons 104 

XII Antiquities 109 

XIII Cities, Dwellings, and Temples 122 



PART II— THE SPANISH CONQUEST 

XIV Outline op Spanish History , 133 

XV Eablt Discoveries and Conquests 137 

XVI The Hero op the Conquest 148 

XVII The Expedition 152 

XVIII The Campaigns in Tlascala and Cholula 159 

XIX The Spaniards Enter the Capital 170 

XX La Noche Triste 177 

XXI Capture and Destruction of Mexico 185 



VI 



CONTENTS 



PART III— VICEREGAL OR COLONIAL PERIOD 

Chap. Page 

XXII The Last Days of Hernan Cohtes 195 

XXIII AtTDIENCES AND ViCEHOYALTT 202 

XXIV Spanish Cruelties and the New Laws 209 

XXV The Conquest of Yucatan 214 

XXVI The Sack of Vera Cruz 224 

XXVII Flood, Famine, and Riot 234 

XXVIII Society during the Viceregal Period 246 



PART IV— THE REVOLUTION 

XXIX Outline op European History at the Close of the 

Viceregal Period 260 

XXX Causes of Disaffection in Mexico 268 

XXXI Opening of the War of Independence 278 

XXXII Fall of Guanajuato 287 

XXXIII Hidalgo's March toward Mexico 298 

XXXIV Progress of the Revolution 309 

XXXV Capture and Death of Hidalgo 324 

XXXVI MORELOS AND HIS CAMPAIGNS 333 

XXXVII Further Progress of the War 341 

XXXVIII Downfall and Death of Morelos 356 

XXXIX Close of the Revolutionary War 364 

PART V— UNITED STATES OF MEXICO 

XL Agustin de Iturbide 376 

XLI Dethronement and Death of Iturbide 388 

XLII The United. States of Mexico 400 

XLIII Foreign and Domestic Affairs 410 

XLIV Politics and the Pastry War 420 

XLV Misrule and Overthrow of Santa Anna 435 

XLVI War with the United States 444 

XLVII The Dictatorship and the Struggle for Liberty 451 

XLVIII Foreign Intervention 466 

XLIX The Emperor Maximilian 481 

L Downfall of the Empire 493 



CONTENTS yjj 

PART VI— THE GROWTH AND CONDITION OF THE 

REPUBLIC 

Chap. Page 

LI Administrations of Presidents Juaeez, Lerdo, Diaz, 

Gonzalez, and Diaz again 507 

LII Fall of Diaz and Anakchy; Madero, Huerta, Villa, 

Carranza, Zapata, and American Intervention...... 528 

LIII Mexico Past and Present 550 




HISTORY OF MEXICO 



PART I— ABORIGINAL 
CHAPTER I 

GEOGEAPHY, CLIMATE, AND RACE 

The portion of North America which, before the date of the 
Spanish conquest, was the home of civilization lay between 
"latitudes 11° and 22°, extending from the north-west toward 
the south-east. On the Atlantic side it reached from the 
modern Mexican state of Tamaulipas to Honduras, and on 
the Pacific from the seaboard of Michoacan to Nicaragua. 
Few parts of the globe embrace, within equal limits, so great 
a variety of temperature, soil, and vegetation. In this region, 
which lies entirely within the northern tropic, are found all 
gradations of climate between the torrid and the temperate, 
the difference in the products of which the soil is capable 
being caused by altitude, and not as elsewhere by latitude. 
Thus on the lowlands, for instance, of Vera Cruz, tropical 
fruits, as the banana and date, are cultivated; on plateaux of 
moderate elevation, but in the same latitude, are produced 
the olive, orange, and grape; and on the higher plateaux, 
maize, wheat, and even the hardier kinds of grain. 

The variations in the climate of this country are caused by 
its Cordilleras, or mountain chains. The Sierra Madre enters 
it from the north in two principal ranges, one stretching 
1 



2 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

along the coast of the Pacific, and the other trending toward 
the Atlantic, though they again unite before reaching the 
isthmus of Tehuantepec. Between latitudes 18° 40' and 20° 
30', the eastern branch of the Sierra opens out into a table- 
land, with an area of about 15,000 square miles, and an alti- 
tude of from 6,000 to 8,000 feet above the level of the sea. 




Summit of Popocatepetl. 



This broad plateau, or rather series of plateaux, is known as 
the tierra fria, or land of cold, while the lower valleys, be- 
tween the two branches, are termed the tierra templada, or 
temperate region. From the surface of the upper table-land 
rise several ridges and isolated peaks of volcanic origin, the 
latter being the highest in North America; and the perpetual 
snow which covers their summits tempers the climate of the 
fertile tracts that lie at their base. 



GEOORAPHy, CLIMATE, AND RACE. 3 

Centrally located on this table-land, and surrounded by a 
wall of lofty volcanic ridges and peaks, is the valley of Mex- 
ico, or, as it was called by the natives, Anahuac, that is to 
say, ' country by the waters,' the name being suggested by the 
lakes that formed one tenth of its area. With a circuit of 
more than 160 miles and an elevation of about 7,500 feet, 
the valley of Anahuac may be taken as fairly representing 
the tierra fria; and, as will presently appear, its inhabitants 
gradually overspread the entire series of plateaux between the 
branches of the Sierra Madre. 




Summit or Iztaccihtjatl. 



This valley has a mean temperature of 62°, and a climate 
resembling that of southern Europe, though with a smaller 
rainfall. The term 'cold' can, therefore, only be applied to 
it by comparison with the lowlands of Mexico. The soil was 
in former days fertile and productive, though now presenting 
a bare and parched aspect, its forests being destroyed and its 
surface exposed to the excessive evaporation caused by a 
tropical sun. Oak and pine are the most prominent trees of 
native growth, and wheat, barley, and all European grains 
and fruits grow side by side with maize, the maguey, and the 
cactus, the three last being indigenous. From May to Octo- 
ber, or during the hot season, rains are frequent, but seldom 
occur in the remaining portion of the year. For ten months 



4 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



out of the twelve, deciduous trees retain their leaves, and are 
never entirely destitute of foliage. 

As we travel from the valley of Mexico toward the south, 
the vegetation becomes more dense, and the greater heat of 
the sun, as we approach nearer to the equator, causes a 
higher temperature at equal altitudes. The same gradations 




p/ < / 



Summit of Orizaba. 



of tierra fria and tierra templada are, however, continued, 
blending into each other at an elevation of 5,000 to 6,000 
feet. 

On the coast of the gulf of Mexico is a broad extent of level 
plain and marsh, and farther inland is a gradual ascent to 
the interior highlands, the former, in common with the low- 
lands on the Pacific coast, being called the tierra caliente, or 
warm land. In the neighborhood of Vera Cruz are barren 



GEOGRAPHY, CLIMATE, AND RACE. 



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Culture Hero — Relief in Stucco — Palenque, Chiapas. 



and sandy tracts of desert land; but elsewhere tlie tierra eali- 
ente is covered with a dense tropical growth of trees, shrubs, 
vines, and flowers, forming in their natural growth an almost 
impenetrable thicket. The cocoa-palm, cotton plant, sugar- 



6 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

cane, vanilla, and banana are among its flora, while the fauna 
includes birds with every variety of plumage, and myriads of 
insects and reptiles. The climate is dangerous to all except 
natives, for the surface, covered with decayed vegetable sub- 
stances, breathes forth a deadly malaria. Southern Vera 
Cruz and Tabasco, through which flow several large rivers, 
their sources being in the mountains of Guatemala, Chiapas, 
and Tehuantepec, exhibit the most luxuriant display of na- 
ture's prodigality. The river-banks are crowded with forest 
trees, and in the broad savanas there is a net-work of canals 
and streams, serving not only for irrigation, but for the con- 
veyance of the many native products, which form a consid- 
erable item in the commerce of the world. 

Notwithstanding the general similarity of the native Amer- 
ican nations in form, feature, color, hair, and speech, they 
were widely separated in culture. On the table-lands of 
Mexico, Central America, and Peru lived nations which, as 
compared with the rest of the world, may be properly termed 
civilized. North and south, and all around the border, the 
people were savages; while in New Mexico there was a class 
between the two. 

The civilized nations of Mexico may be called the Nahua 
family, the members of which were of good stature, well pro- 
portioned, rather above medium size, of a light copper color, 
with long, black, obliquely pointed eyes, regular white teeth, 
glossy black hair, thin beard, prominent cheek-bones, thick 
lips, large aquiline nose, and retreating forehead. A gentle 
expression about the mouth was blended with severity and 
melancholy in the upper portion of the face. They were 
brave and intelligent, but blood-thirsty. 

The terms 'savage' and 'civilized,' as applied to races of 
men, are relative, and not absolute. At best they mark only 
broad and shifting stages in human progress; the one near 
the point of departure, the other approaching a distant and 
almost unattainable end. There are degrees in savagism as 



GEOGRAPHY, CLIMATE, AND RACE. 7 

there are degrees in civilization, and though usually placed 
in opposition, one is but a degree of the other. The Haidah, 
whom we call savage, was as much superior to the Shoshone, 
the lowest of the natives of America, as was the Aztec to the 
Haidah, the European to the Aztec, and the ancient Greek to 
the modern European. 

We all know what savages are: how, like wild animals, 
they depend for food and raiment on the spontaneous prod- 
ucts of nature, migrating with the birds and the beasts, bur- 
rowing beneath the ground, hiding in caves, or throwing over 
themselves a shelter of bark, skins, branches, or boards, and 
eating or starving as food is abundant or scarce. Neverthe- 
less, all of them have made some advancement from their 
original naked, helpless condition. Primeval man, the only 
true savage, does not exist on the globe to-day. Be the man 
never so low, lower almost in skill and wisdom than the 
brute, less active in obtaining food, less ingenious in procur- 
ing his abode, the first improvement on his houseless, com- 
fortless condition, the first fashioning of a tool, the first 
attempt to cover his nakedness and wall out the wind, is the 
first step toward civilization. That which we call civilization 
is not an adjunct nor an acquirement of man, for no isolated 
man could by any possibility become civilized. It is rather 
the measure of the world's progress or progressional force, 
the general fund of the wealth, learning, and refinement 
of the nations of the earth, the storehouse of accumulated 
results, the essence of all that is best worth preserving from 
the distillations of good, not untinctured with the distilla- 
tions of evil. In the brute creation this element of progress 
is wanting. The bird builds its nest, the bee its cell, the 
beaver its dam, with no more skill or care to-day than did 
the bird or beast or beaver a thousand years ago. 

The savage nations of the Pacific states of North America 
may be divided into six distinct groups; namely, the Hyper- 
boreans, living at the extreme north; the Columbians, whose 
lands are drained by the Columbia River; the Californians; 



8 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

the New Mexicans; the wild tribes of Mexico; and the wild 
tribes of Central America. 

The classification of man into species or races, so as to be 
able to designate by his organism — that is to say, form and 
features, size and shape of the skull, color of the skin and 
texture of the hair — the family to which he belongs, as well 
as the question of his origin, has been the subject of great 
diversity of opinion, from the fact that the various forms so 
graduate into each other that it is impossible to draw exact 
lines of partition. 

One ethnologist divides the human family into two parts, 
according to the facial angle; others into three, four, five, and 
six parts, according to color; one makes three divisions ac- 
cording to hair, and others various divisions according to 
language. All nations may, however, be brought into one 
or another of the following geographical classes: American, 
European, African, and Asiatic; that is to say, the copper- 
colored Indian, the white Caucasian, the black negro, and the 
dark and yellow Malay and Mongolian. 

From the time when the different parts of the world first 
became known to each other, men have never ceased to won- 
der and try to tell where they all came from. The people of 
each part have a theory as to origin which they firmly believe 
to be true; but what is the origin of the others? Some con- 
tend that America was peopled from Europe, some from 
Africa, some from Asia; while others attempt to prove that 
Asia was settled by Americans, and Europe by Asiatics. 
Many believe that the Mexicans were originally Jews, de- 
scendants of the ten lost tribes of Israel. 

It was obvious to the Europeans when they first beheld the 
natives of America, that these were unlike the intellectual 
white-skinned races of Europe, the barbarous blacks of Africa, 
or any nation or people which they had hitherto encountered; 
yet all except the Eskimos, at the extreme north, closely 
resembled each other. 

There is no doubt that the nations of America are of a 



GEOGRAPHY, CLIMATE, AND RAGE. 9 

remote antiquity. This is proved by their traditions, their 
ruins, and their moral and physical uniformity. The action 
of a climate peculiar to America, and of natural surroundings 
common to all the people of the continent, could not fail to 
produce in time a similarity of body and mind. 

Among the most advanced of these nations were the Aztecs 
or Nahuas of Mexico, the Mayas and Quiches of Central 
America, and the Peruvians of South America. These may 
be called the civilized nations of America, while nearly all 
the rest must be classed among the savage nations of the 
world. The Aztecs, who were also called Mexicans, lived 
upon the table-land, extending along the continent between 
the two great oceans, their territory being a portion of Ana- 
huac. 




White Marble Vase Found Near Vera Cruz. 



10 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



CHAPTER II. 
THE TOLTEC AND CHICHIMEC PERIODS. 

During the sixth and seventh centuries of the Christian 
era we must imagine Anahuac and the adjoining territory on 
the north and west gradually occupied by many Nahua 






Basaltic Column — Tula. 

nations of varying numbers and various degrees of civiliza- 
tion. Some were wild hunting tribes, powerful but rude, and 
the terror of their neighbors ; others lived by agriculture, 
settling in the fertile valleys, and retaining much of their 
original culture. The three most powerful nations established 
themselves in and around the valley of Mexico, where their 
capitals sooii became flourishing cities, and the people were 
called Toltecs, a word probably derived from toltecas, 'artifi- 
cers,' but one which afterward became synonymous with all 
that is skilful and excellent in art. The first period of 
Nahua occupation was one of strife, during which the united 
bands became masters of the entire region south and east of 
the lakes. 



THE TOLTEC AND CHWHIMEG PERIODS. H 

Meanwhile other bands of Toltecs, from the regions toward 
the north, settled, after a long pilgrimage, on the banks of 
the river Quetzalatl, founding there a city named ToUan, on 
the site of the present village of Tula, about thirty miles 
north-west of Mexico. During the first six years of their 
stay, these tribes gave their attention to the building of the 
new city and the cultivation of the surrounding lands, all 
acting under the guidance of their prophet Hueman, though 
each tribe was. ruled by its own chieftain. But in the seventh 
year the chiefs convened an assembly of the leading men for 
the purpose of establishing a monarchy, offering to surrender 
their power in favor of the king whom the people might 
choose. It was finally decided to send, an embassy with pres- 




Section of Column — Tula. 

ents to the king of the Chichimecs, asking that one of their 
sons or near relatives be allowed to rule over them. The 
choice fell on the second son, whose name is unknown, but 
who was crowned at Tollan under the title of Chalchiuh 
Tlatonac, or 'shining precious stone.' After a prosperous 
reign of fifty-two years this monarch died, and was succeeded 
by his son, and he in turn by others. Of Quetzalcoatl, whose 
reign began in 873, mention is made elsewhere. 

In the year 994 Huemac II. ascended the throne of Tollan, 
the city being at this date still the foremost in the empire. 
At first the new monarch enjoyed, in a remarkable degree, 
the confidence of his people, ruling with great wisdom, and 
attending strictly to his religious duties, and to the adminis- 
tration of justice. But soon he gave himself up to evil prac- 
tices, indulging in the pleasures of the wine-cup, and dealing 
treacherously with his subjects. Thus the lords of various 



12 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

provinces were incited to revolt ; and now disasters in quick 
succession befell the empire of the Toltecs. A sorcerer 
named Toveyo gathered a vast crowd near Tollan, and kept 
them dancing to the beat of his drum until midnight, when, 
by reason of the darkness and their intoxication, they crowded 
each other over a precipice into a deep ravine, where they 
were turned into stone. A stone bridge was also broken by 
the necromancer, and thousands precipitated into the river. 
From one of the neighboring volcanoes poured forth a flood 
of glowing lava, and in its lurid light appeared frightful 
spectres threatening the capital. 

In the hope of appeasing the angry gods, a sacrifice of cap- 
tives was ordered ; but when a young boy, chosen by lot as 
the first victim, was placed upon the altar, and the knife 
plunged into his breast, there was found no heart in his body, 
and his veins were without blood. The fetid odor exhaled 
from the corpse brought on a pestilence which caused the 
death of thousands. Then the Tlaloc deities appeared to 
Huemac, as he walked in the forest, and the monarch im- 
plored them not to deprive him of his wealth and his royal 
splendor. But the gods were wroth at his petition, and also 
at his selfishness and impenitence, and they departed from 
him, declaring that they would bring plagues upon the proud 
Toltecs for six years. 

The winter of 1018 was so cold that all plants and seeds 
were killed by frost, and it was followed by a summer of in- 
tense heat, which parched the entire surface of the country, 
dried up the streams, and melted the solid rocks. The 
plagues began with heavy storms of rain, which lasted a hun- 
dred days, destroyed the ripening crops, flooded the streets 
and towns, and caused fear of a universal deluge. Furious 
gales followed, and toads in immense numbers covered the 
ground, consuming every green thing, and squatting in the 
dwellings of the people. The next year there was a terrible 
drought, which put a stop to all agricultural labor, and thou- 
sands died of starvation. The frosts of the following winter 



THE TOLTEO AND GHICHIMEC PERIODS. 13 

destroyed the little that the heat had spared, not even the 
hardy maguey surviving. And now there came upon the 
land great swarms of locusts and other destructive insects. 
Lightning and hail completed the work of devastation, and it 
is related that during these visitations nine tenths of the 
people perished. 

After the plagues had ceased, Huemac abandoned his evil 
ways, and gave his whole attention to promoting the welfare 
of his people ; but he was resolved to place on the throne an 
illegitimate son, named Acxitl, in whose favor he was about 
to abdicate. The consequence was a new revolt under two 
leaders, who, after some negotiation, promised to support the 
royal cause, on condition of being raised to the highest rank, 
and allowed a share in the management of the kingdom. 
The new monarch ascended the throne in 1029, and for sev- 
eral years ruled wisely; but, like his father, he yielded to 
temptation, giving way to all manner of dissipation and 
riotous living. His example was followed both by the nobles 
and priests, and vice took possession of all classes of society. 
Public affairs were left to the management of the royal favor- 
ites ; crime remained unpunished ; robbery and murder were 
of frequent occurrence ; and for all these iniquities the king 
was held responsible. 

In the midst of other troubles came the news that Hue- 
huetzin, the ruler of one of the Atlantic provinces, in league 
with two other lords who had refused to acknowledge the 
power of Acxitl, was marching toward ToUan, at the head of 
the rebel forces. Unable to resist them, the Toltec monarch 
sent ambassadors with rich presents, suing for peace, and 
thus a truce was obtained. Meanwhile many of the nations 
in and around Anahuac declared their independence, and 
numerous Chichimec tribes took advantage of the opportunity 
to secure a foothold in the lake xegion. 

It was evident that the gods were very angry, and to avert 
their wrath, a meeting was summoned at Teotihuacan, the 
sacred city of the Toltecs, of all the wise men, priests, and 



14 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

nobles. But while in the midst of their feasts and sacrifices, 
a demon of gigantic size, with long, bony arms and fingers, 
appeared, dancing in the court where the people were assem- 
bled. Whirling through the crowd in every direction, he 
seized upon all who came in his way and dashed them lifeless 
to the ground. Multitudes perished, for all were spellbound, 
and could not move from the spot. A second time the dread 
monster appeared, in a somewhat different form, and again 
the Toltecs fell by hundreds in his grasp. At his next ap- 
pearance he took the form of a beautiful child, seated on a 



Monolith from a Teotihuacak Mound. 

rock, and gazing from a neighboring hill on the holy city. 
When the people rushed forth to observe this strange 
visitation, it was found that the child's head was a mass 
of corruption, exhaling a stench so fatal that all who 
approached were stricken with sudden death. Finally the 
demon appeared in a form not recorded, and warned the as- 
sembly that the fate of the Toltecs was sealed, that the gods 
would no longer listen to their petitions, and that the people 
could only escape annihilation by flight. 

Many of the Toltec nobles had already abandoned their 
country, to seek refuge in other provinces, and this movement 
was constantly on the increase. Meanwhile, in the year 1060, 
the forces of Huehuetzin were again threatening ToUan. By 



THE TOLTEG AND CHICHIMEG PEBIODS, 



15 



great effort an army had been raised an:l equipped for the 
defence of the city, and the aged Huemac had come forth 
from his retirement, striving to ward off the threatened de- 
struction. It is even related that the king's mother enrolled 
bands of Amazons from the women of Tollan, and placed her- 
self at their head. Acxitl, who commanded the forces, 
formed his troops in two divisions, one of which, under his 
most able general, marched forth to meet the enemy/ while 




VJ 'v/.V V V V V V ^^ 

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w 



V 



The Fainting-Stone at Teotihuacan. 

the other, under the king in person, lay intrenched at Tulti- 
tlan. For three years the Toltec general, supported by the 
Amazon bands and a detachment under Huemac, waged a 
doubtful war with the Chichimecs, but was finally driven 
back on Tultitlan. Here a desperate stand was made, and 
for many days the battle raged, until the Toltecs, sorely 
weakened in numbers, were compelled to retreat on Tollan. 
After a final encounter, the remnant of their army was scat- 
tered among the mountains and the marshes of Lake Tezcuco. 
Otompan, Tezcuco, and Culhuacan, the other principal cities 



16 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

of the Toltecs, also fell before the invaders, and all of them 
were plundered and burned, with the exception of the last, 
which appears to have escaped destruction by admitting the 
conquerors within her gates, the inhabitants becoming their 
allies or vassals. 

Such is the story of the rise and fall of the Toltec empire, 
as related in the annals of this period. According to some 
authorities, the population was reduced to a few thousands, 
most of whom abandoned the country, leaving only a few 
chiefs with a handful of followers in their desolate territory, 




Terka-Cotta Head — Teotihtjacah. 

from which even the invading hordes were compelled to with- 
draw. This theory cannot be accepted as the truth. Admit- 
ting that their numbers were greatly diminished by war, 
pestilence, and famine, it is almost certain that the majority 
of the people remained in Anahuac, and became subject to 
their conquerors. Although the records speak of a large 
Toltec migration in various directions, it must be remem- 
bered that the historic annals of the Nahuas deal only with 
the deeds and fortunes of priests, kings, and nobles, the 
masses being regarded as useful merely to fight and pay 
taxes, and altogether unworthy of a place in history. It is 
indeed probable that the word 'Toltec,' which was a title of 
distinction rather than a national name, was never applied to 



THE TOLTEC AND CHICHIMEG PERIODS. 17 

the common people, and that the downfall of the empire was 
the overthrow of a dynasty, and not the destruction of a 
nation. 

Many years before the downfall of Tollan, a border warfare 
had been carried orx between the Toltecs and Chichimecs; 
but when the troubles of the former began, their troops were 
recalled from the frontier to defend the capital. Erelong the 
Chichimec monarchs, Acauhtzin and Xolotl, who, after the 
death of their father, had divided the kingdom between them, 
began to wonder at this sudden cessation of hostilities, and 
in order to ascertain its cause, sent forth spies into the ter- 
ritory of the Toltecs. Soon these men returned with the 
startling news, that for a distance of 200 leagues from the 
Chichimec frontier the enemy's country was deserted, and 
the towns abandoned and in ruins. Thereupon Xolotl sum- 
moned his vassals to Amaquemecan, the capital, told them 
what the spies reported, reminded them that more territory 
was needed for their increasing numbers, showed them how 
easy it would be to avenge on their fallen enemies the inju- 
ries of many years, and bade them prepare, within the space 
of six months, to join in an expedition against them. 

It is related that no less than 3,202,000 men and women, 
besides children, answered his summons, and thus the expe- 
dition should be called rather a migration, for only 1,600,000 
remained as the subjects of Acauhtzm. 

Arriving, after frequent halts, at Tollan, Xolotl found the 
place deserted, its streets overgrown with vegetation, and its 
temples and palaces in ruins; but as the site was too impor- 
tant to be abandoned, some families were left there to form 
the nucleus of a future population. The main body then 
continued its journey as far as Lake Xaltocan, where the 
people dwelt for a long time in the caves of that region, and 
afterward founded the town of Xoloc, or Xolotl, which in time 
became a prominent city of Anahuac. Parties were now sent 
forth to explore the country, and on their return it was de- 
2 



18 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

cided that the neighborhood of Tultitlan was the best site for 
a capital. Xoloc was therefore left in charge of a governor, 
and opposite Tezcuco, on the other side of the lake, was 
founded in the year 1120 the town of Tenayocan, 

To Xolotl succeeded a chieftain named Amacui, or Amacui 
Xolotl, whom we will call Xolotl II., one of his first acts being 
to remove the capital from Tenayocan to the foot of the 
mountains of Tezcuco. Calling his chiefs together, he took 
formal possession of the country, and soon afterward made a 
partition of the lands. To each lord was assigned a section 
of territory and a certain number of dependents, with instruc- 
tions to build a town to be called after its founder, Toltec 
cities were to retain their original names, and orders were 
given that their inhabitants should not be molested by the 
Chichimecs. Settlements were also established on the coast, 
the entire extent of the lands thus appropriated being esti- 
mated at more than 200 leagues in circumference, and Xolotl 
II., as supreme ruler, now assumed the title of Great Lord and 
King of the Chichimecs. 

Hitherto the invaders had met with no opposition from the 
Toltecs who remained in Anahuac. Favored by the peaceful 
policy of Xolotl I., the latter had increased rapidly in wealth 
and numbers, more especially at Culhuacan, where reigned a 
monarch named Nauhyotl. Xolotl II., however, resolved to 
assert his authority throughout Anahuac, sent word that he 
must do homage and also pay a small tribute, as a token 
of submission. To this demand Nauhyotl haughtily made 
answer that Toltec kings acknowledged no superiors but the 
gods, and paid tribute to no earthly sovereign. 

Xolotl determined to crush his rival before he became too 
strong, and for this purpose ordered his son, Nopaltzin, to 
advance without delay upon Culhuacan. In the mean time 
Nauhyotl was not idle. Setting forth at the head of a force 
greatly inferior to that of the enemy, he attacked them with- 
out hesitation, and fought them valiantly until set of sun. 
Gradually, however, numbers began to tell until at length, 



THE TOLTEG AND CHICHIMEG PERIODS. 19 

their commander being slain, the Toltecs were routed, and 
the Chichimecs gained possession of Culhuacan. Nopaltzin 
then gave orders that the dead monarch, whose death was re- 
gretted by the conquerors no less than by his subjects, should 
be buried with honors; and leaving a garrison in the town, 
set forth to announce his victory. 

During the eleventh and twelfth centuries a number of 
Nahuatlaca tribes, or wild tribes of central Mexico, settled in 
Anahuac, their original home being named Aztlan, the exact 
location of which is unknown. The causes that led to their 
migration are also matters of conjecture; but it is probable 
that they were driven out by their enemies, since Aztlan is 
described as a fair and fertile land. After several years of 
wandering, we find a number of them assembled at a place 
called Chicomoztoc, or Hhe seven caves,' an ancient home of 
the gods. These were the Xochimilcans, Chalcans, Tepa- 
necs, Acolhuans, Tiahuicans, Tlascaltecs, and Aztecs or Mexi- 
cans, to which some authorities add several others, most of 
them being so called after the localities where they afterward 
settled, in and around Anahuac. 

At Chicomoztoc the Aztecs separated from the remainder 
of the tribes, and, as tradition relates, for the following reason: 
While the people were all seated at their meal, beneath the 
shadow of a great tree, a terrible noise issued from its sum- 
mit. An idol, placed upon an altar at its foot, then called 
the Aztec chiefs aside, and commanded them to ask the other 
tribes to set forth in advance, leaving their people at the seven 
caves. After their separation Huitzilopochtli, the leader or 
deity of the Aztecs, — for the exact date of his death and 
deification cannot be ascertained, — told them that they were 
selected by the gods as a peculiar people, and one before 
whom lay a glorious future. He then ordered them to 
abandon their present name for that of Mexicans, and to 
wear upon their ears and foreheads patches of gum and 
feathers as distinguishing marks. 

After many wanderings and wars, the story of which is too 



20 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

tedious to relate, the Aztecs, as we shall still call them, built 
on an island amid the marches of the western shore of Lake 
Tezcuco the city of Mexico, originally termed Mexico Tenoch- 
titlan, paying to the king of the Tepanecs, to whom the lands 
belonged, a tribute in fish and other products of the lake. 
Of this city a brief description will be given in a later chap- 
ter. Meanwhile the other wild tribes of Central Mexico set- 
tled in various parts of Anahuac, founded cities, and some of 
them were finally more or less amalgamated with the Toltecs 
and Chichimecs. 

To Xolotl II. succeeded, as monarch of the Chichimecs, 
Nopaltzin, and to him Tlotzin Pochotl, whose successors were 
his son Quinantzin and Techotl I. During his reign, which 
lasted from 1305 to 1357, Techotl I. strove to re-establish the 
supremacy of the Toltecs. But to enumerate the deeds of 
all the Chichimec sovereigns would serve no purpose. The 
final chapter of their annals covers a period of three quarters 
of a century, extending from the death of Techotl to the 
formation of an alliance between the Acolhuans, Aztecs, and 
Tepanecs in 1431, and embraces the reign of three kings, or, 
as they were now termed, emperors. It is a record of cease- 
less struggles for imperial sway between the Acolhuans and 
the Tepanecs, resulting in the triumph of the former, though 
with the aid of the Aztecs, who were admitted as equals in 
the final reconstruction of the empire. The part played by 
the other nations of Anahuac, during this period, was that of 
allies to one of these powers, and sometimes of rebels, though 
usually they enjoyed their independence only until their 
former rulers found leisure to reduce them to allegiance. 

The names of the three emperors were Ixtlilxochitl, Tezo- 
zomoc, and Maxtla ; but of their wars, which were almost as 
tiresome as those of the Saxons in the early periods of Eng- 
lish history, it is unnecessary to make further mention. Suf- 
fice it to say that at their close, about the year 1431, it was 
decided to re-establish the ancient Toltec confederacy of three 
kingdoms, independent as to their internal affairs, but acting 



THE TO L TEC AND GHICHIMEC PERIODS. 



21 



togetber in all matters that concerned the general interests of 
the empire. These dominions were Acolhuacan, with its capi- 
tal at Tezcuco, and the Aztec and Tepanec kingdoms, with 
Mexico and Tlacopan for their chief cities. 




Ancient Coat of Arms — Cuernavaca. 



22 HISl'ORY OJJ" THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



CHAPTER III. 

THE AZTECS. 

The early records of the Aztecs relate chiefly to a series 
of conquests hy the allied forces of Tlacopan, Acolhua, and 
Mexico, in which those of the last-named power took the 
most active share. Thus it came to pass that the Mexicans 
became the masters of Anahuac, and were on the point of 
subjugating even their own allies, or of becoming themselves 
the victims of their combined foes, when they were compelled 
to succumb to another powerful enemy who had come from 
beyond the seas. Aside from their frequent struggles, the 
history of the Aztecs contains little worthy of narration, that 
little pertaining to their public works, the building of tem- 
ples, and the sacrifices of human victims wherewith they 
celebrated their victories, and the coronation of their kings, 
or made offerings to their deities on occasions when they 
desired to render thanks or to propitiate their favor. 

Montezuma I., general-in-chief of the army and high-priest 
of Huitzilopochtli, was in the year 1440 crowned first king 
of the Mexicans, who had already become an independent 
nation. Before his coronation, — a point upon which all his- 
torians concur, — he organized an expedition against the Chal- 
cans, for the purpose of obtaining captives for the sacrifices. 
Be it as it may, the fact stands that prior to and during his 
reign, that nation was constantly at war with the Mexicans. 
In 1443 the Chalcans, who had at times fought side by side 
with the Tepanecs, and at others as allies of the Acolhuans, 
but always feeling a deadly hatred against the Aztecs, un- 
dertook to measure their prowess with the allied kingdoms, 
their chief aim being to humiliate the Mexicans. 

In order to provoke hostilities, they captured, and caused to 
be put to death, a party of noblemen, among whom were sev- 



THE AZTECS. 23 

eral members of the royal family of Mexico, that had been 
found engaged in hunting near the frontier. The effect 
caused by this iniquity was electrical, and the Chalcans ere- 
long had to confront the united force of the allied powers. 
The Chalcan army went out to meet them, and a series of 
fights ensued, lasting several weeks, without either of the hos- 
tile armies seeing its efforts crowned with success. At last, 
according to the old chronicles, a son of the Acolhuan mon- 
arch, then under sixteen years of age, by an act of daring 
and gallantry, caused victory to perch on the allied standard. 
Having paid a visit to his brothers in their tent, and being 
about to take a seat with them at table, they reminded him 
of his youth, saying that they would not allow a lad who had 
as yet done no act of bravery to sit in their company. En- 
raged, and at the same time keenly feeling the rebuke, the 
boy seized his arms, and rushing into the midst of the melee, 
he had the good fortune to make captive one of the enemy's 
most famous warriors. This brought on such a panic that 
the Chalcans were utterly routed, and the campaign ended 
with their city being taken, and its inhabitants made tribu- 
tary to the allied powers. 

A few years later, while the Aztec armies were engaged in 
foreign wars, the Chalcans took advantage of the opportunity 
to revolt. It is related that they seized and imprisoned sev- 
eral Mexicans of high rank, among them being a brother of 
Montezuma, whom they afterward proposed to elect king of 
Chalco. Pretending to give his consent, the latter requested 
them to erect a lofty platform, on which to execute certain 
mysterious ceremonies that would rouse the enthusiasm of 
the people in their new cause. But taking his stand on the 
summit, the captive prince denounced their treachery, called 
on the Mexicans to avenge him, predicted the defeat and 
slavery of the Chalcans, and then threw himself headlong to 
the ground below. 

The total annihilation of this turbulent community was 
now resolved on by the kings of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlaco- 



24 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

pan, and a peculiar air of mystery enshrouds the war which 
followed. During the time of preparation, of conjElict, and of 
victory, the people of Mexico were constantly engaged in sol- 
emn processions, chants, prayers, and sacrifices, in honor of 
those who had fallen in other Chalcan wars. Signal fires 
blazed on the hills and in the watch-towers; and it is even 
said that the gods sent an earthquake to warn the foe of their 
impending doom. After the battle had raged for an entire 
day before the fated city, the Aztecs were again victorious. 
Vast numbers of the enemy fell in battle, or during the pur- 
suit, and the rest were scattered in all directions, some pre- 
ferring to die of cold and starvation in the mountains rather 
than submit to the conquerors. Most of the survivors were 
finally pardoned by Montezuma, and allowed to return to 
their city, where; in later years, they again broke out into 
revolt. 

During the reign of Montezuma I., and that of his prede- 
cessor, Itzcoatl, many provinces were brought under Mexican 
rule, entirely or in part, and at the decease of the former 
monarch, which occurred in 1469, the Aztecs were masters of 
a broad tract of territory, extending from Anahuac south-east- 
ward to the gulf of Mexico. Notwithstanding six years of 
famine, during which thousands sold themselves into slavery 
in order to obtain food, the empire was now in a more pros- 
perous condition than had ever before been known. As soon 
as the years of scarcity began, the public granaries were 
thrown open by royal command; but the supply of maize was 
soon exhausted, and there remained only the fish, birds, rep- 
tiles, and insects of the lake. When we read that a law was 
passed forbidding the sale of children for less than 400 ears 
of corn, we may form some idea of the severity of the distress. 

Two years before the famine commenced, heavy and con- 
tinuous rains caused the waters of the lake to overflow the 
city, destroying many buildings, and causing much loss of 
life. To guard against similar disasters, all the laborers that 
could be obtained in the three kingdoms were ordered to 



THE AZTECS. 25 

Mexico. A dike seven or eight miles in length, and stretch- 
ing from north to south in crescent form, was so constructed 
as to separate the waters of the lake, of which only the outer 
portion received its tributary streams. It was built of piles 
driven into the mud in double lines, and the space between 
filled in with stones and earth, the entire structure being 
thirty, or as some have it fifty, feet in width. Its surface, 
when flagged and cemented, afterward became a favorite 
promenade. This work is considered a masterpiece of engi- 
neering, and though in later years millions were expended 
by the Spaniards in protecting the city against inundation, 
the result was little more effectual. 

In 1471 occurred the death of Nezahualcoyotl, king of 
Acolhuacan, and esteemed as the wisest of the Chichimec 
sovereigns. His adventures in early life have cast around 
his name a glamour of romance. Deprived of his ancestral 
throne at Tezcuco, he regained it by his valor, and the promi- 
nent part which he played in the wars of the allied monarchs 
has called forth the admiration of his biographers. His chief 
glory, however, was not his fame as a warrior, but his wisdom 
and justice as a ruler. During his reign he had made Tez- 
cuco the centre of art, science, and culture, and his kingdom 
a model of sound government. Corrupt officials met with 
no mercy at his hands; but toward the poor, the aged, and 
the unfortunate, his kindness knew no bounds. He was in 
the habit of travelling in disguise among his subjects, visit- 
ing among the lower classes, relieving their wants, and 
obtaining useful hints for the perfection of his code of laws, 
in which he took special pride. As Tezcuco was the Athens 
of Anahuac, so was this monarch the Solon of the Tezcucans. 
Himself a man of learning, and a poet of no mean order, he 
was never backward in promoting the cause of education; and 
in his religious views he was far in advance of his contempo- 
raries. 

To Montezuma I. succeeded the second of his three grand- 
sons, Axayacatl, who, in order to obtain "the human victims 



26 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

for sacrifice, required by usage at his coronation, set forth on 
the most daring raid yet undertaken by the Aztecs. March- 
ing rapidly southward by mountain routes, at the head of a 
large force, he suddenly presented himself before the Zapotec 
city of Tehuantepec, After having routed the opposing army, 
he drew them into an ambuscade by feigning retreat. He 
then entered and pillaged their city, and leaving there a 
strong garrison, returned to Mexico, laden with plunder, and 
with thousands of captives in his train, almost before his de- 
parture was known to the surrounding nations. Of the reign 
of Axayacatl, and of his brother Tizoc, who succeeded him, 
nothing more remains to be said. To follow the Aztecs in all 
their wars up to the time of the Spanish conquest would be a 
fruitless task, and yet, apart from these wars, there is little 
to relate. 

In 1486, Ahuitzotl, the last of the three grandsons of Mon- 
tezuma, was called to the throne. During the first year of his 
reign many wars were undertaken, their main object being to 
procure victims, not only for the coronation of the monarch, 
but also for the dedication of the grand temple of Huetzi- 
lopochtli, of which a description will be given later. The cere- 
mony was witnessed, as the chroniclers relate, by millions of 
visitors, as well from hostile as from friendly provinces, the 
former being offered the choicest seats, and loaded with rich 
presents on their departure. The principal feature was, of 
course, the sacrifice of the captives, of whom it is said that 
from seventy to eighty thousand perished on the altar, the 
victims being arranged in two lines, stretching from the tem- 
ple far out on the causeways. The kings began the work of 
butchery with their own hands, and the priests followed, each 
one continuing the slaughter until he was exhausted, when 
another took his place. This wholesale sacrifice was long 
remembered in Anahuac as the largest that ever occurred 
there. 

Between 1494 and 1497 the Mexican armies suffered a 
series of reverses, d\iring which several of the conquered prov- 



THE AZTECS. 27 

inces regained their freedom, among them that of Tehuan- 
tepec. Near the capital, on a series of plateaux, protected by 
a labyrinth of ravines, the Zapotec king had fortified an area 
sufficient to maintain his armies, and there awaited the ap- 
proach of the Aztecs. As soon as the latter were fairly within 
the defiles, through which lay their route to the city, the 
enemy rushed down upon them from their mountain forts, 
and after several bloody battles, almost annihilated the invad^ 
ing force. The Aztecs could neither retreat nor advance, and 
day by day their leader saw his army melting away, pris- 
oners being put to death by torture, except a few who were 
sent back to bear witness ta their comrades of the strength 
and ferocity of the foe. When this disaster became known in 
Mexico, re-enforcements were four times sent to their relief 
within a year; but none could force the passage, or if they 
did, it was only to die with their brethren in arms. After a 
long career of victory, the Mexicans were fairly defeated, and 
sent to the king of the Zapotecs an embassy proposing peace 
and alliance. The result is unknown; but it is almost certain 
that the latter retained possession of Tehuantepec. 

King Ahuitzotl died in 1503; and it is said that his death 
was occasioned by the haste with which he made his escape 
from the royal palace during a second flood, which occurred 
in 1500, striking his head against a door-post, and receiving 
an injury which a few years later proved fatal. He was a 
cruel, vindictive, and superstitious monarch, and if we con- 
cede to him the one redeeming trait which his admirers claim, 
— that of generosity, — it was closely connected with his well- 
known passion for display and flattery. He left the empire 
in the climax of its glory; and yet before his death the seeds 
of coming disaster had been sown and had taken root; for his 
frightful sacrifice of human victims filled Anahuac with 
terror and hatred. Moreover, the campaign in Tehuantepec, 
and others which occurred during his reign, had taught the 
surrounding nations that the Aztecs were not, as they claimed, 
invincible, 



28 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

When news of the death of Ahuitzotl was spread through- 
out the capital, the high-priest of Huitzilopochtli was a 
younger son of Axayacatl. He had already proved himself a 
skilful and valiant warrior, and as a statesman his voice 
had been heard with respect in the council-chamber of the 
Aztecs; but now, in a spirit of real or feigned humility, he 
had chosen a more humble occupation, and at this moment 
was engaged in sweeping out the floor of the temple. While 
thus employed, a party of nobles entered the building, and 
saluted him as monarch elect of Mexico. A few months 
later he assumed the crown, with the title of Montezuma II. 

The story of his reign, until the time of the Spanish con- 
quest, includes but a succession of campaigns against revolted 
provinces, varied with frequent sacrijfices of human victims, 
and omens of disaster sent by the gods to trouble the mind 
of this the most pious of the monarchs. When at length 
the day drew near on which Mexico must struggle single- 
handed against the combined powers of Anahuac, her last 
chance of success in this unequal contest disappeared with 
the arrival of the Spaniards. 

Immediately after the accession of Montezuma II., war 
broke out with the Tlascaltecs, who, after a difficult cam- 
paign, maintained their ground against the Aztecs and their 
allies from Cholula, until, with the aid of Cortes, they were 
able to take revenge on their enemies. On the very year pre- 
ceding the arrival of the Spaniards, wars were still being waged 
by the allied monarchs ; for only by drenching with human 
blood the altars of the gods could they hope to avert impend- 
ing disaster. 

Meanwhile many signs and omens foreboded evil to the 
empire of the Montezumas. In 1507 occurred an eclipse and 
a violent earthquake. A few years later an army, sent to the 
province of Amatlan, perished from cold, and by the falling 
of trees and rocks ; and a comet with three heads hung over 
Anahuac. Then a strange light, in the form of a pyramid, 
appeared in the east, reaching from earth to sky, and from 



THE AZTECS. 



29 



midnight till morn could be plainly seen in all the provinces 
of Mexico for forty days, or as some relate, for an entire year. 
About the same time the towers of the great temple of Huitzi- 
lopochtli took fire without apparent cause, and were burned to 
ashes in spite of all efforts to extinguish the flames. In 1511 
there fell near this temple a huge stone pillar, no one knowing 
whence it came, and in the same year armed men were seen 
fighting in the air. At a town called Tusupan an earthquake 
and deluge were reported; at Tecualoia a ferocious and horri- 
ble beast was captured, and a woman's voice was heard be- 
wailing the fate of her children. Finally, at Tlascala, a 
bright light and a cloud of dust arose from the summit of a 
neighboring mountain to the very heavens, and men said one 
to another that the end of the world was at hand. To the 
nations which dwelt beyond the borders of Anahuac all these 
dreadful phenomena were less terrible than to the Mexicans, 
for with their terror was mingled the hope of relief from the 
Aztec yoke. 

Such are the records of the Aztecs before the date of the 
Spanish conquest; but these early records, like those of Greece 
and Rome, are more or less intermingled with myth and fable. 




Bas-Keliek from Xochicalco. 



30 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



CHAPTER IV. 

•MYTHOLOGY AND TRADITION. 

All that was written of the Mexicans by their Spanish con- 
querors cannot be beheved. There was a constant tendency 
to exaggerate, on the part of the soldiers in order to magnify 
the strength and greatness of the peoples whom they had 
subdued, and on the part of the priests to magnify the impor- 
tance of their spiritual conquest. Yet enough is known to 
prove that they were far advanced in civilization; more so, in 
some respects, than those who made them their subjects. 

The primary indication of an absolute superiority in man 
over other animals is the faculty of speech. Brutes may have 
a gesture-language of their own; they may have the organs 
of speech, but they have not speech, for they have not the 
rational faculty whereby to originate and express it. 

Every nation has its mythology, or religious traditions and 
belief; so that religious belief of some kind seems natural to 
the human race. Men realize the presence of a power, or 
powers, about them, which they cannot see. The endeavor to 
propitiate these unseen powers produces worship. Language 
is a symbol significant of thought; mythology is a symbol 
significant of soul. Language is thought incarnate; mythol- 
ogy is soul incarnate. In mythology language assumes per- 
sonality and independence. Often the significance of the 
word becomes the essential idea. Zeus, from meaning simply 
sky, becomes the god of the sky; Eos, originally the dawn, is 
made the goddess of the opening day. Not the idea, but the 
expression of the idea, becomes the deity. 

The traditions of primitive peoples are a mixture of truth 
and error; they are partly history and partly mythology. 
There never was a myth without a meaning, or a tradition 
without some element of truth. Many believe all mythologi- 



MYTHOLOGY AND TRADITION. 31 

cal personages to have been once real human heroes, the 
foundations of whose histories were laid in truth, while the 
structure was reared by fancy. 

Mythology, as made up of legendary accounts of places and 
personages, is history; as relating to the genesis or origin of 
the gods, and the nature and adventures of divinities, is reli- 
gion. In the myths of wild, untutored man is displayed an 
inherent desire to account for the origin of things, which has 
always commanded the profoundest attention of mankind. 
Within crude poetic imagery are enrolled religious beliefs, 
and are laid the foundations of systems of worship. Thus 
are explained the fundamental laws of nature; thus we are 
told how earth sprang from chaos, how men and beasts and 
plants were made, how heaven was peopled, and earth, and 
what were the relative powers and successive dynasties of the 
gods. Heroes are made gods; gods are materialized and 
brought down to men. One of the indications of man's supe- 
riority over brutes is the faculty whereby he worships. Ani- 
mals look up to man as a being superior to themselves, and 
man regards with reverence and respect an unseen but su- 
preme being. The wild beast to escape the storm flies howl- 
ing to its den; the savage, awe-stricken, turns and prays. 
The lowest man perceives a hand behind the lightning, hears 
a voice abroad upon the storm, for which the highest brute 
has neither eye nor ear. Of the mythology of the native 
races of America may be made the following subdivisions, 
namely: origin and end of things; physical myths; animal 
myths; gods, supernatural beings, and worship; the future 
state. 

There were two schools of opinion in Anahuac as to the 
origin of things: one, the more advanced, and which flour- 
ished at Tezcuco, teaching that all things were made by 
one god, omnipotent and invisible; while the other held that 
several deities took part in the work of creation. There was 
quite a general belief that one personage was transformed by 
passing through fire into the sun, and another personage into 



32 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

the moon. Their tradition of the flood was not unhke the 
story of Noah and the ark. In most of their painted manu- 
scripts relating to it is a representation of a hoat floating over 
a waste of waters, and containing a man and a woman. At 
the time of the flood it is said that the country was inhabited 
by giants, some of whom perished, others were turned into 
fishes, and a few found refuge in mountain caves. When the 
waters subsided, the survivors began to build an immense 
pyramid of brick, which rose up day by day until it threat- 
ened to reach the heavens; whereupon the gods became angry 
at their presumption, and hurled down fire upon the builders, 
so that the work was stopped. Here we have the counterpart 
of the story of the tower of Babel. 

The worship of the sun and of other bodies in the firma- 
ment was almost universal in Mexico, among both the wild 
and civilized tribes. The sun was represented by a human 
face surrounded with rays, or by a full-length human figure. 
An eclipse caused much fright among the people, and it was 
believed that a total eclipse would entirely banish the light, 
and that demons would come down under cover of the dark- 
ness and devour the people. The Tlascaltecs regarded the 
sun and moon as husband and wife, believing eclipses to be 
caused by domestic quarrels, which would bring disaster on 
the world if peace were not made between them. The Mexi- 
cans specially worshipped a certain group of three stars in 
the sign Taurus of the zodiac. The planet Venus was also 
adored as the first light that appeared in the world, as the 
god of twilight, and, according to some, as being identical 
with the god Quetzalcoatl, of whom we shall hear later. 
Comets were called by a name signifying smoking star, and 
their appearance was believed to foretoken plague, famine, or 
the death of a prince. 

Many of the native races of America had fire-gods, the 
Mexican fire-god being known by various names, though the 
most common one was Xiuhtecutli. While preserving his 
own identity, he was closely related to the sun-god, and 



MYTHOLOGY AND TRADITION. 33 

many and various were the ceremonies by which he was rec- 
ognized, the most important one being at the lighting of the 
new fire at the beginning of each Mexican cycle, or period of 
fifty-two years. 

The wind was often considered as a god, or as the breath of 
a god, and in many of the native languages the great spirit 
and the great wind were the same, both in word and meaning. 
The name of the Nahua god Mixcoatl is said to be still the 
correct Mexican term for the whirlwind. 

Just as the augurs and soothsayers of ancient Rome fore- 
told future events from the song, flight, and feeding of birds, 
and from other signs, so did those of the Mexicans from many 
omens ; as, the howling of wild beasts at night, the singing of 
birds, the hooting of the owl, the weasel crossing a traveller's 
path, the rabbit running into its burrow, or the chance move- 
ments of worms, beetles, ants, frogs, and mice. He who lost 
his life in battle died in the belief that his soul would finally 
take the form of a bird, and twitter throughout the countless 
ages of eternity under the purple shadow of the trees of 
paradise. 

The Mexicans also ascribed to certain animals and agencies 
control over the various portions of the human body, much 
in the way that in later years astrologers knd alchemists 
connected the stars with persons and substances. Thus the 
symbol of the deer was supposed to rule over the right foot; 
of the tiger, over the left foot; of the eagle, over the right 
hand; of the monkey, over the left; of the dog, over the 
nose; of the earthquake, over the tongue; of air, over the 
breath; of water, over the hair; and of death, over the skull. 

The Mexican religion, as transmitted to us, is a confused 
and contradictory chaos of fragments. The Aztecs worshipped 
a supreme being whom they called Teotl, the theos of the 
Greeks, and who, being invisible and immutable, was not rep- 
resented by any image, and probably not propitiated with sac- 
rifices. In opposition to him was the evil spirit, the enemy of 
mankind, whom they termed Tlacatecolotl, that is to say, 
3 



34 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

'rational owl.' Next to Teotl was Tezcatlipoca, or 'shining 
mirror/ the soul of the universe and the creator of heaven 
and earth, though some traditions relate that the former 
created the world, mankind, the sun and the water, and was in 
a certain degree their ruler. But the idea of a single lord of 
the universe, who required no inferior gods to carry out his 
purposes, was one which they could not or did not conceive. 
They invented, therefore, a number of gods, who held sway 
over the elements, the seasons, and the affairs of men, and of 
whom there were more than a dozen principal, and some two 
or three hundred inferior, deities. 

Tezcatlipoca, who was worshipped under various other 
names, appears to have been generally considered the most 
important of the Mexican deities. His principal image, at 
least in the city of Mexico, was cut out of a shining black 
stone, called itzli, a species of obsidian, resembling dark glass. 
The statue was that of a young man, whereby was intended 
to be set forth the immortality of the god. His ears were 
bright with ear-rings of gold and silver. His lower lip was 
pierced with a small crystal tube, through which was drawn 
a green or blue feather, giving to this ornament the tint 
sometimes of an emerald and sometimes of a turquoise. The 
hair was drawn into a queue, and bound with a ribbon of 
burnished gold, to the end of which was attached a golden 
ear, with tongues of ascending smoke painted thereon. The 
smoke signified the prayers of the sinful and afflicted, who, 
commending themselves to him, were favorably heard, for 
unto Tezcatlipoca, the ever-young and ever-powerful, it was 
given to mete out rewards and punishments. 

Upon the head of this personage were plumes of red and 
green feathers, and from his neck depended a golden jewel 
that covered all his breast. Bracelets of gold encircled his 
arms, and in his navel was a precious green stone. In his 
left hand flashed a great circular mirror of gold, bordered, 
like a fan, with costly feathers, green and azure and yellow. 
On this were fixed the eyes of the god, for therein he saw 



MYTHOLOGY AND TRADITION. 35 

reflected all that was done in the world. To his feet were 
attached twenty bells of gold, and to his right foot the 
hoof of a deer, to signify his exceeding swiftness. Covering 
his shining black body was a great cloak, curiously wrought 
in black and white, adorned with feathers, and fringed with 
rosettes of red and white and black. He was sometimes 
represented as seated on a bench covered with a red cloth, on 
which were wrought pictures of skulls, and having in his 
right hand four darts, the meaning of which was probably 
that he punished sin. In order to bring the worship of Tez- 
catlipoca prominently before the people, seats of stone were 
placed at the corners of the streets, on which the god might 
rest, whenever he walked invisibly abroad. Mortal man 
must not sit thereon; not even the king himself. Sacred they 
were, sacred forever, and covered always with a canopy of 
green boughs, renewed every five days with becoming rev- 
erence. 

But Tezcatlipoca does not always appear as a just or benign 
ruler. Descending from heaven on a rope made of spider's 
web, he came to the town of Tulla, the capital of the Toltecs, 
where dwelt their national deity, Quetzalcoatl, a beneficent 
being, the god of the air, the sun, and the rain, and the source 
of all prosperity, one who is said to have taken the shape of 
man in order to instruct and improve the inhabitants of 
earth. Quetzalcoatl — quetzal, a bird of plumage, and coatl, a 
serpent, or in one word, feathered-snake — is represented as a 
tall white man, broad of brow, with large, mild eyes, black 
hair, and a heavy beard. He wore garments reaching to his 
feet, over which was thrown a long white robe, decorated with 
crosses; on his head was a mitre, and in his right hand a 
sickle. From a volcano near Tulla, its name signifying 
'the mountain of outcry,' he gave laws to his people, sending 
first to its top a crier, whose voice could be heard a hundred 
leagues away. He taught them agriculture, metallurgy, 
stone-cutting, and the science of government. He also ar- 
ranged their calendar, or helped them to arrange it, and gave 



36 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOFLE. 

them fit religious ceremonies, preaching specially against 
human sacrifices, and ordering in their stead offerings of fruit 
and flowers. 

This was a veritable golden age, as in the time of Saturn; 
and men and animals lived in peace, the soil producing the 
richest harvests without cultivation. A single ear of corn 
was all that a man could carry; fruits of all kinds abounded; 
melons grew to the height of the human body; and the stalks 
of the wild amarinth were so large and thick that people 
climbed them like trees. Cotton was not cultivated or dyed, 
for it grew wild and of every color, and all things were in like 
manner perfect and abundant. The very birds in the trees 
sang such songs as have never yet been heard, and flashed 
such marvellous beauties in the sun as no plumage of later 
times could rival. The people were rich, without an excep- 
tion, and their ruler owned palaces of gold and silver and 
precious stones, of white and red shells, and rich feathers. 

But one day there appeared to Quetzalcoatl a personage 
disguised as an old man, who persuaded him to depart to his 
home in Tlalpalla, near the sea, and for this purpose in- 
duced him to accept a drink, which he said would endow 
him with immortality. It was Tezcatlicopa. And now this 
bright vision of happiness came to an end. No sooner had 
Quetzalcoatl tasted the drink than he was seized with an un- 
controllable desire to visit his native country. He destroyed 
all his palaces, transformed the fruit-trees into withered 
trunks, and bade the song-birds accompany him. Thus he 
departed, and during his journey the birds entertained him 
with their warbling. 

Travelling at first southward, through a portion of Ana- 
huac, he turned toward the east, and arrived at Cholula, 
where the inhabitants intrusted him with the government of 
their state, and the order of things which had prevailed at 
Tulla was for a time renewed. From Cholula his fame 
spread far and wide, temples being everywhere built in his 
honor, even by the enemies of the Cholulans. After sojourn- 



MYTHOLOGY AND TRADITION. 37 

ing here for twenty years, he proceeded toward Tlalpalla, 
until he reached a spot called the Hiding-nook of the Snakes, 
south of Vera Cruz. Thence he sent back four youths who 
had accompanied him from Cholula, promising to return 
later, resume his government, and restore the prosperity 
which had attended his coming. But Quetzalcoatl did not 
return. According to some accounts, he died in the Hiding- 
nook of the Snakes; according to others, he suddenly disap- 
peared toward the east, and a ship, formed of snakes wound 
together, brought him safely to Tlalpalla. Meanwhile the 
four youths were placed at the head of affairs, and even on 
the arrival of Cortes, a few centuries later, the Mexican 
nations were still awaiting his return, and for a time be- 
lieved their conqueror to be the feathered-snake deity, the 
god of the air and the winds. 

The fable of Quetzalcoatl contains many contradictions, of 
which I will mention only one. If, during his reign, every- 
thing grew spontaneously, without human labor, for what 
purpose did the god teach his people agriculture and other 
industries requiring application and hard work ? 

Huitzilopochtli, the Mexican god of war, was also a god of 
the air and of heaven, and the national deity of the Aztecs, as 
was Quetzalcoatl of the Toltecs. Translated into literal Eng- 
lish, the name means a humming-bird on the left side, from 
huitzlin^ a humming-bird, and opochtli, left, the final syllable 
being omitted in connecting Aztec words. The statues of this 
god frequently represented him as wearing the feathers of a 
humming-bird on his left foot, and in other respects the dec- 
oration was not inappropriate; for of all winged creatures, 
this bird is one of the most courageous, attacking others ten 
times its own size, flying into their eyes, and using its sharp 
bill as a weapon. 

Like Mars and Odin, the Mexican war-god held in his 
right hand a spear or bow, while in his left was sometimes a 
bundle of arrows, and sometimes a shield, in which were 
placed four darts, sent down to him from heaven, wherewith 



38 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

to perform heroic deeds. It is related that, perfect at his 
birth as sprang Minerva from the cranium of Jove, he rose up 
with a mighty war shout, and grasping his shield and spear, 
his face and arms barred with lines of blue, and plumes of 
green nodding terribly from his head, fell on his opponents, 
plundered their dwellings, and brought home the spoils. 
Hence he was also called Terror and the Frightful God. 




HtnrziLOPOCHTLi, God of Wab. 

Tlaloc, the god of water and rain, and the fertilizer of the> 
earth, is sometimes represented as sitting side by side with 
Huitzilopochtli in his great temple. According to tradition, 
his dwelling was where the clouds gather, upon the highest 
mountain tops, and his attributes were the thunder-bolt, the 
flash, and the thunder. Chalchihuitlicue, who resided in the 
storm clouds, was his companion goddess. It was also be- 
lieved that among the hills dwelt other gods, subordinate to 
Tlaloc, but all bearing his name, and revered, not only as 
gods of water, but also as gods of mountains. The prominent 
colors of the image of Tlaloc were azure and green, thus sym- 
bolizing the shades of water. 

Centeotl, centli, maize, known under many names and in 



MYTHOLOGY AND TRADITION. 39 

many different characters, was the goddess, or as some have 
it the god, of corn. She was held in special honor by the 
Totonacs, who inhabited the country east of the valley of 
Mexico. Among them she was the chief object of worship, 
and was greatly beloved because she did not require human 
sacrifices, but was content with flowers and fruits, bananas 
and maize, and small animals and birds, as rabbits, quails, 
and doves. Chicomecoatl, the goddess of provisions, both 
solid and fluid, and Cioacoatl, or Civacoatl, though the god- 
dess of adverse things, as poverty, toil, and sorrow, were 
among the divinities sometimes identified with Centeotl. 




Head of Goddess Centeotl. 

The Mexican god of fire was usually called Xiuhtecutli, 
though he had other names, which, translated literally, signi- 
fied ' yellow-faced,' ' flame of fire,' and ' ancient god.' He was 
believed by the people to be their father, and was regarded 
with feelings of mingled love and fear. Every year two festi- 
vals were celebrated in his honor, and on all occasions it was 
the custom at meals for each one to offer to him the first mor- 
sel of food, by throwing it into the fire. 

The hades of the Mexicans, or their place of departed spirits, 
was termed Mictlan, a word signifying either primarily or by 
an acquired meaning 'toward the north.' Here held sway a 
god best known as Mictlantecutli, and his spouse Mictlan- 
ciuatl. For the wicked there were supposed to be nine difier- 
ent places of abode, in the last of which their souls were 
annihilated, though it was believed that their only punish- 
ment was to be deprived of light. 



40 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

The mind of man shrinks by instinct from the thought of 
utter annihilation, and ever chngs to the hope of a future 
which shall be better than the present, though he may have 
no such assurance that he will enjoy that future as have the 
bee and the busy ant that they will enjoy the winter for 
which they prepare. But as man's ideal of supreme happi- 
ness depends on his culture, tastes, and condition in this life, 
we find among different people widely differing conceptions 
of the hereaftei. Thus the intellectual Greek looked forward 
to more varied and refined enjoyment in his elysium than did 
the viking or pirate chief of northern Europe, whose sole idea 




MlCTLAUTECUTLI, GoD OF HeLL. 

of heaven was that of a scene of continuous gluttony, wassail, 
and strife. 

In the heaven of the Mexicans were various degrees of 
happiness, and to each was appointed his place according to 
his rank and deserts in this life. The high-born warrior who 
fell gloriously in battle did not meet on equal terms with the 
base-born rustic who died ingloriously in his bed. Even in 
the House of the Sun, the most blissful abode of the brave, 
the ordinary vocations of life were not entirely dispensed with, 
and after their singing and dancing, the man took up his bow 
again and the woman her spindle. In the lower heavens there 
was little positive happiness, and those who had lived an 
obscure life and died a natural death followed their occupa- 
tions by twilight, or passed their time in a condition of torpor. 

Enough has now been said concerning the mythology of 



MYTHOLOGY AND TRADITION. 



41 



the Mexicans, though besides those which have been described 
there were other deities without number. There was a god 
of banquets and of guests, a god called 'the little negro/ 
who cured children of various complaints, a god of fishermen, 
a god of mat-makers, and there were gods whose names had 
no particular significance. Finally, there were household 
gods, resembling somewhat the penates of the Romans, of 
which the kings kept six in their houses, the nobles four, and 




Burial Vase, with Lid. 

others two. Whether these formed a special class of gods, or 
were merely smair images of more prominent idols, it is diffi- 
cult to decide. There were similar idols in the streets, at 
cross-roads, at fountains, and other places of traffic and 
resort. 

Mention has been made of human victims offered in sac- 
rifice; and there is no doubt that many thousands were 
slaughtered each year for this purpose. The numbers that 
were butchered it is impossible to ascertain; but according to 



42 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

some authorities, in the capital alone the annual sacrifices 
amounted to no less than twenty thousand. The victims 
were, for the most part, captives taken in war, and war was 
often made solely with a view to obtaining them. A large 
proportion, however, consisted of condemned criminals, of 
slaves, and even of children, bought or presented for the pur- 
pose. Moreover, persons sometimes offered themselves volun- 
tarily for the good of the people or for the honor of a god. 
The greater part of the victims died under the knife, but some 
were burned alive, and children were often buried alive or 
drowned, while we hear of criminals being crushed to death 
between stones. But the most cruel sacrifice of all, and yet 
the most common, was performed by tearing out the heart of 
a living human creature at the sacrificial stone. 




Sculpture on the SacrifigiaJj Stone. 



OOVERI^MENT AND ROYALTY. 43 



CHAPTER V. 
GOVERNMENT, ROYALTY, AND ROYAL PALACES. 

To define exactly the limits of the Aztec empire is difficult, 
for its boundaries were constantly changing as various tribes 
were brought under Mexican rule, or by successful revolt 
threw off the yoke. Not restricting it to its original seat in 
the valley of Mexico, nor including all the nations which, at 
one time or another, were compelled by the fortune of war to 
pay tribute, it may be said to have extended over the territory 
comprised in the present states of Mexico, southern Vera Cruz, 
and Guerrero. Of all the nations that occupied this territory, 
most of them, as I have said, were of one blood and language 
with their masters, and all possessed, in greater or less degree, 
the Nahua culture. Of many of the nations occupying the 
vast region of which the valley of Mexico is the centre, noth- 
ing is known except their names and their resemblance, near 
or remote, to the Aztecs. 

Soon after the opening of the sixteenth century, a desperate 
struggle was imminent, in which the Aztecs, pitted against 
all central Mexico, would have grasped the prize of imperial 
power, or been crushed by a coalition of many nations. It 
was at this juncture that Cortes appeared, and after aiding 
the foes of Montezuma to triumph, fastened on them in turn 
the shackles of European despotism. But before describing 
the Spanish conquest, I shall give some account of the gov- 
ernment and institutions of the Aztecs, their kings and their 
palaces, their nobles and their slaves, their festivals and 
amusements, their food and dress, their commerce, arts, and 
manufactures, touching also on some other topics which may 
serve to show what manner of people held sway in Anahuac 
before the advent of the Spaniard. 

First, then, as to government. Among the civilized nations 



44 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

of Mexico the prevailing form of government was monarchy, 
and as a rule absolute monarchy, though some of the smaller 
states, as Tlascala, were nominally republics. The eldest sur- 
viving brother of the deceased monarch was usually elected to 
the throne, and if there was no surviving brother, then the 
nephew, commencing with the eldest son of the first brother 
who had died. But this order was not strictly observed, for 
the electors, though limited in choice to one family, could set 
aside the claims of those whom they, considered incompetent 
to reign. In the early days of the Mexican dominion the 
king was elected by a vote of the people, who were guided, 
however, by their leaders, even the women appearing to have 
a voice in the matter. In later years the election of the mon- 
arch devolved upon four or five of the chief men of the empire. 

The authority vested in the person of the sovereign made 
necessary the utmost care in his selection. It was essential 
that the ruler of a people, surrounded by enemies and continu- 
ally bent on conquest, should be an approved and valiant 
warrior. Having the personal direction of the affairs of state, 
he must be a deep and subtle politician; while the superstition 
of the Aztecs required their ruler to be well versed in the 
tenets of their religion, and one who held the gods in rever- 
ence. It is also shown in the records of the nation that he 
was usually a man of culture and a patron of the arts and 
sciences. 

Although the king was ostensibly the supreme head of the 
state, he was expected, before deciding on any important step, 
to confer with his council, which was composed of the electors 
and other important personages. While the legislative power, 
or power of making laws, was entirely in his hands, the execu- 
tive power, or power of administering the laws, was intrusted to 
officials and courts of justice. As the empire grew in great- 
ness the royal power gradually increased, until, in the reign of 
Montezuma II., the authority of all tribunals was reduced to 
a dead letter if opposed to the will of the monarch. 

The pomp and circumstance which surrounded the Aztec 



GOVERNMENT AND ROYALTY. 45 

monarchs, and the splendor in which their lives were })assed, 
excited the wonder of their conquerors. From the moment of 
their coronation they lived in an atmosphere of adulation un- 
known to the mightiest potentate of the Old World. Rever- 
enced as a god, the haughtiest nobles, sovereigns in their own 
land, humbled themselves before him; absolute in power, the 
fate of thousands depended on a gesture of his hand. 

The ceremony of anointing, which preceded and was entirely 
apart from that of coronation, was an occasion of much dis- 
play. On the death of a sovereign his successor was imme- 
diately appointed, and the kings of Tezcuco and Tlacopan, 
together with the great feudatory lords, were invited to attend. 
When all were assembled, the procession set forth for the 
temple of Huitzilopochtli. At its head were the two mon- 
archs, surrounded by the most powerful nobles of the realm, 
bearing their ensigns and insignia of rank. Then came the 
king elect, unclad, except for the maxtli, or cloth about the 
loins, followed by the lesser nobles, after whom came the com- 
mon people. Silently the vast procession wended its way 
through the streets, no beat of drum nor shout of populace 
being heard above the tramp of the multitude. The road was 
as free from obstruction as a corridor in the royal palace, for 
all stood aloof with bended head and downcast eye while the 
solemn pageant passed on its way toward the shrine of the 
god of battles. 

Arriving at the temple, the king, and those among the pro- 
cession who had preceded him, ascended to its summit, Avhich 
was reached by a flight of more than a hundred steps, each 
one a foot in height, and so arranged that it was necessary to 
pass around the building several times before standing beneath 
its pinnacle. At a terrace on the top of the staircase the king 
was met by the high-priest and his colleagues, the people 
meanwhile remaining below. Here he first did obeisance to 
the god of war, by touching the earth with his hand and con- 
veying it to his mouth. The high-priest then anointed him 
with a certain black ointment, afterward sprinkling him with 



46 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

water which had been sanctified at the grand feast of Huitzi- 
lopochtli, using for this purpose branches of cedar and willow 
and leaves of maize, and at the same time addressing to him 
a few words of counsel. The monarch was then arrayed in a 
mantle, on which were wrought pictures of skulls and bones, to 
remind him probably that even kings are mortal. His head 
was covered with two vails of blue and black, and to his neck 
was tied a small gourd containing a powder which was con- 
sidered a charm against disease, sorcery, and treason. A cen- 
ser of live coals was placed in his right hand, and in his left 
a bag of copal, wherewith he offered incense to the war-god, 
falling on his knees amidst the cheers of the multitude and 
the strains of musical instruments. 

This ceremony ended, the high-priest again addressed him, 
somewhat as follows: "Consider well, sire, the great honor 
which your subjects have conferred upon you, and remember, 
now that you are king, that it is your duty to watch over your 
people with unfailing solicitude, to look upon them as your 
children, to preserve them from suffering, and to protect the 
weak from the oppression of the strong. Behold before you 
the chiefs of your kingdom, together with all your subjects, to 
whom you stand in the place of a parent, for it is you to 
whom they turn for protection. It is now your duty to com- 
mand and to govern; and especially is it your duty to bestow 
attention on all matters relating to war, to search out and 
punish criminals without regard to rank, to stamp out rebel- 
lion, and to chastise the seditious. Let not the cause of reli- 
gion decline during your reign; see that the temples are well 
cared for, and that there is ever an abundance of victims for 
sacrifice; so will you prosper in all your undertakings, and 
win the approval of the gods." The allied kings and nobles 
then addressed him in similar phrase, to which he responded 
with thanks, and promises to exert himself to the utmost for 
the welfare of the state. 

The speeches concluded, the procession descended the stair- 
case, reaching the ground in the same order in which it had 



GOVERNMENT AND ROYALTY. 47 

ascended. After receiving homage and gifts from the nobles, 
amid the acclaims of the people, the king was escorted to a 
temple named Tlacatecco, where, for four days, he remained 
in solitude, engaged in prayer and penance. At noon, and 
again at midnight, he bathed, and after each bath, drew 
blood from his ears, offering it, together with some burnt 
copal, to the god of war. On the fifth day he was conducted 
in state to the royal palace, and then followed great public 
rejoicings, with games and feasts, dances and illuminations. 

In order to prepare for the ceremony of coronation, it was 
necessary, as will be remembered, that the king should go to 
war and thus procure victims for sacrifice. The Aztecs were 
seldom without enemies on whom war might be made. Either 
some province of the kingdom had rebelled, or Mexican mer- 
chants had been unjustly put to death, or insult had been 
oflFered to the royal ambassadors, or, if none of these excuses 
were at hand, the importance of the occasion alone rendered 
war justifiable. Of the manner in which war was waged, and 
of the triumphal return of the victorious army, I have spoken 
elsewhere in my narrative. 

At the coronation, the diadem was placed on the monarch's 
head by the king of Tezcuco. The crown, which was called 
by the Mexicans copill% was in the shape of a small mitre, 
the fore part standing erect and terminating in a point, while 
the hinder portion hung down over the neck. It was com- 
posed of various materials, according to the pleasure of the 
wearer, being sometimes of thin plates of gold, and sometimes 
of golden threads woven together and adorned with beautiful 
feathers. 

As to the ceremonies attending the coronation there are no 
reliable accounts, though all authorities agree that they were 
of unparalleled splendor. The king entertained at his palace 
all the great nobles of the realm; honors were conferred with 
lavish hand, and gifts in profusion were presented and 
accepted by the monarch. There were royal banquets, in 
which all the nobility of the kingdom participated, and the 



48 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

lower classes were feasted and entertained with the utmost 
liberality. The Aztecs were no less fond of public festivals 
and games than were the Romans in the days of the Caesars, 
and in no way could a sovereign better secure a place in the 
affections of his subjects than by inaugurating his reign with 
a series of splendid entertainments. 

The principal palace in the city of Mexico consisted of an 
irregular pile of low buildings, of vast extent, and constructed 
of huge blocks of porous stone, cemented with mortar. The 
buildings were so arranged that they enclosed three great 
plazas, or public squares, in one of which a fountain was in- 
cessantly playing. Twenty large doors opened on the squares 
and on the streets, over them being sculptured the coat of 
arms of the kings of Mexico, — an eagle grasping in his talons 
a jaguar. In the interior were halls of an immense size, and 
it is said that one of them was large enough to contain 3,000 
persons; while on the terrace that formed its roof thirty men 
on horseback could be drilled in the spear exercise. Splendid 
suites of apartments were retained for the kings of Tezcuco and 
Tlacopan with their followers, and for the ministers and coun- 
sellors, the great lords and their suites, who constantly resided 
at the capital. There were also more than a hundred smaller 
rooms, and the same number of marble baths, and there were 
chambers for the private attendants of the king, whose name 
was legion. In the vicinity of the palace buildings, or form- 
ing part of them, were the armory, the granaries, storehouses, 
menageries, and aviaries. 

Many of the walls and floors were faced with polished slabs 
of marble, porphyry, jasper, obsidian, and white tecali, a stone 
resembling alabaster. Lofty columns of the same material 
supported balconies and porticos, of which every corner was 
filled with wondrous carvings or grotesquely sculptured heads. 
The beams and casings were of cedar, cypress, and other valu- 
able woods, profusely carved and put together without nails. 
The roofs of the palace buildings formed a suite of terraces, 
from which was obtained a magnificent view of the entire city. 



GOVERNMENT AND ROYALTY. 49 

Mats, curiously wrought and of exquisite finish, were spread 
over the marble floors, and the tapestry which draped the 
walls and the curtains that hung before the windows were of a 
fabric remarkable for its delicate texture, elegant designs, and 
brilliant colors. Throughout the halls and corridors, a thou- 
sand golden censers, in which burned precious spices and per- 
fumes, diffused a subtile odor. 

The palace of the king of Tezcuco surpassed in many re- 
spects even that of the Montezumas. Forming a collection of 
buildings which contained not only the royal residence, but 
also the public offices and courts of law, it extended from east 
to west 1,235 yards, and from north to south 978 yards. 
Around it was a wall strongly cemented and built on a foun- 
dation of hard mortar, three times the height of a man's stat- 
ure on the southern and eastern sides, and five times that 
height on the north and west. Around the inner court-yard 
were the halls of justice, and in its centre was a tennis-ground; 
on the west side were the apartments of the king, all admi- 
rably arranged, and more than 300 in number. Here also 
were storehouses for tribute, and splendid suites of apart- 
ments reserved for the kings of Mexico and Tlacopan, opening 
into the royal pleasure-gardens, where there were walks artis- 
tically laid out among the dark foliage, sparkling fountains, 
and shady groves of cedar and cypress, ponds well stocked 
with fish, extensive menageries, and aviaries filled with birds 
of every hue and species. 

The city of Mexico, however, contained the largest collec- 
tion of birds and animals, the Aztec kings, and especially 
Montezuma II., taking special pleasure in their aviaries and 
menageries. For this purpose the latter monarch caused to 
be erected in the capital an immense edifice, surrounded 
with extensive gardens, one portion of it consisting of a 
large open court, paved with stones of different colors, and 
divided into several compartments, in which were kept wild 
beasts, reptiles, and birds of prey. The larger animals were 
confined in low wooden cages, made of massive beams, and 
4 



50 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

the birds of prey were distributed, according to their species, 
in subterranean chambers. Half of each chamber was roofed 
with slabs of stone, under which were perches where they 
might sleep and be protected from the rain, the other half 
being covered only with a wooden grating, which admitted air 
and light. So vast was their number that 500 turkeys were 
killed each day to supply them with food. Serpents were 
confined in long cages or vessels, large enough to permit free- 
dom of motion, and alligators were kept in ponds, walled 
around to prevent their escape. 

In another part of the building was an immense hall which 
served as an aviary, in which were gathered specimens of all 
winged creatures found in the empire, apart from birds of 
prey. They were of infinite variety and splendid plumage, 
many specimens being so difiicult to obtain that their feathers 
brought fabulous prices in the markets of Mexico. Those 
which, on account of their extreme rarity, or the fact that 
they died under confinement, did not appear in the royal 
aviary, were represented by images skilfully wrought in gold 
and silver. 

Marble galleries, supported by pillars of jasper, surrounded 
the entire building, and looked out upon a large garden in 
which were groves of rare trees, fountains, and choice shrub- 
bery and flowers. But the most prominent feature in the gar- 
den was the large ponds constructed for the reception of water 
fowls, some of them being filled with fresh and some with 
salt water, which was drained off" and renewed when it began 
to grow stagnant. Each pond was surrounded with a tessel- 
lated marble pavement, and shaded with groups of trees; and 
here Montezuma is said to have passed much of his time, 
musing on the affairs of state, or diverting his mind while 
seated in the shade, amid the plashing of fountains and the 
odor of flowers. 

In addition to their city palaces, the Aztec monarchs had 
many splendid country residences, besides large tracts of terri- 
tory set apart as royal hunting-grounds. The principal villa 



GOVERNMENT AND ROYALTY. 51 

of Montezuma II., and the only one of which any traces re- 
main, stood on the hill of Chapultepec, in a westerly direction 
from the capital. At the date of which we are speaking, — 
that is, early in the sixteenth century, — the lake of Tezcuco 
washed the base of the hill, round which the royal grounds 
stretched for miles in every direction. The gardens were laid 
out in terraces which wound along the hillside amid dense 
groves of pepper-trees, myrtles, and cypresses, innumerable 
fountains, and artificial cascades. Little of the ancient glory 
of either palace or gardens remain, except the groves of gigan- 
tic cypresses, the natural beauty of the foliage that clothes 
the hill, and the magnificent view to be obtained from the 
summit. 

If we can believe tradition, the Toltec sovereigns erected 
palaces no less magnificent than those of their Aztec succes- 
sors. The sacred palace of Quetzalcoatl contained four prin- 
cipal halls, facing the four cardinal points. The one on the 
east was termed the Hall of Gold, being ornamented with 
plates of that metal, delicately chased and finished. The 
apartment lying toward the west was named the Hall of 
Emeralds and Turquoises, and its walls were profusely 
adorned with all kinds of precious stones. The hall facing 
the south was decorated with plates of silver and with bril- 
liant colored sea-shells, fitted together with remarkable skill. 
The fourth hall, which was on the north, was enclosed with 
walls of red jasper, covered with carvings and ornamented 
with shells. Another of these palaces or temples — for it is 
not clear which they were^ — -had also four principal halls, 
decorated entirely with feather-work tapestry, in yellow and 
blue and white and red. 

The number of attendants attached to the royal houses was 
very great. Every day, from sunrise until sunset, the ante- 
chambers of Montezuma's residence in the capital were 
thronged with nobles, who discussed in low tones the topics 
of the day, for it was considered disrespectful to speak loudly 
within the walls of the palace. They took their meals from 



52 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

the dishes provided for the royal table, as did. after them, 
their own servants, of whom each one was entitled to a certain 
number according to his rank. These retainers filled several 
of the outer courts during the day, numbering in all some two 
or three thousand. 

The king took his meals alone, in one of the largest halls of 
the palace. In cold weather a fire was kindled of charcoal, 
made of the bark of trees, which emitted no smoke, but gave 
forth a delicious perfume; and to protect him from the heat, a 
screen, ornamented with gold, and carved with figures of idols, 
was placed between his person and the fire. He was seated 
on a low leathern cushion, covered with soft skins, and his 
table, which was of a similar description though larger and 
higher, was covered with white cloths of the finest texture. 
The dinner service was of the finest wares of Cholulu, and 
many of the goblets were of gold and silver, or of beautiful 
shells. The viands included all descriptions of fish, flesh, and 
fowl that could be procured in the empire or imported from 
beyond it. Relays of couriers were employed in bringing del- 
icacies from afar; and it is said that the royal table was every 
day supplied with fish brought from the sea-coast, more than 
fifty leagues distant. 

There were skilful cooks among the Aztecs, and in prepar- 
ing the royal banquets there was almost as much variety in 
the cooking as in the materials used. Meats, fish, and poul- 
try, roasted, stewed, and boiled, were served up in every style, 
and among them were many curious messes, such as frog 
spawn and stewed ants seasoned with chile. But strangest of 
all the compounds that made up the royal carte was one 
highly seasoned dish, so carefully prepared that its principal 
ingredient was completely disguised, that ingredient being 
human flesh. 

Bread of many varieties, all more or less resembling the 
modern tortilla, or unleavened cake of maize, and tamales of 
various descriptions, — -the tamale being a compound of meat, 
vegetables, herbs, and lard coated with maize dough and 



GOVERNMENT AND ROYALTY. 53 

wrapped in a corn husk, — formed a portion of each repast. 
As to the quantities of food prepared for these meals, authori- 
ties differ; but it must have been enormous; for the lowest 
estimate places the number of dishes at 300 and the highest 
at 3,000. They were brought into the hall by pages of noble 
birth, who placed their burdens upon the matted floor and 
retired noiselessly. The monarch then pointed out the viands 
of which he desired to partake, or left the selection to his 
steward, who alone was privileged to place them upon his 
table. 

Everything being in readiness, a number of beautiful women 
entered, bearing water in round vessels, in which the king 
might wash his hands, and towels wherewith to dry them. 
At the same time two other women brought him small loaves 
of bread made of the finest maize flour beaten up with eggs. 
This done, a wooden screen, carved and gilt, was placed before 
him, that none might see him eat except the five or six aged 
lords, who on these occasions stood in the presence of royalty, 
barefooted and with bowed heads. To these, as a special 
mark of favor, the monarch occasionally sent a choice morsel 
from his own plate. 

During his meal the king sometimes amused himself with 
watching the performances of his jugglers and tumblers, and 
at other times there was dancing, accompanied with singing 
and music. There were always present dwarfs and profes- 
sional jesters, who were allowed to speak, — a liberty denied to 
all others under penalty of death, — and, as one of the privi- 
leges of their calling, to tell sharp truths in guise of jests. 

The more solid food was followed by pastry, sweetmeats, 
and a variety of fruits. The only beverage served at the 
meal was chocolate, which was taken with a spoon finely 
wrought of gold or shell from a goblet of the same material. 
His repast concluded, the king again washed his hands in 
water brought to him as before, and then, after inhaling from a 
gilt and painted pipe the smoke of a mixture of liquid amber 
and tobacco, he took his siesta. 



54 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

The after-dinner hours Montezuma devoted to affairs of 
state, giving audience to foreign ambassadors, to deputa- 
tions from various portions of his empire, and to such of his 
lords and nobles as had business to transact with him. Be- 
fore entering the presence-chamber, all except those of royal 
blood were required to leave their sandals at the door, to 
cover their rich dresses with a large coarse mantle, and to 
approach the monarch barefooted and with downcast eyes, 
for the subject who should dare to look the sovereign in the 
face was surely put to death. The king usually made an- 
swer through his secretaries, or, when he deigned to reply 
directly, spoke in a tone of voice almost inaudible. Neverthe- 
less he listened attentively to all that was said to him, and 
encouraged those who, from diffidence or embarrassment, 
found difficulty in speaking, each one, when dismissed, retir- 
ing with his face toward the royal throne. 

The business of the day thus concluded, the monarch again 
gave himself up to pleasure, passing his time in familiar badi- 
nage with his jesters, in listening to ballad-singers, who sang 
of war and the glorious deeds of his ancestors, or in watching 
the feats of strength and sleight of hand of his acrobats and 
jugglers. Thrice each day he changed his dress, and a gar- 
ment once worn was never used again. 

The Aztec monarchs seldom appeared in state among their 
people, though we are told that they would sometimes go 
forth in disguise to see that none of the religious ceremonies 
were omitted, to ascertain whether the laws were observed, 
and probably to learn the true state of public opinion with 
regard to themselves. When they did appear, however, the 
parade was in keeping with their other observances. On 
these occasions the king was seated in a magnificent litter, 
covered with a canopy of feather-work, adorned with gold and 
precious stones, and borne on the shoulders of four noblemen. 
He was attended by a vast multitude of courtiers, who walked 
in silence and with downcast eyes, the procession being headed 
by an official carrying three wands, whose duty it was to give 
warning of his approach. 



GOVERNMENT AND ROYALTY. 55 

In addition to the host of retainers already mentioned, 
there were innumerable servants and officials attached to the 
royal household, such as butlers, stewards, and cooks, treas- 
urers, secretaries, scribes, military officers, superintendents of 
the royal granaries and arsenals, and those employed under 
them. Numbers of artisans were constantly engaged in re- 
pairing old buildings and erecting new ones, and a small 
army of jewellers and workers in precious metals was main- 
tained permanently at the palace, for the purpose of supplying 
the king and court with their costly ornaments. The enor- 
mous expense of supporting the monarch's household was 
defrayed by the people, who, as will presently appear, were 
sorely oppressed by over-taxation. The entire management 
was intrusted to a head steward, who, with the help of his 
secretaries, kept minute hieroglyphic records of the royal rev- 
enue, and it is said that, at the time of the conquest, one of 
the palace apartments was filled with these records. 

Thus did the Aztec sovereigns live, their policy toward 
their subjects being to secure obedience by exciting awe and 
dread, rather than by inspiring love and reverence. To this 
end they kept the people at a distance, by surrounding them- 
selves with an impassable barrier of pomp and courtly eti- 
quette, and enforced submission by enacting laws that made 
death the penalty of the most trivial offenses. There was 
little in common between the monarchs and their people, as 
is ever the case between a despot and his vassals. The good 
that they wrought by their liberality and love of justice, and 
the victories which they achieved by their courage and gen- 
eralship, doubtless won the approbation of the masses. On 
the other hand, their pride and arrogance, the heavy burdens 
of taxation which they imposed, and their excessive severity 
in inflicting punishments engendered debasing fears. If, as 
the chroniclers relate, the Aztecs were trained to look upon 
their king as a father, they must have regarded him as a 
stern father indeed. 



56 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



CHAPTER VI. 

NOBLES MiT) SLAVES. 

The Mexican nobility, in common with that of other Nahua 
nations, was divided into several classes, each having its own 
privileges and badges of rank. The titles, however, and the 
distinctions that existed between the various grades, are not 
in every instance clearly defined. The one named Tlatoani, 
signifying an absolute and sovereign power, was the most re- 
spected, and to this order belonged the kings, and the great 
feudatory lords, the latter being governors of provinces, and of 
princely descent. This title was always hereditary, but many 
of the others were conferred only for life, as a reward for mili- 
tary or other services. 

According to some accounts, there were, in the realms of 
Montezuma, thirty great lords, each of whom controlled a 
hundred thousand vassals, and three thousand other lords, 
who were also very powerful. If all these nobles, possessed 
as they were of so much influence, had been permitted to live 
on their estates, they would have been a constant source of 
peril to the crown. To guard against this danger, the princi- 
pal lords were required to reside at the capital during the 
greater part of the year, and permission to return to their 
homes, even for a brief visit, could only be obtained on condi- 
tion that a son or brother remained at court as a guaranty of 
good faith. 

Army officers of high rank were included among the privi- 
leged classes; usually, indeed, they were of noble birth, and 
during the reign of Montezuma II. this was always the case. 
There were several military orders and titles which were be- 
stowed as a reward for gallantry, one of them — the knightly 
order of the Tecuhtli — being restricted to the nobility. To ob- 
tain this rank, it was necessary, besides being of noble birth, 



NOBLES AND SLAVES. 57 

to have given proof of the highest courage, and to have suffi- 
cient wealth to defray the enormous expenses attached to it. 

For three years before he was admitted, the candidate and 
his parents busied themselves in making ready for the cere- 
mony, and in collecting rich garments, jewels, and golden 
ornaments, as presents for the guests. When the time ap- 
proached, the omens were consulted, and an auspicious day 
being selected, his relatives and friends, and a number of 
great -nobles and tecuhtlis were invited to a sumptuous ban- 
quet. On the morning of this all-important day, the company 
set forth in a body for the temple of Camaxtli, the Tlascaltec 
god of war, followed by a multitude of curious spectators, 
mainly of the lower orders. Arriving at the summit of the 
pyramid consecrated to the war-god, the aspirant to knightly 
honors bowed down reverently before his altar. The high- 
priest then approached him, and with a tiger's bone or an 
eagle's claw, perforated the cartilage of his nose in two places, 
inserting pieces of jet or obsidian, which remained until' the 
year of his probation was passed, and were then replaced with 
golden beads and precious stones. This operation signified 
that he who aspired to the dignity of a tecuhtli must be swift 
to overtake an enemy as the eagle, and fierce in battle as the 
tiger. 

Speaking in a loud voice, the high-priest now begins to heap 
insults upon the candidate, who makes no answer, but stands 
meekly before him. His voice grows louder and louder; he 
brandishes his arms aloft, and works himself into a fury. 
The assistant priests gather close around the object of the 
pontifi''s wrath; they jostle him; they point their fingers 
sneeringly at him, and call him coward. For a moment the 
dark eyes of the victim gleam savagely; his hands close invol- 
untarily; he is about to spring upon his tormentors; but with 
an effort he calms himself, and remains passive as ever. That 
look maKes the priests draw back, but only for an instant; 
they are upon him again, for they know that he is strong to 
endure, and they will prove him to the uttermost. Screaming 



58 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

vile epithets in his ears, they tear the garments piece by piece 
from his body, until nothing but the maxtli is left, and the 
man stands bruised and almost naked in their midst. All is 
useless, however; their victim is immovable, and at length he 
is left in peace. 

The candidate has now passed safely through his most try- 
ing ordeal, but that fierce look was a narrow escape. Had he 
lifted only a finger in resistance, he must have gone down 
from the temple, to be scorned and jeered at by the crowd 
below as one who had aspired to the dignity of a tecuhtli, and 
yet could restrain his temper no better than a woman. All 
the long months of preparation would have been in vain; his 
parents would have wept for vexation and shame, and per- 
chance he would even have been punished for sacrilege. 

But he is by no means yet a member of the coveted order. 
He is now conducted to a hall in the temple, where he com- 
mences his novitiate, or period of probation, with four days of 
penance, prayer, and fasting. During this time his powers of 
endurance are sorely taxed. The only furniture allowed him 
are a mat and a low stool, and his garments are of the coarsest 
description. At nightfall a priest brings to him a black oint- 
ment wherewith to besmear his face, a few spines of the 
maguey plant with which to draw blood from his body, a cen- 
ser, and some incense. His sole companions are three veteran 
warriors, who instruct him in his duties and keep him awake, 
for during the four days he must only sleep a few minutes at 
a time. If, overcome with drowsiness, he should exceed the 
limit, his guardians thrust the maguey thorns into his flesh, 
crying: "Awake, awake! Learn to be vigilant and watchful; 
keep your eyes open, that you may look to the interests of 
your vassals.' 

At midnight the candidate burns incense before the war- 
god, and draws blood from various parts of his body. He 
then walks round the temple, and on his way burns paper 
and copal at the four sides of the building facing the cardinal 
points, letting fall upon each offering a few drops of his own 



NOBLES AND SLAVES. 59 

blood. Once only in twenty-four hours lie breaks his fast, 
and then the food, which is taken at midnight, consists only 
of four small dumplings of maize meal, each about the size of 
a walnut, and a little water. Even this he leaves untasted, 
if he wishes to display extraordinary powers of endurance. 
The four days elapsed, he obtains permission from the high- 
priest to complete his time of probation at some temple in his 
own city or district. 

For two or three months before his formal admission into 
the order, the relatives of the candidate make ready for the 
coming ceremony. A grand display is rhade of the rich at- 
tire and costly jewels prepared for him; presents, without 
stint, are provided for the guests; a second banquet is made 
ready, and the entire house is decorated for the occasion. On 
the day appointed, the company assemble as before, and with 
music and dancing, the knight is borne toward the shrine of 
Camaxtli. Accompanied by his brother tecuhtlis, he ascends 
the steps of the temple, and respectfully salutes the idol. 
The coarse garments are then removed, and his hair is bound 
in a knot with a red cord, to the ends of which are appended 
some feathers of brilliant plumage. He is now arrayed in a 
garb of rich material, including a tunic, adorned with a deli- 
cately embroidered device, — the badge of his newly acquired 
rank. In his right hand are placed some arrows, and in his 
left a bow. 

The ceremony is completed by the high-priest, who instructs 
him in his duties; tells him the names which he is to add to 
his own as a member of the order; describes to him the signs 
and devices which he must emblazon on his escutcheon; 
and exhorts him to be liberal and just, to love his country 
and his gods. The knight then descends into the court of the 
temple, and music and dancing are resumed until it is time 
for the banquet to commence. To the guests, at least, this 
was the most interesting feature of the day; for in front of 
each one were placed the presents intended for him, consisting 
of costly wares and ornaments, in such profusion that two 



60 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

slaves could with difficulty carry a single portion. On the 
following day the servants and followers of the guests were 
feasted and presented with gifts, according to the means and 
liberality of the donor. 

The privileges of the tecuhtlis were important and numer- 
ous. In council their votes outweighed all others, and at 
feasts and ceremonies, in peace or in war, they always re- 
ceived the preference. The vast outlay needed to obtain this 
title debarred many who were really worthy of the distinction. 
In some instances, however, when a noble had won renown in 
war, but had not the means to pay for his initiation, the ex- 
penses were borne by the order, or by the governor of his 
province. 

The priesthood filled a very important place among the 
privileged classes, its members exercising a powerful influence 
both in public and private affairs. To be fitted for an ecclesi- 
astical career, the ministers of the various temples must be 
graduates of the colleges in which they had been trained 
from infancy, and though the dignities of their order were 
conferred by vote, those of noble birth, obtained almost inva- 
riably the highest honors. 

It was the duty of the priests to attend to all matters per- 
taining to religion and education. Some took charge of the 
sacrifices, and some were skilled in the art of divination, or 
foretelling future events. Certain of them were intrusted 
with the arrangement of the festivals, and the care of the 
temples and sacred vessels; others busied themselves with the 
composition of hymns and attended to the singing and music. 
Those who were learned in science superintended the schools 
and colleges, regulated the calendar, and appointed the feast- 
days; those who possessed literary talent compiled the histor- 
ical works and collected material for the libraries. 

In the earlier years of the Aztec dynasty the lower orders 
of free citizens appear to have been an important factor in 
the body politic. They were represented in the royal council; 
many held office at court, and the wishes of all were consulted 



NOBLES AND SLAVES. 61 

in the affairs of moment. Gradually, however, their privileges 
were curtailed, until, in the reign of Montezuma II., they were 
deprived of all positions that were not absolutely menial, and 
driven from the palace. 

Slavery was recognized by law and usage throughout the 
entire country inhabited by the Nahua nations. There were 
in ancient Mexico three classes of slaves, — prisoners of war, 
criminals, and those who sold themselves or their children 
into slavery. He who captured a prisoner of war had an 
undisputed right to present him as a sacrifice to the gods, and 
of this right he seldom failed to take advantage. Slaves were 
offered for sale in the public market-place of every town, but 
the principal slave-mart in the Mexican empire seems to have 
been in the town of Azcapuzalco, distant some three leagues 
from the capital. 

Parents could sell a son into slavery, but were allowed to 
release him on surrendering another son to serve in his stead. 
When a family became entirely destitute, a child was sold to 
some noble, and if he died or was disabled, his place must be 
filled by a member of the same family. About the year 1505, 
however, this being a season of famine, the king of Tezcuco, 
foreseeing the evils that this system would entail if the 
scarcity of food continued, declared all families exempt from 
such obligations, and it is recorded that Montezuma II. soon 
afterward followed his example. 

In Mexico slavery consisted merely of an obligation to ren- 
der personal service, and bondmen were permitted greater 
privileges than was the case in the Old World. They were 
allowed a certain amount of time in which to labor for their 
own advantage; they could acquire and hold property, includ- 
ing other slaves to serve them; they could marry, and their 
children were invariably free. Those who had served long 
and faithfully were often intrusted with the care of their 
owner's household and property; and on the other hand, if, 
through misfortune, the master should become poor, his bond- 
men cheerfully labored for his support. 



62 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

The average price of a slave was twenty mantles, or the 
equivalent of one load of cotton cloth; some were worth less, 
while others brought as many as forty mantles. Except on 
account of bad conduct, none could be sold without their own 
consent, unless their master could prove that poverty or debt 
made the sale unavoidable; nor could such faults as laziness, 
disobedience, or even attempt to escape be punished without 
due warning. If the slave continued refractory, a wooden 
collar was placed round his neck, and his owner was allowed 
to transfer him against his will. The purchaser of a slave 
wearing the collar invariably inquired how many times he 
had been so disposed of before; and if, after being transferred 
two or three times, he remained incorrigible, then he might be 
sold for the sacrifice. 




Tebra-Cotta Image — Zachila, Oajaca. 



LAND TENURE, TAXATION, AND LAWS. 63 



CHAPTER VII. 
LAND TENURE, TAXATION, AND LAWS. 

Lands were divided between the crown and the nobles, the 
various tribes or clans of the people, and the temples, the 
greater portion being appropriated by the king and the aris- 
tocracy. All landed property was surveyed, and all estates 
were traced out on maps or paintings, which were kept on file 
by an officer appointed for each district. The crown lands 
were painted in purple, those of the nobility in scarlet, and 
those of the calpullis, or wards, in light yellow. Certain por- 
tions of the crown property, called ' lands of the palace,' were 
granted to nobles of the rank of tecuhtli, who were called 
■ people of the palace,' and had the free use and enjoyment 
of such lands, certain services being required in return. 

The eldest son usually inherited his father's estate, but if 
he was judged incapable of taking care of it, the property 
might be bequeathed to his brother, the heir being required to 
insure a competency to him whom he had supplanted. In 
Tlascala daughters could not inherit an estate, the object 
being to prevent landed property from passing by marriage 
into the hands of strangers. 

- The wards were of greater or less extent, according to the 
partition which had been made by the first settlers in Ana- 
huac. The owners were all members of the same clan or 
tribe, and their lands were the common property of the com- 
munity, the members of which held or leased their portion 
only so long as it was cultivated and improved, and had no 
right to dispose of it. 

Every temple, whether great or insignificant, had its own 
lands and country estates, the produce of which was applied to 
the support of the priests and of public worship, the tenants 
being regarded as vassals. The high-priests, who on temple 



64 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

lands exercised a power similar to that of the royal gover- 
nors, frequently visited these estates for the purpose of inspect- 
ing their condition and administering justice to those who 
occupied them. 

The people of Anahuac and of the surrounding countries 
paid tribute to the crown and to the temples, either with per- 
sonal service or with labor and its products. In the kingdom 
of Tezcuco, twenty-nine cities provided everything that was 
needed for the monarch's household, and were otherwise ex- 
empt from taxation, fourteen of these cities making provision 
during one half of the year, and fifteen during the remainder. 
They also furnished laborers and artisans, as water-carriers, 
gardeners, and tillers of the soil. Manufacturers paid their 
taxes with the fabrics produced by their industry, and mer- 
chants with the articles in which they traded. Taxes paid 
in fruit and grain were collected immediately after harvest; 
other tributes at various seasons of the year, and in each town 
there was a magazine for storing the revenues, from which 
supplies were drawn as required. In the Mexican empire 
there were in all about 370 tributary towns, some of which 
paid their taxes every fourth day and some every twentieth 
day, while others contributed only once in six months or once 
in a year. 

In addition to the taxes levied upon individuals, each town 
contributed a large number of cotton garments, a certain 
quantity of breadstuffs and feathers, and such other articles 
as were produced in the province in which it was situated. 
Mazatlan, for instance, and other towns on the Pacific coast 
paid, besides the cotton garments, 4,000 bundles of choice 
feathers, 200 sacks of cacao, 40 tiger skins, and 160 birds of 
a certain species. Michapan and other places on the Mexican 
gulf contributed, besides cotton garments, cacao, and gold, 
24,000 bundles of feathers of various qualities and colors, six 
necklaces, two of which were of the finest emerald, twenty 
ear-rings of amber set in gold, 100 jars of liquid amber, and 
16,000 loads of india-rubber. As the Saxon king imposed a 



LAND TENURE, TAXATION, AND LAWS, 65 

tax of wolves' heads upon his subjects for the purpose of rid- 
ding his kingdom of these ravenous animals, so did the Mexi- 
can monarchs require from those who were too poor to pay the 
regular taxes a certain quantity of the carcasses of snakes, 
scorpions, centipedes, and other obnoxious creatures. 

The rate of taxation varied from thirty to thirty-three per 
cent of all that was produced; but during the reign of Monte- 
zuma II. it was increased so enormously that his people were 
sorely oppressed. The bulk of the immense wealth which fell 
into the hands of the conquerors was the result of this excess- 
ive taxation, and the main cause of the alienation of the peo- 
ple from their sovereign, whereby alone the conquest became 
a possible achievement. A large portion of the tribute was ex- 
pended in supporting the army, public employes, the poor and 
destitute, and in providing food for the people in times of 
famine; but almost as large a portion was appropriated by the 
king for his own use. Thus he undid the work of his fathers, 
caring only for his own glory. 

In the capital and in each of the principal cities of the em- 
pire there was a supreme judge, who was considered second 
only to the king in rank and authority, and by whom the in- 
ferior judges were appointed. He held oflBce for life, and in 
addition to his judicial and other duties, had charge of the 
royal revenues. A lower court, presided over by three judges, 
was supreme in civil matters, and in each ward of the city 
was a magistrate elected by the inhabitants, whose duties 
were similar to those of a justice of the peace. Besides the 
various tribunals for the administration of justice, there were 
others of a special nature, as military courts, exchequer courts, 
and courts of divorce. 

At sunrise, or as some say at daybreak, the judges took 
their places, seated on mats, and usually on an elevated plat- 
form. Here they administered justice until noon, when they 
partook of a meal supplied from the royal kitchen. When 
this was finished, business was resumed after a brief interval 
of rest, and continued during the greater part of the afternoon. 
5 



66 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

Every day in the year the courts were in session, except 
during solemn festivities or public sacrifices, and punctuality 
on the part of the judges was rigidly enforced, he who ab- 
sented himself without good cause being severely punished. 

The Aztecs had various methods for punishing crime, 
though offenders were seldom punished by imprisonment. 
That they had prisons, and very cruel ones, there is no doubt; 
but they appear to have been used mainly for the safe-keep- 
ing of prisoners before trial, or between trial and execution. 
The cells were made like cages, and jails were so constructed 
as to admit but little light or air. The food and ventilation 
were so poor and scanty that the prisoners soon became lean 
and yellow, and began to suffer, while in durance, the death 
to which most of them were condemned. 

Like most semi-barbarous nations, the Aztecs were more 
apt to punish crime than to reward virtue. The greater part 
of their code might, like Draco's, have been written in blood, — 
so severe were the punishments inflicted for crimes that were 
comparatively slight, and so brutal and bloody the modes of 
carrying those penalties into execution. 

Theft was visited with various degrees of punishment, 
though not depending on the magnitude of the crime. Thus 
he who stole a certain number of ears of corn was put to 
death, while he who stole from a temple was enslaved for the 
first offence and hanged for the second. For thefts of large 
amount death was the almost invariable penalty, the criminal 
being usually hanged, after being dragged through the streets, 
though some were stoned to death. He who committed high- 
way robbery was executed by beating in his skull with a club; 
he who was caught in the act of pilfering in the market-place 
was beaten with sticks by the assembled multitude until he 
died. The latter was considered a most heinous offence; but 
nevertheless is said to have been so common that if a market- 
woman merely turned away her head her stall would be 
robbed in an instant. 

The murderer suffered death, even though he should be a 



LAND TENURE, TAXATION, AND LAWS. 



67 



noble and his victim only a slave. Traitors, conspirators, and 
those who stirred up sedition among the people were broken 
to pieces at the joints; their houses were razed to the ground, 
their property confiscated, and their children and nearest rela- 
tives enslaved, to the fourth generation. In Tezcuco, he who 
kidnapped and sold into slavery a child was hanged; in 
Mexico, a criminal of this class was himself sold into slavery, 
and of the proceeds of the sale one half was given to the 
stolen child. 




Sculptured Granite Block — Mapilca, Vera Cruz. 



68 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



CHAPTER VIII. 
INDUSTRIES, AND COMMERCE. 

Throughout the long years during which the Aztecs lived 
on the islands in the lake of Mexico, or Tezcuco, they had 
little space for raising crops of any description. During this 
period the fish, birds, insects, plants, and even the mud of the 
lake were used for food, until floating gardens were invented, 
and their conquests on the mainland gave them broader fields 
for tillage. 

The idea of constructing floating gardens was suggested by 
observing that portions of earth, detached from the shore and 
held together by fibrous roots, floated on the surface of the 
lake. Building rafts of light wood, about a hundred feet in 
length, they covered them with rushes, reeds, and sticks, and 
on this foundation laid two or three feet of black mud taken 
from the bottom of the lake. When hardened by the sun, the 
rich soil thus obtained was sufiicient to raise most of the agri- 
cultural products of the country, especially maize, chile, and 
beans, while even fruit and shade trees grew to a considerable 
size. Soon the broad surface around their island homes was 
dotted with fertile gardens, self-irrigating, independent of the 
rains, and easily moved from place to place at the will of the 
proprietor. The floating gardens remained in use until mod- 
ern times; but after the waters of the lake receded from their 
former limits, they were usually made fast to the shore, 
though separated by a narrow space, across which their 
produce was conveyed in canoes. 

When the Nahuas had gained a foothold on the mainland, 
few fertile spots throughout their territory remained unculti- 
vated; for agriculture was deemed an honorable pursuit, and 
all except the kings and nobles were more or less engaged in 
it. Each province, however, raised only enough for its own 



INDUSTRIES AND COMMERCE. 69 

consumption, and when by reason of drought a famine oc- 
curred, there was great difficulty in obtaining food from 
abroad. 

The chief agricultural products among the Nahuas, apart 
from maize, beans, and chile, the first of which formed the 
staple food of the Aztecs, were the maguey, a species of aloe 
from which was prepared a spirituous liquor called pulque, 
cacao, and various native fruits. There were no animals that 
could be trained to farm-work, as oxen, mules, or horses, and 
the tools in use were few and rudely fashioned. The latter 
consisted only, so far as is known, of an oaken spade or 
shovel, and two copper implements, one of them used for 
breaking the soil, and the other for pruning fruit-trees. In 
planting corn, the farmer dropped a few kernels into the holes 
made with a sharp stick, the point of which had been hard- 
ened in the fire, and scattered over them with his foot a cover- 
ing of earth, taking care to make the rows straight and 
parallel. The fields were carefully weeded, and during the 
growth and ripening of the maize a watchman was kept con- 
stantly on guard, whose duty it was to drive away the flocks 
of feathered robbers which abounded throughout the country. 

Game was abundant in many parts of Mexico, the principal 
descriptions being the deer, hare, rabbit, wild hog, wolf, fox, 
jaguar, Mexican lion, coyote, pigeon, partridge, quail, and 
aquatic fowl. The usual weapons used in hunting were the 
bow and arrow, to the invention of which tradition ascribes 
the origin of the chase; but spears, snares, and nets were also 
employed, and a tube through which pellets or darts were 
blown was used for killing birds. Young monkeys were 
caught by placing in a concealed fire a black stick which 
exploded under the action of heat, first scattering around a 
little corn as a bait. When the explosion took place, the parent 
monkey took fright and scampered away, leaving its offspring 
to be captured. Crocodiles were taken by throwing a noose 
around the neck, and also by inserting a stick, sharpened and 
barbed at both ends, in the creature's open mouth. The latter 



70 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

was a daring feat, and was only attempted by the boldest 
hunters. 

While it is probable that a small portion of the inhabitants 
in certain parts of the country followed the chase for a liveli- 
hood, hunting was, for the most part, a diversion of the nobles 
and soldiery. Once in each year a day was set apart by the 
Aztec warriors for this purpose, in honor of Mixcoatl, the god 
of the chase. The favorite resort was the forest of Zacatepec, 
near Mexico, which on these occasion was surrounded by a 
hne of sportsmen, many miles in extent, the centre being set 
with traps and nets. To aid in the work, the grass was some- 
times fired, and when all was in readiness, the living circle 
gradually contracted, all pressing forward toward the interior 
of the forest. The animals were driven from their retreats 
into the snares prepared for them, or were shot down with 
arrows, and the game thus secured was borne to the capital 
and the neighboring towns, as an offering to the gods. Each 
hunter carried to his home the heads of the beasts which he 
had killed, and to the most successful a prize of considerable 
value was awarded. 

The Nahuas had neith^ flocks nor herds, though the nobles 
kept in their parks deer, hares, and rabbits, and the lower 
classes raised turkeys, quail, geese, ducks, and other varieties 
of birds. Fish was more in demand for food than game; but 
as to the mode of catching them, except that both nets and 
hooks were used, there are no records. Besides the supply in 
lake and river, the artificial ponds in the royal gardens were 
stocked with fish, and the waters in the territory of the Taras- 
cos, west of Anahuac, were so abundantly supplied that their 
country was named Michoacan, or the land of fish. Gold, 
silver, copper, tin, and lead were the principal metals of the 
Aztecs. Iron, although abundant throughout their territory, 
was unknown. Obsidian, several kinds of rock, as flint, por- 
phyry, and basalt, and copper with an alloy of tin, were 
fashioned for cutting implements. Quicksilver, sulphur, alum, 
ochre and other minerals were used for various purposes. 



INDUSTRIES AND COMMERCE. 71 

The gold and silver work of the Nahuas excited the wonder 
of their conquerors, and natural objects, as animals, birds, and 
fishes, were imitated with remarkable skill. In the collection 
of Montezuma II., as Cortes would have us believe, were coun- 
terfeits in gold, silver, gems, or feathers of every object in his 
domain, so skilfully wrought that they were not excelled by 
European craftsmen. Knives, lancets, razors, spear-points, 
and arrow-heads were made of obsidian; and it is said that 
in the barbers' shops of the capital ten or fifteen razors were 
used for shaving the beard of each individual. 

All the precious stones found in Mexico were used for or- 
namental purposes, and especially emeralds, amethysts, and 
turquoises. Pearls and bright-colored stones, mingled with 
gems, were also in use for bracelets, ear-rings, and necklaces. 
Mirrors of crystal and obsidian, brightly polished and set in 
costly frames, reflected the human face as clearly as those of 
European manufacture. Cloth was made of cotton, rabbits' 
hair, or a mixture of these materials. Carpets, tapestry, and 
bed-coverings were also of cotton and feather-work. For ne- 
quen, a description of coarse cloth, and also for cords, ropes, 
and mats, palm leaves and maguey fibre were used. Paper 
was made of the same substances, and the skins of animals 
were utilized as parchment for hieroglyphic inscriptions. 
Dyes and paints, mineral, animal, and vegetable, were so 
skilfully prepared that they excelled those which were used 
in Europe, and after the conquest, many of them were intro- 
duced into Spain by the conquerors of Anahuac. 

Mexican paintings showed little artistic merit, except in 
their coloring, and apart from hieroglyphic records, few speci- 
mens have been preserved. On the arrival of Cortes, Aztec 
painters described everything new and strange that was intro- 
duced by the conquerors, as their armor, their horses, their 
cannon, and sent them depictured on canvas to Montezuma. 

Among the Nahuas, as elsewhere amidst the native races of 
America, speech-making was a favorite pastime. Many and 
long were the addresses offered to kings and ofl&cials when 



72 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

they assumed office, and all diplomatic correspondence was 
in the hands of professional writers. Poets, if somewhat less 
numerous, were held in no less esteem than orators, among 
their themes being the heroic deeds of warlike ancestors, 
national annals and traditions, the praise of the gods, moral 
lessons drawn from actual events, and illustrations of the 
beauties of nature. Aztec poems, translated into several 
European languages, have been preserved by various authors, 
and the following stanza, translated almost literally from the 
song of Nezahualcoyotl, king of Tezcuco, the subject being the 
mutability of life, will serve to show that there were among 
the Nahuas poets of no mean order: — 

" I would that those living in friendship. 
Whom the thread of strong love doth encircle, 
Could see the sharp sword of the death-godj 
For verily, pleasure is fleetiag. 
All sweetness must change in the future; 
The good things of life are inconstant." 

Among the Nahuas, shops or stores, in the modern sense of 
the word, were unknown, though in the plazas of every town 
there were markets where articles needed for immediate use 
could always be purchased. Fairs were held at which the 
products of manufacture, agriculture, and art were displayed 
to consumers and merchants, and at the great commercial 
centres, as Mexico and Tlatelulco, home productions were 
exchanged for foreign merchandise, or sold for export. 

Every fifth day was set apart as a special market-day, and 
the fairs held on these occasions were crowded, not only by 
local customers, but by sellers and buyers from all the coun- 
try surrounding, and from foreign lands. It is related that 
the two market-places in the city of Mexico would contain 
200,000 persons, and that every fifth day 100,000 were actu- 
ally present; while, if we can believe Cortes, 60,000 assembled 
daily in the Tlatelulco market, and 30,000 in the market- 
place of Tlascala. Nor is there any good reason to suppose 
that these figures are greatly exaggerated. 



INDUSTRIES AND COMMERCE. 73 

At each fair all kinds of food, whether animal or vegetable, 
cooked or uncooked, were offered for sale in the most attractive 
form. There were to be found, also, native cloths and fabrics 
in the piece, and made up into coarse or fine garments to suit 
the means of the purchaser; there were precious stones, and 
ornaments of metal, feathers, or shells; implements and weap- 
ons of metal, stone, and wood; building materials, as hme, 
stone, wood, and brick; articles of household furniture, among 
which was matting of various degrees of fineness; medicinal 
herbs and prepared medicines; incense and censers; dye-woods 
and cochineal; and an infinite variety of pottery. But to 
enumerate all the articles displayed in the market-places is a 
task which need not be attempted. 

The Nahuas bought and sold commodities by count and 
measure, but not by weight, except perhaps in the case of the 




AsoBioiHAL Coin from Monte Alban, Oajaca. 

precious metals. Such, at least, is the received opinion of the 
best authorities. Traflfic was usually carried on by barter, 
one article of merchandise being exchanged for another, but 
regular purchase and sale were by no means uncommon. 
Though coined money was not in use, — copper cut into small 
portions resembhng the letter T^ and in some of the provinces 
pieces of tin, being the nearest approach to it, — several con- 
venient substitutes furnished a medium of exchange. Chief 
among them were grains of the cacao, of a species somewhat 
difierent from the one used in making chocolate. This cur- 
rency was accepted throughout Anahuac, and the grains were 
paid out by count up to the number of 8,000, which consti- 



74 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

tuted a xiquipilli; but in large transactions, sacks containing 
three xiquipilli were used, to save the labor of counting. Gold- 
dust inserted in translucent quills, in order that the quantity 
might be readily seen, was also used as a circulating medium, 
and it is said that the golden quoits with which Montezuma 
II. paid his losses at gambling also passed current as money. 

Itinerant traders, or men who traversed the country from 
town to town in caravans, ostensibly for purposes of traffic, 
were ordered to draw maps of the region through which lay 
their line of route, and to observe carefully their resources and 
condition for defence. Provinces which were represented as 
being wealthy were then provoked to some act which served 
as a pretext for laying waste their lands, or for making their 
inhabitants tributary to the kings of Anahuac. Thus these 
travelling companies of hucksters were little better than 
bands of licensed robbers, the confederate kings being ever 
ready to extend by war the field of their commerce, and to 
avenge, by the hands of their warriors, any real or imaginary 
insult ofiered to their subjects. 

Expeditions to distant provinces were usually undertaken 
by companies from Tlatelulco, which, at the opening of the 
sixteenth century, was the chief mart of Anahuac, her mer- 
chants being held in great esteem, and enjoying about the 
same privileges as did the nobles. For protection, large num- 
bers travelled in each caravan, choosing one of the company 
as leader. On the eve of departure they gave a banquet to 
those of their calling who, by reason of age, were unfitted to 
travel, made known to them their plans, and spoke of the 
places which they intended to visit. The veteran traders 
applauded their enterprise, encouraged the young and inex- 
perienced, reminded them of the fame and wealth acquired 
by their ancestors, and exhorted them to follow their example. 

On the route, carriers marched in single file, and at every 
camping-place the strictest watch was kept, for freebooters 
infested the more dangerous passes, and lay in wait for richly 
laden caravans. The rulers of friendly provinces, mindful of 



INDUSTRIES AND COMMERCE. 



75 



the benefits which might result from such expeditions, con- 
structed roads and kept them in repair; furnished bridges or 
boats for crossing the rivers, and at certain points, remote from 
settlement, built houses for the accommodation of these ad- 
venturers. On the return journey the same precautions were 
taken, and when nearing the capital, it is stated that the 
traders, putting on the guise of poverty, clad themselves in 
rags, and declared that their venture had been unsuccessful. 
For this proceeding, and for the fact that their goods were 
stealthily conveyed into the city by night, the motive is not 
very apparent. Merchandise could be sold only in the public 
markets, and after payment of the royal dues; but we may 
presume that there were methods of evading such payment, 
and that a fair consideration, offered to the monarch and the 
monarch's officials, assuaged somewhat the bitterness of their 
wrath. 




Pottery from Oasas Grandes. 



76 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



CHAPTER IX. 
FOOD, FEASTS, AMUSEMENTS, AND DRESS. 

In preparing and cooking their food, the Aztecs displayed 
their usual ingenuity, though many of their dishes were of a 
very simple character. Maize, or Indian corn, when in the 
milk, was eaten boiled; when dry, it was parched or roasted, 
though it usually came to table in the shape of tortillas, then, 
as now, the staple food of all Spanish America. What jpoi is 
to the Hawaiian, what rice is to the Hindoo, and what bread 
is to most civilized nations, the tortilla was and is to the in- 
habitants of Mexico. 

In making tortillas, the Nahuas boiled their maize in water, 
to which lime, or sometimes nitre, was added. When thus 
softened, it was crushed with a stone roller, and the dough, 
after being kneaded, was shaped into thin round cakes, which 
were baked in earthen pans, and piled one on another, so as to 
retain their warmth, for when cold they lost their savor. Sev- 
eral kinds of bread were prepared from maize, some of them, 
as the tlaxcalli, being in the form of larger and thicker cakes, 
and some in the shape of balls, as rice is now often served 
with curry or other seasoned dishes. Atolli, a preparation of 
maize varying in consistence from gruel to mush, and used 
both as liquid or solid food, was made of corn, stripped of 
the husk, mashed, mixed with water, boiled down as required, 
and sweetened or seasoned according to taste, with honey, 
chile, or saltpetre. 

Beans, the etl of the Aztecs, and the principal ingredient in 
the frijoles of the Spaniards, were boiled, when green, in the 
pod, and when dry were also boiled. Chilli, chile, or pepper 
was eaten raw, whether green or dry, and a sauce made from 
it formed a part of the seasoning of almost every Nahua dish. 

esh, fish, and fowl, fresh or salted, were roasted, stewed, and 



FOOD AND AMUSEMENTS 77 

boiled with dog-fat, and seasoned with chile and tomatl, or to- 
matoes. Fruits were, for the most part, eaten raw; but some, 
as the plantain and banana, were roasted or stewed. 

Among miscellaneous articles of food may be mentioned the 
ant, maguey-worm, and the fly of the Mexican lake, which 
were dried, ground, boiled, and eaten in the form of cakes. 
There were also eggs of turkeys, iguanas, and turtles, roasted, 
boiled, and in omelettes; reptiles of various kinds; shrimps, 
sardines, and crabs; wild amaranth seeds and tule roots; 
honey of bees, of maize, and of the maguey, and portions of 
maguey stalks and leaves, which were eaten roasted. All ar- 
ticles of food, whether cooked or uncooked, were offered for 
sale in the market-places of the larger towns, and near them 
were eating-houses, where the delicacies and substantial fare 
of the Nahua cuisine were served up to their patrons. 

The Nahuas appear to have restricted their indulgence in 
rich and highly seasoned dishes to festive occasions, and at 
their homes to have contented themselves with the plainest 
fare. The poorer classes had in their houses no cooking uten- 
sils, except a hollowed stone, called metate, for grinding maize, 
and a few earthen dishes for cooking tortillas and frijoles. 
They ate thrice a day, at morning, noon, and nightfall, using 
the ground for table, table-cloth, napkin, and chair, conveying 
their food to the mouth with their fingers, and drinking only 
water or atole. The repasts of the rich, however, were served 
on palm-mats, often richly decorated, and napkins and low 
seats were provided for their use. 

The fondness of the Aztecs for feasts and amusements ap- 
pears to have extended through all ranks of society. Every 
man feasted his neighbor, and was himself feasted in turn. 
From the king to the peasant, each one endeavored to excel 
his equals in the splendor of his banquets, and as these in- 
volved the distribution of costly presents among the guests, it 
often happened that the host ruined himself by his hospitality. 
It is even said that many sold themselves into slavery, in order 
to procure the means for a single feast, whereby their memory 
would be immortalized 



78 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

The grandeur of the feast depended, of course, on the wealth 
of the host, the rank of the guests, and the importance of the 
occasion. Those who were invited received, on their arrival, 
a bouquet of flowers as a token of welcome, and persons of a 
rank superior to the host were saluted, after the Aztec fashion, 
by touching the hand to the earth, and then carrying it to the 
lips. On some occasions, garlands were placed upon the heads 
of the guests, and strings of roses around their necks, while 
copal was burned before those whom the host desired specially 
to honor. While waiting for the meal, they employed their 
time in strolling through the grounds, and admiring their 
beautiful shrubbery, green grass-plats, well-kept flower-beds, 
and sparkling fountains. 

When dinner was announced, all took their seats, according 
to age and rank, on mats or stools, placed close against the 
walls. Servants then entered with water and towels, with 
which each guest cleansed his hands and mouth. Pipes, or 
rather smoking-canes, were then presented in order, as was 
supposed, to stimulate the appetite. The viands, kept warm 
by chafing-dishes, were then brought in on artistically worked 
plates of gold, silver, tortoise-shell, or earthenware, and each 
person, before beginning to eat, threw a small piece of food 
into a lighted brazier, as an offering to the god of fire. Many 
highly seasoned dishes of meat and fish were partaken of, and 
when the tables were cleared, the servants, in company with 
the attendants of the guests, feasted on the remains of the 
banquet. Chocolate was then handed round, together with 
water for washing the hands and rinsing the mouth. The 
smoking-canes were again introduced, and while the guests 
reclined upon their mats, the music suddenly struck up, and 
the young people, or perhaps some professionals, executed a 
dance, singing at the same time an ode prepared for the occa- 
sion. Professional jesters amused the audience with their 
jokes, sometimes appearing disguised as foreigners, whose dia- 
lect and peculiarities they imitated, and at other times mim- 
icking old women, or well-known and eccentric individuals. 



FOOD AND AMUSEMENTS. 79 

The banquet -usually lasted till midnight, and when the party 
broke up each guest received at parting presents of dresses, 
gourds, cacao-beans, flowers, or articles of food. 

At the royal feasts, given when noblemen came to the 
capital to render homage to the sovereign, the people flocked 
in from the provinces in great numbers to witness the spec- 
tacles, which consisted of theatrical representations, combats 




Terra-Cotta Musical Instrument. 

between gladiators, fights between wild beasts, athletic sports, 
musical performances, and poetical recitations in honor of 
gods, kings, and heroes. The nobles partook daily of ban- 
quets at the palace, and were presented by the monarch with 
costly gifts. 

Dancing was a favorite amusement among the Aztecs, and 
the preparations for the great public dances, at which the per- 
formers were numbered by the thousand, were on an immense 
scale. The choirs and bands belonging to the various temples 
were placed in charge of a leader, who composed the ode of the 
day, -set it to music, instructed the musicians, saw that all did 
their duty, and caused every fault or negligence to be severely 
punished. One of the principal dances, called the neteteliztli, 
took place either in the plaza or in the court-yard of the temple, 
in the centre of which mats were spread for the musicians. 
The nobles and aged men drew up in a circle around the 



80 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

drums; those of inferior rank formed the second circle, and 
the third ring was composed of young people. Two leading 
dancers directed the movements, and their steps were imitated 
by all the rest. 

At a given signal, the drums were beaten lightly to a well- 
known tune, started by the leaders and taken up by the entire 
company, all of them at the same time beginning to move 
their feet, arms, heads, and bodies in perfect accord. Each 
verse or couplet was repeated three or four times, the dancers 
keeping time with rattles. The inner circle proceeded at a 
slow, dignified pace, befitting the age and rank of those who 
composed it; the second moved somewhat faster; while those 
in the outer circle approached a run as the dance became live- 
lier, each one keeping his position in the circle, and each circuit 
being completed at the same time. The motions were varied; 
at one time the dancers holding each other by the hand, at 
another by the waist, now taking their left-hand neighbor 
for partner, and now the right. After the first song, which 
referred to the event of the day, a popular ode, treating of the 
gods, kings, and heroes, was sung in a higher scale and to a 
livelier measure. This was the case with all the succeeding 
songs, each one becoming higher and shriller as it proceeded, 
and flutes, trumpets, and whistles being sometimes used to 
increase the effect. When one set of dancers became tired, 
another took its place, and so the dance was continued through- 
out the entire day, each song lasting about an hour. Mean- 
while jesters and clowns, in various disguises, passed to and 
fro between the lines, uttering jokes, cutting capers, and serving 
refreshments. 

All appeared at the dances as richly attired as their means 
would permit. Noted warriors appeared magnificently dressed, 
and sometimes wore shields adorned with feathers. Nobles 
were in court dress, the outer garment being a rich mantle 
knotted at the shoulder. In their hair were tassels of feathers 
and gold, in their lips were ornaments of gold and precious 
stones, and in their ears were golden rings; while round their 



FOOD AND AMUSEMENTS 81 

wrists were bracelets of the same metal, and strings of tur- 
quoises, and some had gold bells attached to their ankles. 
The gayly colored garments of the lower classes were decorated 
with feathers and embroidery; garlands encircled the head; 
about the neck were strings of shells and beans, and on the arms 
and necks were bracelets. The women were attired in gayly 
colored dresses, fancifully embroidered, and adorned with 
fringes. 

The dramatic performances of the Aztecs were inferior, as 
spectacles, to the choral dances, and usually took the character 
of a burlesque, the performers wearing masks of wood, or being 
disguised as animals. No special building was erected for this 
purpose, and the lower porch of a temple frequently served for 
a stage, though in some of the large towns a permanent stage 
was built in the plaza. At Cholula plays were performed on 
the porch of the temple of Quetzalcoatl, which, for the occa- 
sion, was whitewashed and adorned with arches of feathers, 
flowers, and branches. Here, on gala-days, the people assem- 
bled after dinner to witness the entertainment, in which the 
deaf, lame, blind, sick, and deformed, or sometimes prominent 
citizens, merchants, and mechanics, were mimicked and bur- 
lesqued. He who acted the part of a deaf man gave absurd 
answers to the questions put to him; the lame and blind 
stumbled around the stage, while the sick portrayed the 
agonies of pain. After them came others who represented 
beetles, frogs, or lizards, croaking, crawling, and hopping to and 
fro, after the manner of the creatures which they imitated. Boys 
from the temples also appeared as birds and butterflies, and 
climbed the trees in the court-yard. The priests amused them- 
selves and the audience by blowing mud-balls at the actors 
through wooden tubes, and praised or censured the perform- 
ance in jocular mood. The entertainment concluded with a 
dance, which was attended by all the actors. 

The gymnastic and acrobatic feats of the Mexicans called 
forth the admiration of their conquerors, and the court of 
Spain, before which some of the athletes were introduced, was 



82 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

no less astonislied at their grace, daring, and strength. The 
so-called Chinese foot-balancing trick, in which the performer, 
lying on his back, spins a heavy pole on the soles of his raised 
feet, throws it up, catches it, and twirls it in every direction, 
was excelled by the Nahua gymnast, who twirled the pole 
with a man sitting at each end of it. A favorite feat was for 
three men, mounted one on the shoulders of another, and the 
third standing on the head of the second, to move slowly 
around the circle of spectators, while a kind of dance was per- 
formed by the man at the top of the human column. Again, 
an acrobat would dance on the top of a beam, the lower end 
of which was forked, and rested on the shoulders of two other 
dancers. Some raised a stick from the ground, with a man 
balanced at the end of it; others leaped upon a stick set up- 
right in the ground, or danced upon the tight-rope. 

A game displaying considerable grace and daring, and 
known as the bird-dance, or as the Spaniards termed it, the 
flying game, was performed in the centre of an open place, 
generally a plaza. Here a tall pole was erected, and on its 
top was placed a wooden movable cap, resembling an inverted 
mortar, to which were fastened four stout ropes, supporting a 
wooden frame, some twelve feet square. Four longer ropes 
were wound thirteen times around the pole, just below the cap, 
and were thence passed through holes made in each of the four 
sides of the frame, their ends hanging several feet below. Four 
acrobats, who had practised some time previously and were 
disguised as birds, ascended by loops of cord tied around the 
pole^ and each one having fastened a rope around his waist, 
they started in circular flight with outspread wings. The im- 
pulse of the start and the weight of the men set the frame in 
motion, and the rope unwound quicker and quicker, enabling 
the performers to describe at each gyration larger circles. 
Other performers, all richly dressed, were perched upon the 
frame, whence they ascended in turn to the top of the revolv- 
ing cap, and there danced and beat a drum, or waived a flag, 
each one striving to surpass his predecessor in daring and skill. 



FOOD AND AMUSEMENTS. 83 

As the acrobats neared the ground, and the ropes became 
untwisted, those on the frame glided down them, gaining the 
ground at the same time, and sometimes passing from one 
rope to another in their descent. 

Running was practised, not only for sport or exercise, but as 
a profession; for the king employed large numbers of couriers, 
who were trained for the purpose from early childhood. Races 
were held at the chief temple in Mexico, under the auspices of 
the priests, at which prizes were awarded to the four competi- 
tors who succeeded in first gaining the topmost of the 120 
steps The Nahuas must also have been expert swimmers, for 
it is said that travellers usually took to the water when cross- 
ing rivers, the bridges being used only by those who carried 
burdens. 

Sham fights and reviews were held, both for the training of 
the army and the entertainment of the multitude. After these 
spectacles the soldiers competed for prizes in archery or throw- 
ing the dart, while on special occasions, as the coronation of a 
king, they wrestled or fought with wild beasts, and animals 
were pitted against each other in fenced enclosures. 

The national game of the Aztecs, called the tlachtli, resembled 
the modern game of football, and was quite as lively and full 
of excitement. As an instance of its popularity, it may be 
mentioned that a certain number of towns contributed, by way 
of taxation, 16,000 balls, which were of solid India-rubber, and 
three or four inches in diameter. In all the larger towns, a 
special play-ground was devoted to the game, and the kings 
kept professional players for their own diversion, sometimes 
challenging each other to a game. The ground, called the 
tlachco, was an alley 100 feet long and half that width, except 
at the ends, where there where rectangular nooks, which 
doubtless served as resting-places. The players, of whom 
there were two or three on each side, were attired only in the 
maxtli, though some wore skins to protect the parts which 
came in contact with the balls. The rule was to hit the ball 
with the knee, elbow, or shoulder, as agreed upon, and a point 



84 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

was scored when it touched or was driven over the wall at the 
opposite end. To strike the ball with any part of the body 
not agreed upon caused the loss of a point, and to settle such 
matters without dispute, a priest acted as referee. 

On each of the side walls, at equal distances from the ends, 
was a large stone, carved with images of idols, and in the 
centre of which was a hole just large enough to admit the 
passage of the ball. He who by chance or skill drove it 
through one of these holes, not only won the game for his side, 
but was entitled to the cloaks of all the spectators; and the 
haste with which the latter dispersed in order to save their 
garments is said to have been the most amusing part of tho 
entertainment. A feat so difficult was of course rarely achieved, 
and he who accomplished it was held in as much honor as 
was accorded by the Greeks to a victor at the Olympic games. 

With few exceptions, the dress of all the civilized nations of 
Mexico appears to have been the same. In the earliest times 
of which we have any record, the natives were clad in skins, 
which covered only the lower portions of the body. By de- 
grees this scanty covering was exchanged for a regular cos- 
tume, though still consisting merely of undressed skins. 
As civilization advanced, a further improvement may be 
noticed, garments being manufactured first of tanned or pre- 
pared skins, then of maguey, or palm-tree fibre, and finally of 
cotton. From this point no further progress was made, except 
in adorning the attire with feather-work, painting, embroidery, 
gold- work, and jewelry. 

The maxtli, or under-garment of the men, was ornamented 
at the ends with colored fringes and tassels. Over this was 
worn the mantle, which was merely a piece of cotton cloth 
about four feet square. If worn over both shoulders, the upper 
ends were tied in a knot across the breast; but more frequently 
it was thrown over the left shoulder and knotted under the 
right arm. It was usually colored or painted, and decorated 
with feathers and furs, the edges being fringed with tufts of 
cotton, and sometimes with gold. The rich had also mantles 



FOOD AND AMUSEMENTS. 85 

made of rabbit and other skins, or of fine cotton, into which 
was woven rabbit hair, the latter being for use in cold weather. 

The attire of the nobles and members of the royal household 
differed from that of the lower classes only in fineness of ma- 
terial and profusion of ornaments. The kings appear to have 
worn garments of the same shape as those of their subjects, 
but in other respects a certain style of dress was reserved for 
royalty, and he who presumed to imitate it was put to death. 
When, however, the monarch wished to confer a special mark 
of favor on some valiant soldier or distinguished statesman, he 
presented him with one of his garments, and its wearer was 
thenceforth respected as a man whom his sovereign delighted 
to honor. 

Whenever the monarch appeared in public he wore the royal 
crown, called copilli, which was made of solid gold. By most 
writers it is described as having been shaped like a bishop's 
mitre; but the hieroglyphical paintings in which the Mexican 
kings are represented display merely a golden band, running 
to a point at the front, and sometimes ornamented with long 
feathers. 

Like all semi-barbarous nations, the Nahuas were in the 
habit of loading themselves with ornaments. Those worn by 
the kings, the nobles, and the rich were of gold or silver, set 
with precious stones; those of the poorer classes were of cop- 
per or bone, set with imitations in crystal of the rarer jewels. 
The various trinkets were fashioned in the shape of bracelets, 
armlets, anklets, and rings for the nose, ears, and fingers. The 
lower lip was also pierced, and precious stones or crystals in- 
serted, the richer classes using for this purpose a species of 
emerald. There were very stringent regulations as to the kind 
of ornaments which the different classes of people were allowed 
to wear, and it is said that to certain very brave though low- 
born warriors, permission was granted, as a special favor, to 
wear a cheap garland or crown; but on no account must it be 
of gold. 

As a rule, Mexicans wore the hair long, and, in many parts 



86 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

of the empire, it was considered a disgrace to cut the locks of 
a free-born man or woman. They had several methods of 
dressing the hair, differing according to rank and office, though 
it was the usual custom to leave it hanging loose down the 
back. The women also wore it in the latter fashion; but it 
was more often trimmed in various modes. Thus some wore 
it long on the temples and shaved the back of the head; others 
shaved almost the entire head, and others again twisted the 
hair with dark cotton thread. Unmarried girls always wore 
the hair loose, and considered it especially graceful to wear it 
low on the forehead. It was also fashionable to dye the locks 
with a species of black clay, or with an herb that gave to them 
a violet shade. 

For the purpose of beautifying, as they thought, their per- 
sons, the Nahua women used paint freely, and among some 
nations they were also tattoed. The Aztecs besmeared their 
faces with a red, yellow, or black ointment, composed probably 
of burnt incense and dye, and colored their feet black with the 
same mixture. Their teeth, after being cleansed, were stained 
with cochineal, and the hands, neck, and breast were also 
painted. The Otomis tattoed their breasts and arms, making 
incisions with a knife, and rubbing into them a blue powder. 
They stained their teeth black, and daubed their bodies with a 
species of pitch, covering this with a coating of some lighter 
color. 

In the attire of the women there was little difference through- 
out Anahuac. Two sleeveless undergarments of skin, palm- 
fibre, or cotton covered the person from neck to ankle, and 
were often neatly embroidered and ornamented. Out of doors 
one or more outer dresses were worn, of different lengths, the 
longest one being underneath. White mantles, painted in 
various designs on the outside, and similar in size and shape 
to those used by men, were also worn by females, and to the 
upper edge was fastened a hood, which served as a covering 
for the head. 



LANGUAGE AND HIEROGLYPHICS. 87 



CHAPTER X. 

LANGUAGE, mEROGLYPHICS, EDUCATION, AJTO CALEKDAB. 

The Nahua, Aztec, or Mexican was the language spoken 
throughout the greater part of Montezuma's empire, from the 
plateau of Anahuac eastward to the gulf of Mexico, and along 
its shores almost from Vera Cruz to the Pacific. It has been 
claimed that the languages of the Toltecs and Chichimecs 
differed from each other, and from the Aztec, and it is even 
said that traces have been found of a language more ancient 
than any of them. A careful examination of early authorities 
shows, however, that they were one language, and that the 
Nahua tongue was the oldest language of Anahuac. 

Of all the languages spoken on the American continent, the 
Aztec was the most perfect, approaching in this respect the 
tongues of Europe and Asia, and even surpassing many of them 
in elegance of expression. It abounds in tropes and metaphors, 
and some critics are of opinion that it excels in beauty the 
Latin. The missionaries found it sufficient for their purpose, 
and without the aid of foreign words could express all the 
shades of their doctrines, from the thunderings and anathemas 
of Sinai to the sublime teachings of Christ. Its principal defect 
is the length of the words, some of them almost rivalling the 
compound word known to Greek scholars, containing nearly 
eighty syllables, and signifying a dish made of all kinds of 
dainties. In Aztec a single word often conveyed the meaning 
of a phrase, as tepetitlan, 'above the mountain,' atlixco, 'above 
the water,' cauuhnahuac, ' near to the trees,' Popocatepetl, ' smok- 
ing mountain,' Words were compounded not merely by jux- 
taposition, or placing single words side by side, but also with 
regard to brevity and euphony, or beauty of sound, letters and 
syllables being frequently omitted. Though the Mexicans 
composed in verse, no specimens of their poetry have been pre- 



88 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

served, except in the form of translations. The following is 
the greater portion of the Lord's prayer, rendered literally from 
the Nahua language: — 

Totatzine yuilhuicac timoyez-tica, mayectenehualo inmo- 

Our revered Father who heaven in art be praised thy 

tocatzin; mahualauh inmotlatocayotzin, machihualo intlaltic- 

name ; may come thy kingdom, he done earth above 

pac inmotlanequilitzin, inyuhehichihualo inilhuicac; intotlax- 

thywill, as is done heaven in; our bread 

calmomoztlae totech monequi maaxcanxitechmomaquili; max- 

every day to us is necessary to-day give us; for- 

itechmetlapopohuili intotlatlacol, iniuh tiquintlapop olhuia 

give us our sins ; as we forgive 

intechtlatla calhuia; niacamoxitechmomacahuili inicamo ipan 

those who us offend; thou not us lead that not in 

tihuetzizque inteneyeyecoltiliztli ^anye xitechmomaquixtili 
we fall in temptation; but deliver us 

inyhuicpa inamoquallio 

against from not good. 

Many comparisons have been made between the Aztec and 
various languages of Europe and Asia, as the Greek, the San- 




Sekpentine Hieboglyfuio Block. 



skrit, the Hebrew, the Phoenician, the Egyptian, the Tyrian, 
the Japanese, the German, the Keltic, and even the Polyne- 
sian; but under analysis all these fancied affinities vanish. 
Similarities in words may of course be found between the Az- 



LANQUAOE AND HIEROGLYPHICS. 



89 




rABLEx Found in Palenque, Chiapas. 



90 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



tec and other tongues, but they are probably accidentaL 
Some remarkable analogies have been found, among which 
may be mentioned the word signifying God, which is in the 
Aztec Teotl, and in the Greek ^eo?; but at present the Nahua 
tongue stands alone, as one of the independent languages of 
the world. 

The hieroglyphical records of the Aztecs, by which phrase 




Tablilla de las Ckuces. 



is meant their picture-writings and carvings in stone, used to 
represent the various events of life, included their traditions 
and historical annals, with the names of their kings and nobles 



LANGUAGE AND HIEROGLYPHICS. 91 

and those ol their ancestors. They also contained lists and 
tribute rolls of provinces and towns, land titles, laws, religious 
rites, educational systems, processes used in manufacture, etc. 
The characters used in their hieroglyphics were painted in 
bright colors, on long strips of paper, cloth, or parchment, or 
carved in stone. Specimens which still exist show that they 
were sufficient for ordinary purposes, and were not greatly in- 
ferior to written annals. For many years after the conquest 
the Spaniards made use of them to settle lawsuits, adjust 
taxes, and for other purposes, and they have been of great 
value in throwing light on ancient history. It is probable that 
the art, so far as it applied to the names of persons and places, 
and to ordinary records, was understood by all educated per- 
sons, though regarded as a mystery by the common people. 

The figures were painted in bright colors on long strips of 
cotton cloth, on parchment or prepared skins, and on maguey 
paper, which were afterward rolled up, or more frequently 
folded into the shape of books, termed amatl, and furnished 
with thin wooden covers. Unfortunately, the most valuable of 
these picture-writings have been destroyed. Their contents 
were believed to be for the most part religious mysteries, 
painted devices of the evil one, the strongest band that held the 
people to their original faith, and therefore the most formida- 
ble obstacle to the spread of the true faith. Hence their de- 
struction was believed to be necessary to the spread of the 
gospel. To Juan de Zumarraga belongs the uneviable dis- 
tinction of making a public bonfire of the national archives 
of the Aztecs. 

The plate on the following page describes in four groups the 
education of Aztec children under the care of their parents. 
In the first group, the father (fig. 3) is punishing his son by 
holding him over the fumes of burning chile (fig. 5), while the 
mother threatens her daughter with the same punishment. 
Figures 2 and 8 represent, like 11, 16, 20, 24, 30, and 34 in the 
other groups, the child's allowance of tortillas at each meal. 
In the second group, the son is punished by being stretched 



92 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



OOCXDO 
OOOOO 





^ '" OO 
OOOOO 
OOOOO 




OOOOO w' 





Education of Aztec Children. 



LANGUAGE AND HIEROGLYPHICS. 93 

naked on the wet ground, and with his hands tied, while the girl 
is compelled to sweep, or perhaps is being taught to sweep. In 
the third group, the boys are employed in conveying wood (fig. 
21) and reeds on the back or in a canoe, and the girl is being 
taught how to make tortillas (fig. 27), and perform household 
work (figs. 23, 25, 26, 28). In the last group, the father is 
teaching his son the art of fishing, and the mother is instruct- 
ing the daughter in weaving. The small circles (figs. 1, 10, 
19, 20) indicate the age of the children. The characters near 
the mouth of the parents indicate that they are in the act of 
speaking. The figure 14 is a symbol of night, and indicates 
that, as a punishment, the child is compelled to sweep during 
the hours of darkness. 

On the two following pages is a copy of a painting taken 
from the work of the chronicler Ramirez, one of the most re- 
liable authorities on the subject of picture-writing. This paint- 
ing, preserved in the National Museum, and about 20 by 27 
inches in size, was depictured on the finest quality of maguey 
paper, and afterward on linen. 

The winding and almost parallel lines, with numerous foot- 
prints, by which the groups of figures are united, represent a 
journey, and there is little doubt that the entire painting de- 
picts the wanderings of the Aztec nation. The square at the 
right and near the centre of the second page represents the 
country from which they started, and figures 1 and 2 perhaps 
express its name, although the interpretation is doubtful. 
Figure 3 is a symbol of the Aztec cycle of fifty-two years, and 
figure 4 is a ' curved mountain,' or the city of Culhuacan, on 
the borders of a lake in the valley of Mexico. Figure 5 is a 
bird speaking to the people in figure 6; and among the Aztecs, 
as is related, there was a tradition that the song of a bird 
caused them to decide on their first migration. 

The fifteen human forms in figures 7 and 12 are the chiefs 
of the migrating tribes. At their first stopping-place they re 
mained for a cycle of years (fig. 8), and perhaps built a tem- 
pie (fig. 11). For ten years, as indicated by the ten circles 



96 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE 

they remained at Cincotlan (fig. 15). Figure 17 is interpreted 
as meaning humiliation, and figure 18 as the place of caves. 
At the next stopping-place, figure 20 represents a corpse, pre- 
pared for burial, his name, as shown by the character over his 
head, being that of the central figure in the group displayed 
in figure 7. As this name does not appear again, the meaning 
perhaps may be that one of the tribes had become extinct. 
But to learn the meaning of all these hieroglyphic symbols 
would be a somewhat wearisome task, and I shall not attempt 
further to explain them. 

The education of children was commenced by their parents 
almost as soon as they were able to walk, and was finished by 
the priests. Apart from the superstition, idolatry, and cruelty 
with which all Aztec institutions were more or less tainted, 
the care taken to mould aright the minds of youth of both 
sexes is not unworthy of note. Parents and priests endeavored 
to inspire them with a love of truth and a horror of vice. 
Respect for their elders, and modesty in their actions, were 
among their first lessons, and theft and lying were severely 
punished. 

In a series of ancient Aztec paintings are represented the 
manner in which children were trained, the portion of food 
allowed them, the labors in which they were employed, and 
the punishments inflicted on those who were refractory. Dur- 
ing their fourth and fifth years, boys were accustomed to light 
bodily labor, such as carrying small burdens, while girls 
were instructed in the use of the distafi". At this age, their 
allowance of bread was one cake at each meal. When six or 
seven years old, the boy followed his father to the market-place, 
and gathered up grains of corn, or other trifles that lay un- 
noticed around the stalls, while the girl is represented as 
learning the art of spinning, under the guidance of her mother, 
who alternately instructs and lectures her. The ration of 
bread was now a cake and a half, and this allowance was con- 
tinued until the thirteenth year, when it was increased to two 
cakes. 



98 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE- 

Next come the various modes of punishing disobedient 
children. When eight years of age, they were merely shown 
the instruments of punishment as a warning. At ten^ boys 
who proved refractory were pricked, in various parts of the 
body, with thorns of the maguey, while girls were pricked in 
the hands and wrists. If this did not suffice, they were beaten 
with rods. At eleven, unruly children of both sexes were held 
over a pile of burning chile, and forced to inhale the smoke, 
which caused extreme pain. At twelve, a bad boy was bound 
hand and foot and exposed during the entire day in a damp 
place, while a naughty girl was roused from her slumbers at 
night and ordered to sweep out the entire house. Between 
the ages of thirteen and fifteen, boys were employed in fishing, 
or in bringing wood from the mountains, by land or in canoes, 
and girls spent their time in cooking, weaving, and grinding 
corn. The former were then placed in charge of the priests 
for religious instruction, or were trained for the army by an 
officer appointed for that purpose. 

The schools or colleges were of two distinct classes. Those 
attended by the common people were called telpochcalli, or 
'houses of the youths,' and there was at least one in each quar- 
ter of the city, after the manner of our public schools. The 
telpochtlato, or ' chief of youth,' instructed them how to sweep 
out the sanctuary, to replenish the fire in the sacred censers, 
to cleanse the school-house, to do penance, and to gather wood 
for the temple. Boys were also trained to the use of arms, 
and were taught how to sing and dance, the latter accomplish- 
ments being considered an essential part of their education. 
At sixteen, and sometimes at an earlier age, they were with- 
drawn from school in order to follow a trade or profession, 
though what qualifications they had acquired for either is not 
recorded by the chroniclers. 

Youths of noble descent and those destined for the priest- 
hood were educated at some college or monastery, termed in 
the Aztec calemac. They were instructed in the arts and sci- 
ences known to the Mexicans, as history, religion, philosophy, 



LANGUAGE AND HIEROGLYPHICS. 99 

law, astronomy, the inscription and interpretation of hiero- 
glyphics, heroic songs, and sacred hymns. Their courage, 
strength, and endurance were severely tested, and at an early 
age they were made to realize the hardships of camp life. All 
who displayed qualities befitting a soldier met with suitable 
promotion and reward. The Nahuas were well acquainted 
with the movements of the sun and moon and of some of the 
planets, and observed and recorded eclipses, though not ascrib- 



AzTEC Cycle, 



mg them to natural causes. In their calendar they divided 
time into ages of two cycles, each cycle consisting of four peri- 
ods of thirteen years, and the years being designated by signs 
and names, with numbers in orderly arrangement, as appears 



100 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE 



on their sculptured stones. The year was divided into eigh- 
teen months of twenty days, with five additional days to com- 
plete the year, extra days being also added at the end of each 
cycle, and the months divided into four periods corresponding 
to weeks, so that there was no essential difference between 
their system and our own. 



llni.islnlprr.TlTrc 




The Aztec Year. 



A cycle was represented in their paintings by figures in hiero- 
glyphics, each repeated thirteen times, and placed in a cir- 



LANGUAGE AND HIEROGLYPHICS. 



101 



cle, around which was painted a snake holding its tail in its 
mouth, at each of the four cardinal points being a twist, as 
shown in the plate subjoined. 

Each month was represented by a hieroglyph having a cer- 
tain meaning, and usually referring to some feast or natural 
event, as the ripening of fruit or the falling of rain, although 




1"EE Aztec Month. A «-*i^ 



there is much difference of opinion among authorities as to the 
name^ ^nd position of the months, TiMl., the first month, for 



102 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

instance, means, according to one of the chroniclers, 'mother 
of the gods,' and according to another, it means 'fire.' Ylz- 
calli, the one next to it on the diagram, has been variously 
translated as 'skill,' 'regeneration,' and 'the sprouting of 
grass.' 

As to the names of the days and the order in which they 
follow one another, there is no difference of opinion, but it is 
extremely difficult, and in some cases impossible, to reconcile 
one with another the hyeroglyphic signs which represent 




The Calendar Stone. 



them. Cipactli, for instance, a word the correct meaning of 
which cannot be ascertained, is variously represented as an 
animal's head with open mout]i, as ^ fish with flint knives in 



LANGUAGE AND HIEROGLYPHICS. 



103 



the back, as a lizard with a very long tail, and in other mon- 
strous forms. 

In a photograph of a calendar stone, of which the following 
is a copy, four angular spaces project, as will be seen, from 
the circle of days, dividing the stone into quarters, each of 
which has ten visible squares, and the spaces cover twelve 
more, making fifty-two in all. In each square are five oblong 
marks, which multiplied by 52 give 260, or the first-period 
of-4he Mexican ritual year. The figures and hieroglyphics 
around the outer edge have never yet been deciphered, or if 
so, the various interpretations given by different writers are so 
contradictory that they are of little value. 



??M!;Rgf;Mro?;g;g^ 




Sculptured Front of Building at Kabah, Yucatan. 



104 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



CHAPTER XL 

WAR AND WEAPONS. 

As might be expected among an ambitious and warlike 
people, the military profession ranked among the Nahuas 
above all others, save that of the priests. To children were 
related by priest and parent the chivalrous deeds of their 
ancestors, whose daring they were taught to imitate; and titles, 
rewards, and posts of honor awaited him who proved himself a 
soldier. The king might not receive his crown until, with his 
own hands, he had secured captives to be offered at the feast 
of his coronation; the priests ranked foremost among their 
deities the god of battles; and war, whatever its pretext, was 
always regarded as a religious crusade. For the victor, the 
highest of earthly rewards were in store, and the soul of him 
who fell in combat took instant flight to heaven. Cowardice 
only and defeat were to be dreaded. 

The Nahua warrior served without pay, and was rewarded 
only with promotion; but promotion surely followed brilliant 
exploits, though performed by the lowest soldier, while apart 
from such deeds, he of noble birth could not hope for advance- 
ment. Special care was given, however, to the sons of lords 
destined for the profession of arms. At an early age their 
heads were shaved, except for a tuft at the back, and at fifteen 
the youth was sent to the field of battle in charge of veteran 
warriors. If, with their aid, he should capture a prisoner, the 
tuft was removed, and in its place, one was presented to him, 
adorned with plumes, to be worn over the ear. On his return 
he was thus addressed by his uncles or grandparents: "My 
child, the sun and the earth have washed and renewed thy 
face, because thou didst dare to attempt the capture of an 
eneixiy in company with others- Lo, now it were better to 
abandon thee to the mercies of the enemy than that thou 



WAB AND WEAPONS. 105 

shouldst again take a prisoner with the aid of others, because, 
should it so happen, they will place another tuft over thine other 
ear and thou wilt appear like a girl; truly, it were better thou 
shouldst die than this should happen to thee." If, after a fair 
trial, the youth failed to take a captive, he was disgraced, and 
ceased to be a warrior in the eyes of his comrades; but if, un- 
aided, he was successful, he was led before the king, whose 
stewards presented him with mantles and maxtlis of the col- 
ors and designs to which his deeds entitled him. 

Three military orders were established by the Aztecs, the 
members of which were called princes, eagles, and tigers. To 
the first of these belonged Montezuma IL, who, when he took 
the field, wore greaves and bracelets of gold. Around his neck 
was a golden collar, and chains of gold and precious stones; 
from his ears and lower lip depended ornaments of gold, 
set with emeralds, and from head to waist was suspended the 
glittering decoration of royalty, wrought of costly feathers and 
jewels. On his shield was displayed in feather-work the royal 
coat of arms, and in his hand was a large shell, on which he 
gave the signal for battle. 

The armor of the Nahua knights, though of little avail 
against the fire-arms and swordsmanship of the Spaniards, 
served well for protection against Mexican weapons. Shields 
were usually made of bamboo cane, bound firmly together, 
and covered with hide. They were ornamented according to 
the rank and taste of the bearer, those of the nobles being 
plated with gold and with a heavy boss in the centre. On 
portions of the coast tortoise shells, inlaid with gold, silver, or 
copper, were used as shields. The body armor of the nobles 
consisted of a breast-piece of quilted cotton, one or two inches 
in thickness, over which Avas worn a thick coat of the same 
material, decorated with feathers. This covering was com- 
pletely arrow-proof, and was afterward adopted by the Span- 
iards in place of their heavy mail of steel. Arm and leg 
guards of wood, covered with leather or gold plates, and hel- 
mets, shaped and painted to represent the head of a tiger. 



106 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



serpent, or monster, completed the defensive armor. Over a 
cuirass of gold and silver plates some of the wealthier lords 
wore a garment of feathers, which, it is said, would ward off 
the stroke of an arrow or javelin. 




Aztec Knight. 



The offensive weapons of the Aztecs consisted of bows and 
arrows, slings, clubs, spears, swords, and javelins, and in their 
use the soldiers were thoroughly skilled. The bow, made of 
tough, elastic wood, was about five feet in length, and for 
strings they used the sinews of animals or twisted stags' hair. 



WAE AND WEAPONS 107 

The arrow was of light cane, with a few inches of oak at the 
end, in which was inserted a fish bone, or a point of obsidian. 
The sling was made of braided fibre, broader in the middle 
than at the ends, and missiles were carried in a pouch sus- 
pended from the waist. The club tapered from the handle 
toward the point, and was filled with jagged pieces of obsidian 
or tempered copper, the spears being pointed with the same 




Macana — Aboriginal Aztec Weapon. " 

materials. The swords were of tough wood, about three and a 
half feet long, and with a flat blade, to both sides of which 
were fastened transversely sharpened pieces of odsidian. 
Many of them were two-handed, and it is said that, with this 
weapon, a powerful warrior could, at one blow, cut a man in 
two or sever a horse's head. The javelin, like the arrow, was 
made of bamboo, the point being hardened in the fire or tipped 
with copper, bone, or obsidian. Of all the weapons of the 
Aztecs these were the most dreaded by their Spanish conquer- 
ors. 

When war was declared, an expedition, if an important one, 
was composed of several divisions, each of 8,000 men. The 
priests with their idols set forth in advance, followed at an in- 
terval of one day's march by the choice battalions of the army; 
next came the soldiers of Mexico; after them the Tezcucans, 
and then those of Tlacopan, the rear being closed by the troops 
of other provinces, and all the divisions being separated by a 
day's march. 

The battle was sometimes fought on neutral ground between 
the confines of two territories, a space being reserved for this 
purpose and left uncultivated. Before the action conamenced, 
the high-priest or chieftain addressed the soldiers, reminding 
them of the glory to be gained by victory, and the eternal bliss 
in store for those who fell, and concluded by exhorting them 
to fight valiantly, and put their trust in the god of battles 



108 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

The combat was opened by the archers, slingers, and javeKn 
men, who, as they discharged their missiles, gradually drew 
nearer to the foe, until they came to close quarters and could 
use their swords and spears. All movements, whether in ad- 
vance or in retreat, were rapidly executed, and sometimes re- 
treat was feigned for the purpose of drawing the enemy into an 
ambuscade. The captains and commanders of divisions used 
every effort to keep their men together, and especially to pro- 
tect the standard, for if that was captured the battle was con- 
sidered lost, and all took to flight. 

The principal object was not to slay, but to take prisoners, 
and when an enemy refused to surrender, he was wounded in 
the leg in order to prevent his escape. Ransom was never ac- 
cepted for captives, and with rare exceptions they were offered 
in sacrifice to the gods. When, however, a renowned captain 
or noble was made prisoner, he was allowed the privilege of 
fighting for his liberty, the ground selected being an open space 
near the temple of the war god, large enough to contain a vast 
multitude. In the centre was a circular mound, about eight 
feet high, with steps leading to the top, where was placed a 
large round stone, smooth and adorned with figures. To this 
stone, called temalacatl, the captive was fastened by the ankle, 
his weapons being a sword and shield. His capturer, better 
armed than his opponent, then mounted the stone to do battle 
with him. Both men fought desperately, the prisoner for his 
life and liberty, and his adversary to sustain his reputation. 
If the former was vanquished, he was at once led to the sacri- 
fice, and the victor was rewarded with military honors. If, 
however, he overcame his adversary and six other combatants, 
with whom he must fight in succession, he was allowed his 
liberty, the spoils taken from him were restored, and he re- 
turned to his people covered with glory. 



ANTIQUITIES. 



109 



CHAPTER XII. 

ANTIQUITIES. 

The ruins discovered in the northern regions of Mexico are 
of a ruder description than those found toward the south, 
belonging, apparently, to communities of no great size and 
strength, and built mainly for defence. In the sierras of 




rZS-'T'^^ V . - - t---\ --4, r*-^ ^.. 




Ruins of Quemada. 

north-western Chihuahua is a celebrated group called the 
Casas Grandes, the walls of which are still from five to thirty 
feet above the surrounding debris, and in some parts, five feet 



ANTIQUITIES. 



Ill 



in thickness. The remains are similar in character and de- 
sign to those found in New Mexico and Arizona, the materials 
used being adobe, or sun-dried blocks of mud and gravel. The 
largest building of this group was eight hundred feet long and 
two hundred and fifty in breadth. It was of rectangular 
shape, and built in successive terraces, the highest, which was 
also the innermost, probably having six or seven stories, for 
remnants of the interior walls, fifty feet in height, are still in 
existence. In ruins of this class, there are no indications that 
they were used for religious worship. 

The most remarkable ruins in northern Mexico are those 
found at Quemada in Zacatecas, about thirty miles south of 
the capital of that state. In these extensive remains are found 
broad stone terraces and wide causeways, time-worn pyramids, 
and huge columns, seventeen feet in circumference and eigh- 
teen feet in height. Massive walls of various dimensions, some 
of them twelve feet in thickness, rise above the debris. These 




Temple Pyramid, Cerro de las Juntas 



monuments tell of a powerful people, and are specially inter- 
esting because they display features not elsewhere noted, and 
bear little resemblance to those discovered farther to the north 
and south. 

At ToUan, the modern Tula, and the ancient capital of the 
Toltecs, extensive ruins were found at the time of the Spanish 
conquest, and in later years many interesting relics were un- 
earthed, among which may be mentioned a zodiac and a hier- 
oglyph now in the lintel over the principal entrance of the great 



1J2 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE 




Earthen "Vase, Tula. 



church at Tula, and a beautiful font at the door of the same 
building. 

The valley of Mexico is rich in antiquities. About thirty 
miles to the north of the capital are the ruins of Teotihuacan, 
or the City of the Gods, the letter A in the plan showing the 




Plan of Teotihuacan. 



ANTIQUITIES. 



113 



position of the Pyramid of the Moon; B, the Pyramid of the 
Sun; CD, the Koad of the Dead; and E, the Citadel; the 
smaller letters and numerals marking scattered mounds 
and miscellaneous relics. The Pyramid of the Moon has a 
base measuring 426 feet from north to south, and 511 feet from 
east to west, its height being 137 feet. The Pyramid of the 
Sun is of larger dimensions, having a base of 735 feet from 
east to west, with a height of 203 feet. These structures are 
about half a mile apart, and from the summit of the latter 
the surrounding ruins can be easily traced; the plough passes 
over the foundations of this once populous city, and its site is 
covered with fields of maize. The Road of the Dead is marked 
by two parallel lines of mounds, forming an avenue 250 feet 
wide, extending from the Pyramid of the Moon to a stream, on 
the south side of which is the Citadel, a quadrangular enclosure 
984 feet square. 

At Tezcuco many interesting traces remain of aboriginal 




Pyramid of Xochicalco. 



architecture. Wherever excavations have been made, frag- 
ments of building material are found, and in the house walls 
of the modern city are sculptured blocks of stone, used in the 
construction of edifices many centuries ago. But the finest 
ruins in this part of Mexico are at Xochicalco, or the Hill of 
Flowers, about seventy-five miles south of the capital. In this 
hill subterranean galleries and apartments have been discov- 
ered, and on its summit are the remains of a beautifully sculp- 
tured pyramid, built of large blocks of granite or porphyry, 
8 



114 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



quarried many leagues from the spot, though some of them 
are eleven feet long and three feet in height. It is said that 
this structure consisted of five receding stories, all of which 




Sculptured Block from Huahuapan. 



remained as late as 1755; but the wholesale vandalism, per- 
mitted within recent years, has done its work; the stones being 
carried away by the proprietors of neighboring sugar-works, to 
be used in the construction of their furnaces. 







In the state of Oajaca, the ancient home of the Zapotecs and 
Mixtecs, there is also a rich field for antiquarian research. In 
Huahuapan, and elsewhere on its northern border, are many 
interesting relics, and at the junction of the rivers Quiotpec 



ANTIQUITIES, 



115 



and Salado stands a hill, a mile in length and over a thou- 
sand feet in height, the sides of which, where not precipitous, 
are covered with ruins. The slopes are terraced and supported 
with perpendicular walls of stone, upon the terraces being the 
foundations of small buildings, mounds in great number, and 
underground tombs. On the summit are the remains of more 
stately edifices, probably of palaces and temples. 

On the western side of the city of Oajaca are the extensive 
mounds and fortifications of Monte Alban, built on a plateau 
about 900 yards long and 300 yards wide, and extending along 






Plah of Mitla. 



the summit of a range of precipitous hills. Here are to be 
seen the remains of spacious courts, mounds traversed by gal- 
leries at the base, and enormous masses of masonry, the rem- 
nants of temples, palaces, and forts. These are considered by 



116 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



more than one authority the oldest traces of native civiliza- 
tion. But the most celebrated group of ruins in Oajaca, and 
probably the finest in all the territory of the Nahuas, is the 
one at Mitla, the former abode and burial-place of the Zapotec 
kings. The figures 1, 2, 3, and 4 mark the structures usually 
regarded as palaces, 5 and 7 are pyramids, and 6 shows the 
site of the village. No ruins in Mexico are more elaborately 
ornamented in the peculiar mosaic style which distinguishes 
them, the best preserved being those of the palace marked 
No. 1, of which I give cuts representing the ground-plan, and 









Ground-plan of Palace No, 1. 



fagade, together with an illustration of the mosaic work in one 
of the apartments. 

Farther toward the south, the isthmus of Tehuantepec may 
be considered a dividing line between the Nahuas and the 
Mayas, though one not clearly defined. A short distance 



ANTIQUITIES. 



117 




Ruins of Mitla. 



from the city of Tehuantepec are remains of fortifications ex- 
tending over a surface more than four leagues in length, and 
one and a half in width. Vestiges of dwellings have also been 
found, and on the summit of a hill are two remarkable pyra- 




MosAic Work. 



118 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 




Facade of Palace No. 1. 




^g!;^ 



Pyramid near Tehuantepec. 



ANTIQUITIES. 



119 



mids, both ascended by a main staircase, thirty feet wide, and 
by two lateral stairways. In the one shown in this cut, the 
curved slope of the lower story is a feature not met with farther 
south, and seldom even among the ruins of northern Mexico. 
In the neighborhood of Petapa, some fifty miles to the north, 
is a labyrinth of caves, artificially enlarged, where the remains 
of princes and nobles were deposited, and at the port of Gua- 
tulco traces of an ancient city may yet be observed. 

Of the ruins found in the valley of Anahuac, apart from 
those which have been mentioned, a sufiicient idea may be 
formed from the descriptions already given of its palaces and 
temples. Passing into the modern state of Vera Cruz, the 
traveller meets with unnumbered traces of its native popula- 
tion. At Papantl Huatusco, Tusapan, and elsewhere are 




Pyramid near Papantla. 



tumuli, or mounds, ruins of pyramids and edifices, sculptured 
stones of enormous size, and fragments of strong defensive 
works, extending almost from Panuco to the isthmus of 
Tehuantepec. A small triangular portion of Vera Cruz, two 
sides of which are formed by the highways from the capital to 



120 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 




Pyramid neae Puente Nacional. 



Jalapa and Orizaba, is literally covered with aboriginal re- 
mains, among which may be mentioned a very curious pyra- 
mid in the neighborhood of Puente Nacional. The whole of 
this region, no matter how poor the soil, was cultivated by its 
former occupants, the slopes being formed into terraces by 




HtJATcrsco Pyramid 



ANTIQUITIES. 



121 




Pyramid at Tusapan. 



parallel stone walls, which follow all the i^ariations of the sur- 
face, and were apparently constructed for the purpose of pre- 
venting the earth from being washed away by heavy rains. 




Statues Found at Nohpat, Yucatan. 



122 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



CHAPTER XIII. 
CITIES, DWELLINGS, AND TEMPLES. 

The most celebrated of the Nahua cities was Mexico Tenoch- 
titlan, the word 'Mexico' being probably derived frim Mcxi^ 
or Mexitl, another name for the god of war; ' Tenochtitlan,' 
from tenochtli, the fruit of the nopal, — a species of cactus; and 
tetl, a stone or rack; the termination an being an affix denot- 
ing place. It is said that about the year 1325, the Aztecs, 
weary of their unsettled condition and hard pressed by their 
foes, sought refuge on the western shore of the lake of Mexico. 
Here, as tradition relates, on an island among the marshes, 
they found a stone on which, forty years before, one of their 
priests had sacrificed a captive prince, named Copil. From a 
cleft in this stone, in which was imbedded a little earth, grew 
a nopal, where was perched an eagle holding in its beak a 
serpent. Impelled by an unseen power, a priest dived into a 
pool near by, and there beheld Tlaloc, the god of waters, who 
gave to the people permission to settle on the adjacent lands. 
Thus was founded the capital of Anahuac, its circumference 
being estimated, some two centuries later, at four leagues, the 
number of houses at 60,000, and the number of inhabitants at 
300,000. Fifty other towns, most of them containing more 
than 3,000 dwellings, were scattered among the islands and 
around the shores of the lake, over the shoal waters of which 
glided 200,000 canoes. 

In the capital four grand avenues, paved with a smooth, 
hard crust of cement, were laid out at right angles, following 
the cardinal points of the compass, and were broad enough for 
the passage of ten horsemen riding abreast. On account of its 
position in the midst of a lake, canals Were used as thorough- 
fares for trafiic, many of them being provided with basins and 
locks for retaining the waters. Bridges so constructed that 



CITIES, DWELLINGS, AND TEMPLES. 



123 



they could be drawn up at will, whenever it was desired to 
cut off communication between the various quarters of the 
city, connected the cross-streets and lanes. 



msf&Mmxl^. 







Mexico in the Time of the Montezumas 



Next in fame and rank to Mexico Tenochtitlan was Tezcuco, 
which, with a circumference of three or four leagues, was 
divided into numerous wards, each one occupied by a distinct 
class of tradesmen, and crossed by a series of regular and 
well-defined streets, lined with tasteful buildings. On a triple 
terrace, at the border of the lake, stood an ancient palace, and 
at its northern edge was a magnificent building, containing 
800 apartments, in the construction of which 200,000 men 
had been employed. This city was regarded by the Nahuas 
as the home of refinement and elegance, occupying the same 
position in Mexico that is now accorded to Paris among 
European nations. 



124 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



In style of arcliitecture the dwellings of the Aztecs displayed 
little variety, the difference between one house and another 
being mainly in size and material. Those of the nobles were 
usually built on terraces, though where the land was swampy, 
as in Mexico, they rested on tiers of piles. They commonly 
included a group of buildings, in the form of a parallelogram. 




Palace at Uxmal, Yucatan. 



constructed of stone and cement, and whitened and polished 
with gypsum. Each residence was detached from the one 
next to it by narrow lanes, and enclosed one or more courts, 
which covered a large portion of the space. Most of them had 
but one story, and it is nowhere related that any of the palaces 



CITIES, DWELLINGS, AND TEMPLES. 



125 



or private houses exceeded two stories. The courts, which 
were paved with polished and checkered marble, often con- 
tained a beautiful fountain, and sometimes a flower-garden, 



3)^o)ro»(o)Co)(o)(°x-yoX°>^°^.^-> 




Cakving on Gate, Mitla. 

was surrounded by numerous porticos decorated with jasper, 
porphyry, and alabaster ornaments. In front were two large 
halls and several reception-rooms, and in the rear were the 
bed-chambers, bath-rooms, kitchen, and storerooms. The 
stairway leading to the second story or to the roof was fre- 




Trace of Original Structure in AVood, Uxmal. 

quently on the outside, and by its grand proportions and 
graceful form contributed not a little to the beauty of the edi- 
fice. The roof was made of beams, covered w;ith clay or 
cement, surrounded by a battlemented parapet, and sloping a 
little toward the back. Here the members of the household 
assembled in the cool of the evening to enjoy the fresh air and 
the surrounding prospect. 



126 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



In the interior the floors were covered with a hard, smooth 
cement, on which was laid a coating of ochre or gypsum, and 
the walls were hung with cotton or feather tapestry, embel- 
lished with gold and silver. The furniture was scanty, con- 
sisting principally of mats and cushions of fur or palm-leaves. 






^"h^ 







Palace of Palknque, Chiapas. 



and a few small tables and stools. For beds mats were used, 
piled one upon another, and for pillows cotton or palm-leaf 
cushions. Sometimes there were also coverlets and canopies 
of cotton or feather- work; and through the chambers of the 
rich, smouldering incense diffused its perfume. The winter 
apartments were provided with hearths and fire-screens and 
lighted with torches. There were no doors, properly so called, 
in any of xhe dwellings, a bamboo or wicker-work screen 



CITIES, DWELLINGS, AND TEMPLES. 



127 



being suspended across the entrance, and secured at night 
with a bar when privacy was desired. 

The houses of the poorer classes were built of adobe, wood, 
or reeds mixed with mud, all of them plastered and polished, 




Front of Building at Sanacte, Yucatan. 



and in Mexico, resting on foundations of rock in order to 
exclude the damp. They were usually of an oblong shape, 
were divided into several apartments, and some had a gallery 
in front. Though terraced roofs were not uncommon, most 
of the humbler dwellings were thatched with long, thick grass, 
or with maguey leaves, and in place of a central court, there 
was, where space permitted, a vegetable or flower garden. 

When the Aztecs halted, after their wearisome migrations, 
on the site of Mexico, their first care was to erect an abode for 



128 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

their favorite idol, the god of war. The spot selected for this 
structure — which at first consisted of a mere hut — was around 
the stone whence grew the nopal, and where was perched the 
eagle. Soon afterward, a building more worthy of the god was 
erected, and later was constructed the edifice from the summit 
of which Cortes looked down upon the scene of his conquest. 
The last of these temples was completed in two years, though 
the labor bestowed on it was immense, the material being 
brought from a distance of three or four leagues, and that at a 
time when beasts of burden were unknown to the Aztecs. 

The building stood in a great square, forming the cen- 
tre of the town, and from which radiated the four principal 
thoroughfares. The court-yard was enclosed by a square wall 
of stone and lime, plastered and polished, about 4,800 feet in 
circumference, from eight to nine feet in height, and of great 
thickness, the sides facing the cardinal points of the compass. 
In the centre stood the great temple, which in shape formed 
the lower section of a truncated pyramid, being about 375 feet 
long and 300 feet broad at the base, and rising in perpendicu- 
lar terraces to a height of 86 feet. Plights of steps led from 
terrace to terrace, so arranged that the priests were compelled 
to walk completely round the edifice in order to gain each 
succeeding stairway. The structure was of earth, stones, and 
clay, covered with square blocks of tetzontli, a porous stone, all 
of equal size, hewn smooth, joined with a fine cement, and 
covered with a polished coating of lime or gypsum, so that few 
marks were visible on the surface. 

On the lower story were two sanctuaries, one of them dedi- 
cated to the god of war and the other to Tezcatlipoca, or the 
Shining Mirror. The gigantic images of these idols rested 
upon altars of stone, three or four feet in height, and were 
shielded from the gaze of the multitude by curtains adorned 
with tassels and hollow golden pellets, which tinkled like bells 
when the draperies moved. Before the altar of the war-god 
stood the terrible stone of sacrifice, a block of jasper about five 
feet in length and rising in a ridge at the top, so as to bend 



CITIES, DWELLINGS, AND TEMPLES. 129 

upward the body of the victim, and thus allow the heart to be 
more easily extracted. The upper stories were used as recep- 
tacles for the ashes of deceased monarchs and nobles, and for 
the instruments connected with the service of the temples. In 
front of each chapel was a stone hearth, upon which* as on 
the shrine of Vesta at Rome, fires were ever burning, and great 
calamity was apprehended if they should ever be extinguished. 

From the temple of the war-god could be counted within the 
enclosure more than seventy smaller edifices, with their six 
hundred braziers of stone, where bright fires, perpetually burn- 
ing in honor of the gods, turned the night into day. Of these 
about forty were temples, each with its idols scattered round 
the court and facing the great pyramid, as though in adora- 
tion. The largest was that of Tlaloc, which was ascended by 
fifty steps, and the most singular in form was the one dedi- 
cated to Quetzalcoatl, which was surmounted by a dome, 
symbolic of the god of air, the entrance being in the shape of 
a snake's jaws with exposed fangs. Among other remarkable 
structures were the House of Mirrors and the House of Shells, 
to the latter of which the king retired at certain seasons to do 
penance. A temiple dedicated to Venus contained a large col- 
umn painted or sculptured with the image of that planet; and 
in a cage-like building, which also ranked as a temple, were 
kept the idols of conquered nations, in order to prevent them 
from aiding their worshippers to regain their liberty. The 
care of all these buildings was intrusted to an army of priests, 
monks, nuns, school children, and others, mustering in all from 
five to ten thousand, all of whom slept within the sacred pre- 
cincts; but though teeming with life at all hours of the night 
and day, the most perfect order and cleanliness were observed. 

Scattered throughout the wards of the capital, there were 
countless other temples and public oratories, attended by their 
special priests and servants. Those in other towns resem- 
bled very closely, though on a smaller scale, the buildings 
that have already been described. The pyramid at Cholula. 
however, far exceeded in size any of the temples of Anahuac, 



130 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

its circumferenee being estimated at more than 5,700 feet, and 
its height at 177 feet. Like the one in Mexico, it consisted of 
four rectangular terraces, facing the cardinal points. On its 
summit stood a chapel dedicated to Quetzalcoatl, in the shape 
of a half-sphere, and with an entrance so low that all who 
passed beneath it must "bend in humility. 

The total number of temples in Anahuac has been estimated 
at 80,000, and in the city of Mexico there were probably about 
2,000. The reV'enues needed for their support and repair were 
derived from lands belonging to the church, from taxes, and 
from voluntary contributions, — the last being of all kinds, from 
a cake' or feather to slaves or priceless gems, gjVen in perform- 
ance of a vow. Quantities of food were also brought by the 
children attending the schools, — which were entirely in 
charge of the priests, — and there were never wanting devout 
women to prepare it. If the fevenues were more than were 
needed for expenses, then the surplus was distributed among 
the poor or presented to charitable institutions. 

Such was Anahuac, and such her people^ at the date of the 
Spanish conquest. Within less than two centuries, the domin- 
ion of the Aztecs had been gradually extended from the spot 
where they had sought refuge amid the marshes of Lake Tez- 
cuco, until it included all the territory in the modern states of 
Mexico, Puebla, and San Luis Potosi, together with portions 
of Tamaulipas, Queretaro, Vera Cruz, Guerrero, western 
Oajaca, and Chiapas. South of Chiapas, they had pushed 
forward into Guatemala, and perhaps even into Nicaragua; but 
in neither of these countries had they obtained any permanent 
foothold. During the reign of Montezuma II., his armies had 
been constantly engaged in extending the limits of Aztec do- 
minion and in quelling insurrections. New provinces had 
been subjugated; but his dominion had, as a whole, been sen- 
sibly weakened, for each conquered province created additional 
enemies to the conquerors, who, impatient of their grievous 
yoke, only awaited an opportunity for revenge and for regain- 
ing their former liberty. It was this inherent weakness that 



CITIES, DWELLmOS, AND TEMPLES. 131 

alone rendered possible the conquest by a mere handful of 
European soldiers, leagued with revolted tribes, of the warlike 
hosts of Montezuma; for now, most^ suddenly and unexpect- 
edly, the empire of the great Nahua monarch was to be brought 
face to face with the empire of Charles I. of Spain. 

Since the days when, as tradition tells us, Quetzalcoatl had 
promised to return from his mysterious kingdom in " the land 
of the rising sun," and restore to the people of Cholula the 
golden age, many cycles had elapsed. Meanwhile, the Aztecs 
had become the greatest and strongest nation of the New World, 
as were the Spaniards of the old. ■ But to the former there was 
no Old World. With an empire extending from the Pacific 
Ocean to the gulf of Mexico, beyond these shores they could 
not cast their gaze; they could not cast their thoughts, save 
that, from an unknown realm beyond the waters toward the 
east would come the beneficent god, the god of the air, the 
sun, and the rain. 

In the year 1518, the last great sacrifice of human beings 
ever slaughtered in honor of Mexican idols was being ofiered 
'up at the dedication of the temple of Coatlan. Almost before 
the groans of the expiring victims had died away, there came 
to the ears of the Aztecv sovereign the startling tidings that 
bearded white men, strangely clad and armored, had landed 
on the coast of his own empire. They had come from the east 
in large canoes, borne over the waters with broad white wings, 
and the deafening roar and destructive force of their weapons 
closely resembled the thunder-laden clouds of air. Surely 
these strangers could be no other than Quetzalcoatl and his 
descendants, whose advent many generations had awaited in 
vain. 

Long and anxiously the confederate kings of Anahuac de- 
bated in council on the mysterious visitation; but at length 
all came to the conclusion that the leader of this mighty expedi- 
tion had come back from his kingdom beyond the seas to restore 
to them the blessings of the golden age. Filled with dread, 
and sorely smitten in conscience, Montezuma was prepared at 



132 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

once to surrender his dominion, and sending five of his chief 
nobles, with costly presents for the supposed deity, tendered 
his homage and congratulated him on his safe return. He 
was soon to learn that the purpose of these strangers' visit was 
by no means to restore to his people the blessings of the golden 
age. 

Montezuma II. was in his thirty-fourth year when he was 
elected monarch in preference to his elder brother. The rea- 
sons for his appointment were his soldierly qualities, which 
had been tested on many a field of battle, while as a states- 
man his words, uttered in clear, dignified tones, had been 
heard in council with respect, and as high-priest his gravity 
and circumspection had won favor among the community. 
His figure and presence befitted a monarch; he was well 
versed in the lore of the Aztecs, and on occasion preserved 
the taciturnity which often passes for wisdom. But though 
learned and talented, he was crafty and unscrupulous. He 
had promised to retain in office the merchants appointed by 
his predecessor to high position in the realm; but no sooner 
had he grasped the sceptre than he threw off the mask and 
dismissed every member of that calling, filling the vacancies 
from the ranks of the nobles. In war and diplomacy he was 
very successful, and raised himself to the highest pinnacle of 
greatness ever attained by a Nahua monarch, being styled by 
his subjects the Emperor of the World. Notwithstanding 
his abilities and accomplishments, he was extremely supersti- 
tious, trusting less to, common sense than to diviners and 
astrologers. Men, whom he knew, he feared not; but the gods, 
whom he did not know, he feared exceedingly. His extrava- 
gance exceeded all bounds; his incessant wars were expensive, 
and to meet this outlay, excessive taxation was necessary, the 
weight of the burden falling on recently conquered provinces, 
which were also required to furnish most of the human victims 
for sacrifice. Though a great man, he was not a good man; 
and while by no means wanting in physical courage, he 
Jacked the higher quality which is termed moral courage. 



PART II.— THE SPANISH CONQUEST.' 

CHAPTER XIV. 
OUTLINE OF SPAinSH HISTORY. 

Before relating the story of the Spanish conquest, it may 
be well to refer briefly to the history of Spain, and to the posi- 
tion which she occupied among the nations of the earth at the 
opening of the sixteenth century. 

Far back as tradition relates, the Spaniards, or, as they 
were then termed, Iberians, followed their rude vocations of 
hunting, fishing, and fighting, guarded on the north by the 
Pyrenees Mountains and on other sides by the sea. Then, 
in an epoch the dates of which cannot be determined, the 
Celts invaded Spain, and the race formed by the union of 
Celt and Iberian first became known to the civilized world 
under the name of Celtiberian. After them came the Phoeni- 
cians, who established a colony on the site of the modern 
Cadiz, and the Carthaginians, who founded Nova Cartago, 
now Carthagena, the power of the latter being broken by the 
Romans toward the end of the third century before the 
Christian era, though the traces which they have left are 
still to be found in the population and language of Spain. 
After driving out the Carthaginians, the Romans fought the 
Celtiberians long and fiercely; but the latter being finally 
subjugated, nearly all their territory was divided into Roman 
provinces, and among them was established the language and 
institutions of their conquerors. Hence, the Spanish tongue, 
as spoken to-day, like that of Italy, France, and other coun- 
tries formerly subject to Rome, is mainly of Latin derivation. 

The fifth century of the Christian era opens with the disso- 



134 HISTORY OF THE MEX.ICAN PEOPLE. 

liition of the empire of the Romans, for the barbarians were 
now upon them. Over the Pyrenees swept, like a deluge, the 
Vandals, the Suevi, and other barbarous tribes from northern 
and central Europe. Blighted by this terrible disaster, civili- 
zation drooped, and the arts and sciences introduced by the 
Romans fell into disuse. The churlish invaders would have 
none of them, and the culture of ancient Greece and Rome fled 
from the inhospitable west and took refuge in Constantinople, 
the capital of the eastern empire, which thenceforth harbored 
the wrecks of classic learning. In their distress, the people of 
Hispania, as it Avas termed in the Latin tongue, now called to 
their aid the Visigoths, who, between the years 455 and 584, 
conquered the Suevi and the remants of the Roman legions. 

After some two centuries of strife between the kings and 
nobles of Spain, the Saracens, landing in the year 711, at the 
invitation of Count Julian, commander of Andalusia, routed 
the Visigoths, and in five short years became masters of the 
entire territory except the mountainous region toward the 
north-west. Later the conquerors made their headquarters at 
Cordova, where in 755 a caliphate was established, those who 
held that office being the acknowledged successors of Mahomet. 
The fairest portions of the peninsula now formed one of the 
four great divisions of the prophet's dominions, and Moorish 
kings reigned in Cordova until 1238, while in Granada they 
held sway until 1492. 

Meanwhile the Spaniards, under one of their national 
heroes, named Pelayo, had taken refuge in the mountains of 
Asturias, where in 716 they founded a small kingdom which 
they named Oviedo. Here the seeds of liberty took root, and 
from this band of patriots sprang a nation that spread its 
branches far and wide over the land. Gradually the domain 
of the Christians was enlarged. First Galicia, and 200 years 
later Leon and Castile, were added to their empire. Toward 
the close of the tenth century, the two latter kingdoms, together 
with that of Navarre, included the northern portion of Spain, 
while the remainder gtill belonged to the caliphate of Cordova. 



OUTLINE OF SPANISH HISTORY. 135 

And now from the mountain fastnesses, whither they had 
fled, the sturdy hosts of the Christians pressed heavily on the 
foe. Step by step they fought their way from the Pyrenees 
toward Granada, until, at the opening of the eleventh century, 
we find them occupying about one half of the peninsula, their 
territory being divided into the kingdoms of Leon, Castile, 
Aragon, Navarre, and Portugal. Leon was but another name 
for Oviedo or Asturias, the birthplace of Spanish national- 
ity; while Castile, so called from the castillos or forts built 
therein, though destined eventually to absorb all the rest, 
was originally a republic, consisting of a few small fortified 
towns united for mutual protection. 

Finally, the four kingdoms of the north, united with Portu- 
gal, formed a league against the infidels, and in a great battle 
fought near Tolosa in 1212, the Mahometan power in Spain 
was effectually broken. In this decisive engagement the 
Christian confedeiates were commanded by Alfonso III. of 
Castile, who never rested until the followers of the prophet 
were driven from the central plateau of Spain. 

A succession of brilliant events, culminating in the empire 
of Charles V., had, at the opening of the sixteenth century, 
exalted Spain to the foremost rank among European powers. 
The marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella, which in 1479 
united the crowns of Aragon and Castile; the conquest of 
Granada in 1492, terminating eight centuries of almost con- 
tinuous warfare; the discovery of America during the same 
year; the annexation of Naples in 1503 and of Navarre in 
1512, after the union of Spain with the Netherlands; — all these 
important events, following in quick succession, formed a train 
of incidents almost without a parallel in the history of nations. 

During the reign of Philip 11., which came to an end in 
1598, the empire of Spain was extended to every quarter of 
the globe, including the richest portions of the two American 
continents, which alone comprised about one fifth of the sur- 
face of the earth. But the most brilliant achievements of the 
Spaniards occurred during the reign of Ferdinand and Isa- 



136 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

bella, as did those of tlie Germans uiider Charles V. and of 
the Enghsh under Elizabeth. 

To those who are not familiar with the annals of Spain this 
brief outline of Spanish history may explain how it came to 
pass that, at the time of the conquest of Mexico, the Spaniards, 
from being a semi-barbarous people, far less civilized than 
were the Aztecs, had developed into a power which now ranked 
foremost among the nations of the world. 




Serpent Cup, Santa Catalina. 



EARLY DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS, 137 



CHAPTER XV. 

EMILY DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. 

Until the year 1492, nothing was known of the American 
oontinents and their adjacent islands. To the obscure allusions 
of Aristotle, Plato, and Seneca to a country hidden beyond the 
western ocean, discovery had added nothing for more than 
2,000 years, and it was not until the early part of the fifteenth 
century that the existence even of the Canary Islands, Madeira, 
and the Azores was known to the world That there were 
lands west of the Azores was, however, suspected, for to their 
western shores had drifted strange plants and trunks of trees. 
This, however, was merely conjecture, and so remained until 




Martin Behaim's Globe, 1492. 

near the close of the fifteenth century. Up to this time it was 
the general belief that the surface of the earth was flat, and 
chat between Europe and Asia there lay no other continent. 



138 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

In 1435 or 1436, the exact date being uncertain, was born in 
Genoa, of humble parentage, a boy to whom his father, a wool- 
comber by occupation, gave the name of Christopher Colombo, 
or, as in English, Columbus. Permitted to make choice of his 
calling when fifteen years of age, he selected that of a sailor. 
He was a studious youth, and mastering all the sciences that 
would aid him in his profession, became in early manhood a 
skilful navigator. 

Arriving at Lisbon in the year 1470, after suffering ship- 
wreck during a sea-fight oflF Cape St. Vincent, he married the 
daughter of a captain in the navy, who, having served under 
Prince Henry of Spain, was appointed governor of the island of 
Porto Santo. Here, on the decease of his father-in-law, Colum- 
bus took up his abode, and made charts for a livelihood, dis- 
coursing at times with seamen of their voyages, and of the 
mysteries of the western ocean. He arrived at the conclusion 
that much of the earth was still undiscovered, believed it to be 
round, and gradually conceived the design of reaching the 
shores of Asia by sailing westward, little dreaming that be- 
tween it and Europe lay two vast and undiscovered continents. 

At this period the world was filled with rumors, which now 
began to take form and substance, concerning an unknown and 
mysterious country beyond the Atlantic Ocean, or as it was 
then called, the North Sea. Four hundred miles west of Cape 
St. Vincent, a Portuguese pilot had found a piece of wood 
curiously carved. Near Porto Santo his brother-in-law had 
picked up a waif, composed of canes, each of them large enough 
to support a vessel containing a gallon of wine, and had heard 
of two men being washed ashore, "very broad faced, and 
differing in aspect from Christians." 

After many disappointments, some of those to whom he 
applied for aid regarding Columbus as little better than a 
lunatic. Queen Isabella, soon after the surrender of Granada, 
promised to advance the necessary funds. With the aid of 
two brothers, named Pinzon, an expedition was fitted out, and 
on the 3d of August, 1492, it set sail from the port of Palos. 



EARLY DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS, 



139 



With the story of the voyage of Columbus all the world is 
familiar: how, by sailing constantly westward, he reached 
an island to which he gave the name of San Salvador; how 
he afterward estabUshed a colony at Espanola, which on his 
return he found dispersed; how, toward the end of the voyage, 
his crew mutinied, believing that, instead of sailing toward a 
new world, they were sailing toward destruction; how at 




SVAS DB LA CoSA's MaP, 1500. 



length land was descried when hope was wellnigh lost; — all 
these matters, and the incidents connected therewith, have 
been a thousand times related. Of his subsequent voyages 
and discoveries merely incidental mention is required, as they 
have little bearing on the subject-matter of this book. 

During the first quarter of a century after the landing of 



140 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



Columbus at San Salvador, 3,000 miles of the mainland coast 
was examined in the hope of finding a western passage to j 
Asia. At the close of this period, in 1517, the first Spanish 




Map by Johann Ruysch, 1508. 

vessel that had ever visited the shores of Mexico cast anchor 
off the coral reefs of Yucatan. Though Columbus had heard 
of this country in 1502, and Pinzon had sighted its coast in 
1506, for reasons that need not be explained, neither of these 
navigators had sailed toward this portion of the New World. 

The island of Cuba, or Juana, as it was first named, where 
Columbus had touched during his first voyage, was colonized 
in 1511, and a few years later its governor, Diego Velazquez, 
aided in fitting out expeditions for exploration and conquest 
in other directions. Meanwhile, the Pacific Ocean had been 
discovered by Vasco Nunez de Balboa, and Spanish settle- 
ments had been formed on several of the islands in the West 
Indies, and on the mainland from Panama northward to Hon- 
duras. 

The first expedition fitted out in Cuba was placed in charge 



EARLY DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. 



141 



of Francisco Hernandez de Cordoba, and consisted of 110 
soldiers, in three small vessels, in charge of the pilot. Antonio 
de Alaminos. " Down from Cuba Island, in this sea of the 
west," said the latter, " my heart tells me there must be rich 
lands; because when I sailed as a boy with the old admiral, I 
remember he inclined that way." 

Sailing toward the north, and touching on their way at an 




aburema 
beragua 



Peter Martyr's Map, 1511. 

island where were found people dressed in white and colored 
cotton, and wearing ornaments of gold, silver, and feathers, on 
the 3d of March, 1517, they again sighted land. While look- 
ing for an anchorage, five canoes approached the commander's 
vessel, and thirty men stepped fearlessly on board, to whom 
the Spaniards gave presents of bread and bacon, and to each 
a necklace of glass beads. After closely scrutinizing the ship, 
the natives put ofi" to shore; but early on the following day 
the cacique, or chieftain, appeared with twelve canoes and a 
large number of followers. Making signs of frienship, he cried 
out, '^ Conez cotoch!'' that is to say, "Come to our houses;" 



142 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



whence the place was called Punta de Gatoche, or Point 
Catoche, which name it bears to this day. 

Thus invited, Cordoba, with several of his officers and 
twenty-five soldiers armed with cross-bows and firelocks, ac- 




(Discovered ty Columbus) 



Tropicus Capricomi 



Map from Ptolemy, 1513. 

companied the natives to shore, when the cacique, conducting 
them as he pretended toward his palace, led them into an 
ambush. The natives fought with flint-edged, wooden swords, 
lances, bows, and slings, and were protected by shields and 
thick coats of quilted cotton. They charged the Spaniards 
bravely, with shouts and noise of instruments, and several of 
the latter were wounded, two of them fatally. At length, how- 
ever, they were forced to give way before the fire-arms, and steel 



EABLY DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. 



143 



weapons of the enemy, leaving fifteen of their number dead, 
while two youths were captured, and after being baptized 
under the names of Julian and Melchor, were employed by the 
Spaniards as interpreters. 

Re-embarking and sailing westward, they arrived a fortnight 
later at the town of Campeche. Here, while they gazed in 
wonder at its beautiful edifices, a priest ran forth from one of 
the temples carrying a bundle of reeds, and setting fire to it, 
indicated by signs that, unless they departed before it was 




YuCATAJSr. 



consumed, all of them would be put to death. Still sore with 
the wounds received at Catoche, the Spaniards were in iio 
mood to fight; and coasting along the western shore of Yuca- 
tan, they anchored ofi" a village, now called Champoton, in 
order to obtain water and provisions. 

Here occurred a desperate conflict with the natives, who did 
not shrink from fighting hand to hand with the foe. Fifty- 
seven of the Spaniards were killed on the spot, two were car- 
ried ofi" alive, and five died on board the ships. Those whom 



144 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



the natives could not kill they followed to the shore, and even 
into the sea, laying hold of their boats and trying to drag the 
fugitives into the water. After suffering many hardships, the 
survivors finally reached Cuba, where a few days afterward 
Plernandez de Cordoba died of his wounds. 

Greatly interested in this discovery, notwithstanding the 
disasters which attended it, Velazquez closely questioned the 
captives as to their country, its gold, its buildings, and its 
native plants. When there was shown to them a root, called 
in Cuba the yucca, they assured the governor that they were 
familiar with it, but that their own name for it was tale. From 
these two words, according to Bernal Diaz, who was a member 
of the expedition, and some fifty years [plater wrote a history of 
the conquest of Mexico, comes the name Yucatan. 

After holding conference with the captains who had survived 
the defeat at Champoton, and examining the articles obtained 




Caravel. 



from the natives, and the gold and images taken from one of 
the temples at Catoche, the governor resolved on a new ex- 
pedition. Four caravels were fitted out, Alaminos being again 
appointed chief pilot, and as commander, a handsome and 
chivalrous young Spaniard, named Juan de Grijalva, nephew 
to Velazquez. There was no lack of volunteers, of whom 240 



EARLY DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS. 145 

at once came forward, among them being several who after- 
ward became famous. Grijalva, as commodore of the squadron, 
took charge of one of the vessels, and Pedro de Alvarado, 
Alonso Davila, and Francisco de Montejo were chosen captains 
of the others. 

Touching at the Island of Cozumel, the expedition rounded 
the northern coast of Yucatan and cast anchor off Champoton, 
where an aflfray occurred in which the natives were defeated, 
though with severe loss to the Spaniards. Continuing his 
voyage along the coast, in June 1518, Grijalva entered the 
mouth of a river to which was given his own name, though 
called by the natives Tabasco, after a cacique of their tribe. 
Landing close to a grove of palm-trees, near their principal 
town, the invaders were met by 6,000 Indians, who at first 
showed signs of hostility, but by peaceful overtures were in- 
duced to furnish supplies of food in exchange for beads and 
trinkets. During an interview which followed, the interpreters 
Melchor and Julian being present, the Spaniards ascertained 
that in a country toward the north-west, called Culhua, that is 
to say, Mexico, there was gold in abundance. This was prob- 
ably the first intimation received by the Spaniards of the 
existence of the Nahua domain. 

Returning to their ships, the following day Grijalva received 
a visit from the cacique, who brought presents of roasted 
fish, fowl, maize bread, fruit, feather-work, and gold, receiving 
in return a pair of red shoes, and a coat and cap of crimson 
velvet. 

Voyaging a few leagues farther toward the west, the Span- 
iards sighted the snow-clad mountains of New Spain, as Mexico 
was called for many years after the conquest. A few days later 
they came to a stream which they named the Rio de Bande- 
ras, or river of banners, so called because the natives appeared 
in large numbers, carrying white flags on their lances, with 
which they beckoned the strangers to land. Thereupon 
twenty soldiers were sent ashore under Montejo, and a favor- 
able reception being accorded them, they were followed by the 
10 



146 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

commander in person. The utmost deference was paid to the 
guests; for Montezuma, having already heard of the strange 
visitors on his eastern seaboard, had ordered them to be hos- 
pitably entertained. As yet he probably believed them to be 
the descendants of Quetzalcoatl, who had returned from their 
mysterious realm beyond the sea to restore to Anahuac the 
golden age. In the cool shade was spread, on embroidered 
mats, a tempting repast, while fumes of burning incense con- 
secrated the spot and made redolent the air. Learning what 
the Spaniards loved best, the governor of the province, named 
Pinotl, who acted the part of host, sent forth messengers, and 
gathered for his visitors gold to the value of 15,000 crowns. 

After a stay of six days the flotilla set sail, and touching at 
several points, among them being the Isla de Sacrificios, or isle 
of sacrifices, where were temples containing the remains of 
human victims, the Spaniards crossed to the mainland, and 
thence to an adjacent island. Here they landed, and built 
huts upon the sand. Of an Indian, baptized Francisco, Gri- 
jalva asked the significance of this detestable rite. Because, 
he replied, the people of Culhua, or Uliia, as he pronounced 
the word, would have it so. Hence, the name of the com- 
mander being Juan, and the feast of John the Baptist being 
near at hand, the island was named San Juan de Uliia. 

Prompted by zeal in his master's service, Pinotl had pros- 
trated himself before the Spanish commander and his cap- 
tains as before kings or gods, the beads and trinkets given in 
return for his gold being esteemed as priceless gifts from 
supernatural beings. When he explained as best he could the 
majesty and wealth of his sovereign, Grijalva promised to 
return erelong and visit the great city of the Aztecs. Bearing 
with them, as they had been instructed, paintings on maguey 
paper of the vessels, sailors, soldiers, arms, dress, and accou- 
trements of the Spaniards, Pinotl and the chief men of the 
province set forth to report these events to the emperor. 

Entering the imperial presence, they fell prostrate to the 
ground, declaring themselves worthy of death for having 



EARLY DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS, 



147 



ventured unbidden before their lord; but their mission permit- 
ted no delay. "For oh! most dread sovereign," they ex- 
claimed, "we have seen gods I All of us here present have 
seen their water-houses on our shores. We have talked with 
them, and eaten with them, and have handled them with our 
hands; we have given them gifts, and have received in return 
these priceless treasures." Then they displayed their beads 
and trinkets. 

Montezuma sat mutely regarding the messengers, concerned 
most of all lest vassals should witness his dismay. A council 
was summoned and after sage consultation, it was decided 
that the commander of the Spaniards could be none other 
than the fair-hued god, who, according to his promise, had 
returned to resume the throne. Resistance was therefore use- 
less, and it remained only to conciliate him with gifts. 
The chiefs were sent back, with orders to the governors of the 
coast districts to report any further arrival of strangers, or 
occurrence of strange events. Following them was an em- 
bassy bearing rich presents, with instructions to bid the god 
welcome in the name of the emperor and his court. Well had 
it been if Juan de Grijalva had received these presents, and, 
returning messages of peace and good- will, had paved the way, 
as doubtless he would have attempted, for a bloodless con- 
quest. But the embassy arrived too late. Grijalva had gone. 




148 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



CHAPTER XVI. 
THE HERO OF THE CONQUEST. 

In a village named Medellin, in the Spanish province of 
Estremadura, was born in 1485 the hero of the Spanish con- 
quest of Mexico, by name Hernan Cortes. He was a sickly- 
child, and but for the care of his nurse would never perhaps 
have lived to set foot on the shores of the New World. In 
youth he was headstrong, self-willed, courageous, and keenly 
sensitive to disgrace. At the age of fourteen his parents 
selected for him the profession of the law, and with ,such 
preparation as the slender means of his father would allow, 
he was sent to the university of Salamanca, which, though 
past the zenith of its fame, was still considered the principal 
seat of learning by the wealthier classes of Spain. But Her- 
nan had little inclination for intellectual toil, or in truth for 
toil of any kind, if he could live without it, and after two 
years of scholastic restraint, during which he acquired a 
smattering of Latin and rhetoric, he returned to his native 
village, greatly to the disgust of his parents. 

When nineteen years of age, the youth, inspired by the 
marvellous stories of adventurers who had returned with gold 
and fame from the Indies, set sail for Espaiiola, carrying with 
him little else than his father's blessing. On his arrival he 
was courteously received by the governor's secretary, who 
pointed out to him the common road to fortune. "Register 
yourself a citizen," he said, "promise not to leave the island 
for five years, and you shall have lands and Indians; after 
the expiration of your time you may go where you choose." 
"I want gold, not work," replied Cortes; "and neither in this 
island nop in any other place will I promise to remain so 
long." He changed his mind, however, and a revolt soon 
afterward occurring among the natives, joined an expedition 



THE HERO OF THE CONQUEST. 149 

in charge of Diego Velazquez, afterward appointed governor, 
and by his courage and ability won the esteem of his com- 
rades. 

Proud in bearing, high-spirited, and of quick perception, there 
were in his character many noble traits, chief among them 
being that of generosity. By men of the present day he is 
branded with cruelty, but he should be judged rather from the 
standard of his own age; and compared with others of the 
New World conquerors, he appears at an advantage. His 
natural tendencies were not in the main toward evil, and his 
vices were more those of his time and station than inherent in 
the man. Yet he lacked the moral fibre which should be 
interwoven with a generous and sensitive nature, and this 
want could not be atoned for by the repetition of prayers, and 
singing of psalms, in both of which exercises, if we can be- 
lieve his biographers, he was remarkably proficient. 

In 1518 we find Cortes, after many adventures, holding the 
position of alcalde or magistrate at the town of Santiago de 
Cuba, He was still in the prime of manhood, of medium 
stature, well proportioned and muscular, with broad shoulders, 
spare, campact frame, and powerful limbs. His portraits 
display regular features, tinged somewhat with melancholy, 
an expression which was increased by the grave look of his 
dark oval eye. A thin brown beard, cut close, relieved some- 
what the natural pallor of his face, and served to cover a deep 
scar on the lower lip, caused by a duel fought in his younger 
days. 

Long before the return of Grijalva, who was delayed by 
further explorations, the news of his discovery was reported in 
Cuba. The first vessel to arrive was that of Alvarado, who, 
together with Davila and Montejo, severely criticised the con- 
duct of his commander, accusing him, though most unfairly, 
of cowardice and misconduct. So malignant were the accusa- 
tions brought against this deserving officer, that Velazquez 
was heard to mutter: "Had I lost all, it would have been a 
just penalty for sending such a fool." Thus, when his nephew 



150 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

reported himself to Santiago, he was told to go his way, as the 
governor had no farther use for him. 

But Alvarado had brought back with him more than 20,- 
000 crowns in treasure, and tidings of a land where the Span- 
iards could obtain gold to their hearts' content. The people 
of Cuba were soon in a whirl of excitement, and volunteers 
pressed forward by the hundred to join a fresh expedition, now 
being fitted out for Mexico. After some hesitation, the com- 
mand was given to Cortes, to whom were delivered, by Velaz- 
quez and the friars of Espafiola, instructions that were in 
amusing contrast with the sequel. He must conduct himself 
as a christian soldier; he must prohibit blasphemy among the 
men, and on no account molest the natives, but gently inform 
them of the glory of God and of the Catholic king. Notwith- 
standing this outward show of piety, neither the governor nor 
the priests believed that these instructions would in the least 
interfere with' his movements. They were given merely for 
effect, and in the hope of shielding Velazquez, who expected 
to receive the lion's share of the spoils, from the anger of his 
sovereign. 

No sooner was his commission sealed than Cortes began to 
prepare for the expedition. Quickly expending his few thou- 
sand crowns of ready money, he mortgaged his estates, and 
borrowed to the uttermost from his friends. He then threw 
open his doors, and loading his table with choice viands and 
wines, drew to his side nearly all the available men in the 
island. There were many who sneered at his assumption, as 
he appeared in gay uniform, with plume and medal, with 
martial music and retinue, exclaiming: "Here is a lord with- 
out lands;" but they little knew the firmness and self-reliance 
of this Castilian adventurer, who having once assumed the 
task, would lay it down only with his life. 

Before the departure of the expedition Velazquez repented 
of his choice, having now become jealous of Cortes, and 
suspicious as to his allegiance; but the stronger his suspi- 
cions, the firmer became the determination of the latter to 



THE HERO OF THE CONQUEST. 



151 



prosecute an adventure in which he had risked his. all. 
Warned by friends of his danger, he hurried forward his 
preparations, at the same time giving orders for all to be in 
readiness to embark at a moment's notice. Finally, the hour 
having arrived, Cortes, with a few trusty adherents, presented 
himself before the governor, and politely took his leave. From 
the governor's house he hastened to the public meat deposi- 
tory, seized and added to his stores the town's supply for the 
ensuing week, and in payment gave to the keeper a gold 
chain, all that he had in the world apart form his interest in 
the venture. 




Bronze Bells — Christy Collection. 



152 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



CHAPTER XVII. 
THE EXPEDITION. 

On a dull, gray, winter morning, the 18th of November, 
1518, the squadron, composed of six vessels, sailed out of the 
harbor of Santiago amid the cheers of the populace and the 
suppressed anathemas of the governor. Before reaching the 
island of Cozumel the number of ships had been increased to 
twelve, including the flag-ship of 100 tons, three others of sixty 
to eighty tons, the remainder being brigantines and open craft. 




Beigantine. 

The soldiers numbered 508, and the sailors 109, including 
officers and pilots. Under Juan Benitez and Pedro de Guz- 
man were thirty-two cross-bowmen, and thirteen only carried 
firelocks, the rest being armed with swords and spears. The 
artillery consisted of ten bronze guns and four falconets, 200 
Cuban Indians being pressed into service as carriers. Sixteen 
of the Spaniards were mounted, and, as we shall see later, 
their horses played an important part in the approaching 
campaign. The supplies included 5,000 tocinos, or pieces of 
salt pork, and 6,000 loads of maize, yucca, vegetables, poultry, 



THE EXPEDITION. 153 

groceries, and other provisions. For barter and presents there 
were beads, bells, mirrors, needles, ribbons, knives, hatchets, 
cotton goods, and many other articles. 

The forces were divided into eleven companies, each under 
a captain having control on sea and land. Their names were 
Alonso Hernandez Puertocarrero, Alonso Davila, Diego de Or- 
daz, Francisco de Montejo, Francisco de Morla, Escobar, Juan 
de Escalante, Juan Velazquez de Leon, Cristobal de Olid, 




Navio, or Ship. 

Pedro de Alvarado, and Cortes, with Alaminos still chief pilot. 
The priests who accompanied the expedition were Juan Diaz 
and Bartolome de Olmedo, of the order of Mercy. 

Reviewing his troops before reaching the mainland, Cortes 
addressed them in words of fire. Pointing to nations un- 
baptized, he awakened their religious zeal; dwelling on the 
grandeur of the undertaking, he stimulated their ambition; 
referring tO the vast wealth which these unknown lands con- 
tained, he stimulated their cupidity. They were setting out 
on a career of conquest in the name of their God, who had 
always befriended the Spaniards, and in the name of their 
emperor, for whom they would achieve more heroic deeds than 



154 HISTORY OF THE 3IEXICAN PEOPLE. 

had yet been accomplished. Riches lay before them ; but, 
like good and brave men, they must look with him to the 
higher and nobler reward of glory. " Nevertheless," he said, 
" be true to me, as I am to you, and erelong I will load you 
with wealth, such as you have never dreamed of." 

During the voyage there was little worthy of note, except 
that at the Rio Tabasco a skirmish took place with the 
natives, in which the losses of the Spaniards almost equalled 
those of the Indians. On Thursday, in passion week of 1519, 
the squadron lay at anchor under the island of San Juan de 
Ulua. 

The ships had been watched from afar with eager eyes, and 
now, from the wondering multitude that thronged the shore, 
came two large canoes, from which there stepped on board the 
flag-ship men, who with reverential mien asked for the tlatoani, 
or white chief, saying that they were ordered by the cacique 
of the nearest town to welcome him, and to ask whither he 
came and why. To the embassy Cortes made friendly answer. 
He would explain his purpose to the cacique in person. 
Meanwhile the messengers, after being invited to a banquet, 
and receiving as gifts some worthless trinkets, were informed 
that presents of gold were regarded by the Spaniards as sure 
tokens of friendship. Then they returned to the shore, the 
appearance of which was not very inviting, with its broad 
reaches of sand and sandy hillocks, where now stands the city 
of Vera Cruz. 

Early on good Friday Cortes landed, and planting his guns 
on one of the hillocks, began the construction of a fortified 
camp, placing in its centre a large cross. On easter Sunday 
the cacique arrived with a large retinue of attendants and a 
number of slaves, bearing presents. Cortes, with his escort, 
advanced to receive them, and after an interchange of cour- 
tesies led the way to the altar, where Father Olmedo celebrated 
mass. The service over, he invited them to dinner, and in- 
formed them that he was a captain of the greatest of earthly 
monarchs, Charles V. of Spain, who, hearing of Montezuma's 



THE EXPEDITION. 155 

renown, had sent him presents and a message, which must be 
delivered to him in person and at once. 

There is little doubt that Montezuma had already heard of 
the defeat of the Spaniards at Champoton, for the Aztec 
officers replied, somewhat haughtily, " Be it known to you that 
our master is inferior to none; and for the present let these 
gifts suffice." Thereupon at a given signal the slaves ad- 
vanced and delivered their burdens, consisting of food, cotton 
fabrics, feather-Avork in brilliant colors, and a cacaxtli, or 
basket, filled with wrought gold, set with precious stones and 
pearls. Cortes expressed his thanks, and sent to Montezuma 
in return a few presents of no great value, among them being 
a bright red cap and a carved and inlaid arm-chair; and 
"would the emperor deign to wear the cap and occupy the 
chair when it became his pleasure to receive him?" The 
chieftain promised to deliver the gifts, and pointing to the gilt 
helmet of a soldier, which resembled the head-dress of Quet- 
zalcoatl, asked permission to display it to his sovereign. 
" Take it," said Cortes, " and bring it back filled with gold- 
dust, that we may show our monarch what kind of metal your 
land contains." Meanwhile, orders had been given that all 
the wants of the Spaniards should- be supplied, 2,000 natives 
being detailed to act as their servants. 

Observing that some of the attendants were depicturing on 
maguey paper the appearance, dress, weapons, horses, and 
accoutrements of the Spaniards, Cortes mounted his steed, 
ordering his troops to fall into line and the cannon to be 
loaded. The infantry passed in review, with bands playing 
and banners unfurled. Then came the squadron of cavalry, 
led by Alvarado, dashing past in swift and varied evolutions. 
The movements of these animals, their rearing and prancing, 
their power and speed, the flashing swords, the glittering 
armor, all appeared to this simple people as the hosts of 
heaven. But admiration changed to terror when the guns 
belched forth flame and smoke, and cannon-balls tore up the 
beach or crashed among the trees. 



156 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

When the picture-writings were delivered to Montezuma, 
and he was told that the dread strangers insisted on delivering 
to him in person the message of their king, terror filled his 
soul. A council was summoned, and though opinions were 
divided, it was finally resolved that the emperor should decline 
the interview, hut not rudely, lest peradventure they might 
be gods. He would propitiate them with gifts, and beseech 
them to depart from the shores of Mexico. A noble was de- 
spatched to the coast, and with him a retinue and more than 
a hundred slaves, bearing costly presents. Bowing low before 
Cortes, the envoy touched the earth with his hand, carrying it 
to his lips, and then, in token of respect or reverence, swung 
the copal censer. 

The slaves were then ordered to display the presents, among 
which were thirty bales of cotton fabrics, white, colored, plain, 
and figured, interwoven with feathers or embroidered with 
gold and silver threads. There were disks of gold and silver 
representing the sun and moon, ornamented in demi-rplief and 
as large as a carriage wheel; there were ducks, dogs, monkeys, 
lions, and other animals, well fashioned in gold; there were 
ten golden collars and a necklace with more than a hundred 
pendant stones, which the Spaniards declared to be emeralds 
and rubies. Finally, there was the helmet returned full of 
virgin gold, fine dust and coarse, and in nuggets. " This," says 
the historian Torquemada, "cost Montezuma his life;" for its 
contents were a sure indication that there were rich mines in 
the realm of the Aztecs. 

For the presents Cortes returned his thanks and some gifts 
of trifling value; but after so long a voyage, he declared, he 
could not face his master without having first beheld the great 
Montezuma. Ten days later, the governor of the province 
laid more treasures at the feet of the Spanish commander. 
Further messages to the emperor were useless, he said, for the 
desired interview could never be granted. He hoped that the 
Spaniards would now be content, and depart in peace. Turn- 
ing to hi^ comrades, Cortes remarked: "Truly, this must be a 



THE EXPEDITION. 157 

great lord, and rich. God willing, some day we will visit 
him." At that instant the bell sounded for the ave Maria, 
and instantly, with uncovered head, the soldiers knelt around 
the cross, while one of the priests proclaimed the true faith in 
the hearing of the governor. His words made a bad impres- 
sion, as did the message of Cortes. The governor bade them 
a cold farewell, and on the following day the supplies of pro- 
visions were removed, and the native encampment deserted. 

The Spaniards were now threatened with famine; many of 
them were sick; the majority were in favor of returning to 
Cuba, especially the friends and relatives of Velazquez. But 
by placing some in irons, and appeasing others with gold, 
Cortes quelled the threatened mutiny, and was chosen by his 
men captain-general, with a command independent of Velaz- 
quez. A few days later he moved his camp to the present site 
of Vera Cruz; and messengers were sent to Spain, asking that 
his appointment be confirmed. 

No sooner had the messengers departed than certain of the 
malecontents formed a plot to seize one of the vessels and 
escape to Cuba. It was betrayed, however, by one of the 
party on the eve. of their intended embarkation. Cortes was 
profoundly moved; for although the ringleaders were severely 
punished, he foresaw that desertions might occur at any time, 
and thus would the purpose of his life be frustrated. Morn 
and eve, and all day long, disaffected men were plotting, and 
wistfully gazing at the ships. 

There was but one remedy, and that was to destroy them. 
If this were done, each man would put forth his utmost effort, 
and even craven souls would be inspired at least with the 
courage of desparation. Then if Montezuma still refused to 
admit him peaceably, he would gather such a force of his 
enemies as would sweep his kingdom from the face of the 
earth. Already the Totonacs, in whose territory he was en- 
camped, had thrown off their allegiance to the emperor, and 
other provinces only awaited an opportunity. Finally, if the 
ships were destroyed, the sailors, who would otherwise be 



158 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE » 

required to guard them, might be added to the force of com- 
batants. Such were the arguments which the commander 
advanced to win the consent of his captains to one of the 
most daring and desperate acts ever achieved. 

Not that the consent of the officers was necessary, for the 
deed once accomplished there would be only one course open 
to them. Nevertheless he preferred that they should partici- 
pate in his scheme, rather than consider themselves unfairly 
dealt with. Thus it came to pass that a few days afterward, 
the masters of several of the largest vessels appeared before 
the captain-general with rueful countenances, and with the 
sad intelligence that their craft were unseaworthy. They 
omitted, however, to say that they had secretly bored holes in 
them according to instructions. Cortes was astonished, — nay, 
he was deeply affected; he was by nature an actor, and 
Roscius himself could not have played the part better. " Well," 
he said, "the will of God be done; but look you sharply to the 
other ships." 

So well did the captains carry out their instructions that 
soon all were able to swear the vessels were unsafe, except 
three which might be made seaworthy by costly repairs. Soon 
it became apparent that they must be abandoned. "And in- 
deed, fellow-soldiers," remarked Cortes, "I am not sure but it 
were best to doom to destruction also the others, and so secure 
the co-operation of the sailors in the coming campaign, instead 
of leaving them in idleness to hatch new treachery." This 
intimation was successful, as was intended. Sails, anchors, 
cables, and everything that could be utilized were removed, 
and on the following day a few small boats were all that was 
left of the Cuban flotilla. One vessel, however, remained, 
which had recently arrived from Cuba wi fch a small re-enforce- 
ment under Francisco de Salcedo, better known among his 
comrades as "the dandy warrior." 



THE CAMPAIGNS IN TLASGALA AND GHOLULA, 159 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

THE CAMPAIGNS IN TLASGALA AND CHOLULA. 

'' To Mexico ! " was now the cry, and it was resolved to 
begin immediately the march toward the capital. Leaving a 
small detachment in the neighborhood of Vera Cruz, Cortes 
set forth on the 16th of August, 1519, with 450 Spaniards, and 
six or seven guns, accompanied by a large number of Indian 
warriors and carriers. The Totonac force included forty chief- 
tains, who were in reality hostages, among them being one 
who proved a most able and trustworthy guide and counsellor. 
By their advice, the captain-general adopted the route through 
Tlascala, as the Tlascaltecs were bitter enemies of the Mex- 
icans. On the fourth day came in sight of the city of Xoco- 
tlan, on the plateau of Anahuac. The cacique with his suite 
came forth to meet the strangers and conducted them through 
the plaza to their quarters, near which were the houses oc- 
cupied by himself and the 2,000 servants who attended to his 
wants, and those of his thirty wives. 

Impressed by this magnificence, Cortes inquired whether he 
was a subject or an ally of Montezuma. "Who is not his 
slave?" was the reply. He himself ruled over 20,000 subjects, 
and yet was but a lowly vassal of the emperor, at whose com- 
mand thirty chieftains could place each 100,000 warriors in 
the field. "But we," says Bernal Diaz, who accompanied the 
expedition, wished we were already at the capital, striving 
for fortunes, despite the dangers described." 

From Xocotlan, four Totonac chieftains were sent forward 
to ask permission of the Tlascaltecs to pass through their 
boundaries. Appearing before the senate at Tlascala, the 
messengers informed them of the arrival of powerful gods 
from the east, who, though few in number, were more than 
equal to a host. Then they depicted their appearance, their 



160 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

swift and powerful steeds, their savage dogs, and their terrible 
weapons, saying, in conclusion, that they had already delivered 
the Totonacs from the tyranny of Montezuma, and now desired, 
on their way to Mexico, to offer the Tlascaltecs their friend- 
ship and alliance. After some deliberation, it was decided to 
adopt a middle course. The Otomi frontier settlers, who were 
thoroughly devoted to the Tlascaltecs, were to be encouraged 
to attack the invaders, under command of the aged chieftain 
Xicotencatl. If successful, the latter would claim the glory; 
if not, they would grant the victors the permission which they 
desired, while casting the blame for the assault on the Otomis. 

After advancing a few leagues into the territory of the Tlas- 
caltecs, the Spaniards were met by a body of more than 1,000 
warriors, to whom Cortes sent three prisoners, captured during 
a previous skirmish, with assurances of his friendly intentions. 
The only reply was a shower of arrows, darts, and stones, 
whereupon Cortes, giving the battle-cry of "Santiago and at 
them ! " ordered his men to charge. The enemy retreated with 
their faces toward the pursuers, enticing them into a pass, 
formed of broken ground, where they were surrounded by a 
large force, placed in ambuscade and bearing the red and white 
banners of Xicotencatl. Missiles were now hurled upon them, 
while on every side bold warriors, with swords, clubs, and 
double-pointed spears, pressed close around. Many were the 
hearts that quaked, and many believed that their last moment 
had arrived, for the Spaniards were in greater peril than ever 
before. But the commander rode along the line, cheering 
his mon, and giving orders to press onward and keep well 
together. 

The pass was of no great length, and soon the invaders 
emerged into an open plain, but only to find themselves con- 
fronted by the main body of the enemy, mustering more than 
30,000 warriors. How long was this to continue, each new 
host being tenfold greater than the last? Yet once more the 
Spaniards took courage, and prepared for instant attack. The 
cavalry charged with loose reins and lances poised, so as to 



THE CAMPAIGNS IN TLA8CALA AND CHOLULA. 161 

strike at the heads of the foe, thus spreading confusion through 
their dense ranks, and opening a path for the infantry. It is 
related that a body of natives, determined to slay one of the 
horses, surrounded a man named Pedro de Moron, who was 
mounted on a racing steed, dragged him from his saddle, and 
thrust their sVi^'ords and spears through the animal. In the 
struggle which ensued ten Spaniards were wounded, and four 
of the native chiefs were slain. Moron was rescued, but only 
to die soon afterward of his wounds, while his steed was cut 
into pieces, which were sent all over the country, to be used in 
triumphal celebrations. This loss was greatly regretted, as it 
would allay the terror caused by the horses of the Spaniards, 
hitherto deemed invulnerable, those which had previously 
been slain having been buried in secret. 

The battle was continued for several hours, but the Indians 
were unable to make any further impression on the Spanish 
forces, while their own ranks were being rapidly thinned by 
the charges of cavalry and the volleys of artillery and firelocks. 
The slaughter had been very heavy among the chiefs, and this 
was the main reason for the retreat which Xicotencatl now 
commanded, his troops retiring in good order and with no 
symptoms of panic. Their exact loss could not be ascertained, 
for with humane devotion the wounded and dead were carried 
away as soon as they were stricken, and in this constant and 
self-sacrificing effort they lost many advantages. 

Cortes attempted no pursuit; but hastening to a town situ- 
ated on a neighboring hill, fortified himself on its temple 
pyramid, where he and his allies celebrated their victory with 
feasting, song, and dance. On the following day, he sallied 
forth with the horsemen, 100 infantry, and 700 Totonecs, partly 
for the purpose of foraging, and also to show the enemy that 
his men were prepared to renew the conflict. He returned with 
400 captives, whom he treated kindly, and with fifteen others, 
taken during the battle, despatched to the camp of Xicotencatl 
with friendly messages. The cacique replied that peace would 
be celebrated at his father's town with a feast on the Spaniards' 
11 



162 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

flesh, while their hearts would be offered up to the gods. He 
would give them a more decisive answer on the morrow. With 
this threat came the report that a Tlascalan army was prepar- 
ing to march against them. 

Early on the morning of the 5th of September, the Indian 
array could be seen extending far over the plain, terrible in 
war-paint, plumed helmets, and gaudy shields, with their 
swords and lances gleaming in the sun, while the air resounded 
with yells, mingled with the melancholy notes of drums and 
the doleful blasts of conches and trumpets. It was the largest 
and best equipped army yet encountered by the Spaniards, 
numbering, according to the lowest estimate, 50,000 men, in 
four divisions, each distinguished by its own banner and colors. 

The Indians advanced in dense columns up the sides of the 
hill, and despite all resistance, pressed onward into the very 
camp of the Spaniards, but were soon obliged to yield before 
their keen blades and murderous bullets. Cortes waited until 
the foe became tired and discouraged by repeated eJ0Forts, and 
then, with a ringing cry of " Santiago! " rushed forward and 
drove them in confusion to the plain, where the cavalry fol- 
lowed up the advantage, cutting down the fugitives in all 
directions. Rallying on their reserves, however, the enemy 
turned with renewed courage on their pursuers. The shock 
was overwhelming; the wearied Spaniards gave way; their 
ranks were broken, and all seemed lost. Even Cortes was for 
a moment dismayed, — but only for a moment. Leading his 
handful of horsemen to the rescue, he raised his voice above 
the din of battle and called on his men to follow. They 
responded nobly, and nerved by his words and deeds, plied 
lustily their swords, driving back the Indians and forming line 
anew. The victory might yet, however, have turned in favor 
of the latter, but for a quarrel between Xicotencatl and one of 
the chief captains, who withdrew his troops and persuaded the 
commander of another division to follow him. Thus left with 
only two divisions, and those shattered and discouraged, the 
Tlascalan commander was forced to retreat, though in excel- 



THE CAMPAIGNS IN TLASCALA AND CHOLULA. 163 

lent order, and carrying with him his dead and wounded, 
while of the Spaniards at least sixty were seriously hurt, of 
whom several died soon afterward. 

Once more Cortes sent to the Tlascalans overtures for peace; 
and now his offers were favorably received, for whether gods 
or men, the strangers were apparently invincible. Ambassa- 
dors despatched with provisions and gifts bowed low before the 
conqueror, expressed the contrition of their chieftains, and 
humbly sued for peace. With a grave reproval for their obsti- 
nacy, the apology was accepted and the envoys dismissed. A 
final effort, however, was made by Xicotencatl, who proposed 
to attack the Spaniards by night; but his purpose being dis- 
covered, the cacique was himself attacked under cover of dark- 
ness, and his forces routed. 

Great was the alarm caused in Mexico through reports of 
the victories obtained by this insignificant band of foreigners 
over the veteran troops of Tlascala, which had defied the com- 
bined armies of the allied kings of Anahuac. Again a council 
was summoned, and again it was resolved that, if possible, the 
strangers should be appeased with gifts, and asked to depart 
from their shores. Six of the most prominent nobles were 
sent to their camp to congratulate the white chieftain on his 
victories, and to offer annual tribute in gold, silver, jewels, 
and cloth, — to do, in fact, almost anything that their king 
might desire, provided they would advance no farther toward 
the capital. The envoys entered the presence of Cortes, fol- 
lowed by 200 attendants, and laying before him 100,000 caste- 
llanos in gold-dust, with twenty bales of rich feathers and 
embroidered cloth, delivered their message. The captain- 
general expressed his thanks, accepted the presents, and said 
that he would consider the matter. 

While entertaining the Mexican envoys, the Spanish camp 
was startled by the announcement that a Tlascalan embassy 
was approaching, fifty in number, at the head of whom was 
Xicotencatl in person. With pride subdued, he who but for the 
defection in his ranks would probably have been the conqueror 



164 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

of the Spaniards now came as their suppliant, and ofifered the 
best amends in his power, by personally humbling himself 
before the white chieftain, who had torn from his brow the 
wreath of victory. Approaching Cortes with profound salute, 
while over the cacique his attendants swung the copal censer, 
he declared that, in the name of the lords of Tlascala, he had 
come to offer submission to the greatest of men, so gentle and 
yet so valiant. He frankly took upon himself the blame for 
the resistance offered to the invincible captain, but pleaded 
the Tlascalan love of liberty, threatened as he supposed by an 
ally of Montezuma; for were there not Mexican allies in the 
Spanish camp? and had not the Aztec monarch exchanged 
with them friendly intercourse ? Cortes administered a slight 
rebuke, but since the Tlascaltecs had already suffered severely, 
he freely pardoned them, and in the name of his sovereign 
received them as allies. He hoped the peace would be per- 
manent, for if not, he would be compelled to destroy their 
capital and its inhabitants. 

Xicotencatl assured him that his people would thenceforth 
be as faithful as before they had been loyal to themselves. 
He begged Cortes to visit his city, where the lords and nobles 
awaited him, and regretted that he could offer no present 
worthy of acceptance. All that his people once possessed had 
been surrendered to the Mexicans, and now they were poor in 
treasure. Mass was then said, and the Spaniards and their 
allies concluded the day with festivities and demonstrations 
of delight. Meanwhile the Mexican envoys were not a little 
chagrined at the conclusion of a peace which foreboded evil to 
their nation. They ridiculed the entire proceeding as a ruse 
on the part of the Tlascaltecs, who they said were too treach- 
erous to be trusted, and once they had the Spaniards within 
the walls of their city, would avenge on them the defeats 
which still rankled in their hearts. Cortes replied that the 
Spaniards could not be overcome in town or field, by day or 
night. He would accept the invitation to Tlascala, and if its 
inhabitants proved treacherous, they would be destroyed^ 



THE CAMPAIGNS IN TLASGALA AND GHOLULA. 165 

Thereupon the envoys begged him to remain in camp for a 
few days, while they sent word to the emperor. The request 
was granted; but the only result appears to have been that the 
ambassadors were sent back with further presents, and with 
instructions to prevent the Spaniards from proceeding either 
to Tlascala or to Mexico. Cortes again accepted the presents, 
but held out no hope that he would change his determination 
to advance. 

The Spaniards entered the city of Tlascala on the twenty- 
third of September, thenceforth set apart as a feast-day among 
its people. The road, about six leagues in length, passed 
through a hilly but well-cultivated region, skirted on the east 
by a snow-crowned peak, while in every direction were ver- 
dure-clad slopes, spotted with clusters of oak, above and beyond 
which were dark green fringes of fir, that seemed to rise, like 
bulwarks, around the settlements in the valley. 

When a quarter of a league distant from the capital, the 
Spaniards were met by the lords and nobles, accompanied by 
an immense retinue. Women of rank came forward with 
flowers in garlands and bouquets, and priests marched in long 
procession, swinging their censers, while around them surged 
a crowd estimated at 100,000 persons. Through streets 
adorned with festoons and arches, and past houses covered 
with cheering multitudes, they proceeded to the palace of 
Xicotencatl, who, as was customary on such occasions, came 
forward to invite them to a banquet. Cortes saluted him with 
the respect due to his age, and was conducted to the banquet 
hall. The feasting ended, appartments were assigned for his 
men in the courts and buildings surrounding the temple, 
couches of matting and maguey cloth being spread for them, 
while close at hand were the quarters of the allies and the 
Mexican envoys. 

Strict discipline was maintained among the troops; and so 
well pleased were the Tlascaltec nobles with their conduct 
that they urged the Spaniards to remain with them, giving to 
the captains their daughters for T^iy^s^ and offering lands and 



166 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

houses for the entire party. But Cortes was resolved on reach- 
ing Mexico, the more so as he had now received an invitation 
from Montezuma, who, fearing that the dreaded visit could 
not he prevented, had decided at least to hasten his departure 
from Tlascala, 

After remaining for three weeks beneath the hospitable roofs 
of Tlascala, the Spaniards set forth for the capital, escorted by 
an immense throng of warriors, all of whom would gladly have 
joined him in his quest for wealth and glory among the hated 
Mexicans. Cortes had no desire, however, thus to trammel 
his movements, and only 5,000 of the Indians were permitted 
to accompany him. 

The route selected was by way of Cholula, mainly through 
the advice of the Mexican envoys, though sorely against the 
will of the Tlascaltecs, who declared it to be the very hatch- 
ing-ground for the emperor's plots. The road to it, they said, 
and every house therein, was full of snares and pitfalls. An 
Aztec army would surely be concealed within the city, and 
from its temple-pyramid could be let loose a mighty stream, 
which in a moment would inundate its streets. But to show 
the least symptom of timidty would be fatal to the cause of 
the Spaniards, and to their leader the sensation of fear was 
unknown. 

Cholula was one of the most ancient cities of Anahuac, with 
traditions reaching back to the earliest records of the Nahuas. 
Here Quetzalcoatl, as ruler and prophet, had left the final 
impress of the golden age, and here a grateful people had raised 
to him the grandest of their many temples, while 400 towers 
with their gleaming decorations rose far above the surface of 
the vast surrounding plain, in which it is said " not a span of 
ground remained uncultivated." With its 200,000 inhabitants, 
its broad, regular streets, and neat, substantial buildings, inter- 
spersed with gardens and groves, Cholula ranked next in wealth 
to the metropolis, and had long been esteemed as the commer- 
cial and manufacturing centre of the great plateau of Huitzi- 
lapan. 



THE CAMPAIGNS IN TLASCALA AND GHOLULA. 167 

As the Spaniards and their allies advanced toward the city, 
they were met by a stately procession, at the head of which 
were the nobles, who, bowing obsequiously before Cortes, begged 
that their foes, the Tlascaltecs, should not be allowed to enter 
the city. The request was granted, only a few of their carriers 
being admitted, together with the Spaniards and Totonecs. 
The courts of one of the temples were offered as quarters, and 
presently appeared servants laden with provisions. On the 
following day, the quantity was diminished, and on the third 
day none were furnished, the chieftains excusing themselves 
by saying that their stock was almost exhausted. At this 
moment came envoys from Montezuma, laden with the usual 
presents, and represented that to proceed toward Mexico would 
be useless, for the roads were impassable, and the supply of 
food insufficient. 

The condition of affairs was now somewhat critical. The 
Totonecs reported that barricades had been erected, large 
stones piled upon the house-roofs, and excavations made in 
the main street, set with pointed sticks, and loosely covered 
with thin planks and earth. Then came messengers from the 
Tlascaltecs, who announced that women and children were 
leaving the city with their effects, and that unusual prepara- 
tions were in progress. Finally, as Cortes was informed, Mon- 
tezuma's emissaries had bribed the chieftains to attack the 
Spaniards on that very night, while an Aztec army was sta- 
tioned close to the city. 

Summoning the nobles of Cholula, the captain-general ex- 
pressed his displeasure at the treatment which he had received, 
and said that on the morrow he would rid them of his presence. 
Meanwhile he demanded provisions for the journey, and 2,000 
warriors to accompany his army. The chieftains promised 
compliance, and protested their devotion, at the same time 
whispering to each other, "What need have these men of food 
when they themselves are soon to be eaten, cooked with chile?" 

Soon after nightfall, the Spaniards planted their guns so as 
to command the avenues of approach, looked well to their 



168 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

horses and accountrements, and sent word to the Tlascaltecs 
to join them on hearing the first shot. No attack was made, 
however, and on the following day came the lords and high- 
priests, with an immense throng, a force of warriors larger 
than had been required following them to the Spanish quarter. 

Now comes the darkest page in the annals of the Conquest, 
and one that has afforded ground for much well-deserved 
reproach against Cortes. Inviting the nobles into his room, 
as he pretended, to bid them farewell, he upbraided them with 
their perfidy, declaring that, under the mask of friendship, 
they had plotted against the lives of the Spaniards. The 
chieftains admitted their guilt, but attempted to cast the 
blame on Montezuma. This, replied Cortes, did not justify 
treachery, and the excuse would avail them nothing. 

Then, at a given signal, volleys poured from cannon and 
arquebuse upon the troops in the court, and the Spaniards 
rushed in with sword and lance, slaughtering without mercy 
the panic-stricken host. The high walls permitted no escape, 
and at the gates gleamed a line of lances above the smoking 
mouths of the guns. Pressing one upon another, the victims 
fell in heaps, the dead and dying intermingled, while many 
were trampled under foot. 

When the populace rushed forward to rescue their warriors 
from butchery, cannon again belched forth destruction. Ter- 
rified at their thunder and mysterious missiles, the Cholulans 
fell back. And now the cavalry were upon them, trampling 
them to death, and opening a path for the infantry and allies, 
who pressed forward to take advantage of the confusion. 
Though armed with intent to attack, the Indians offered but 
little resistance, for they were dismayed by the strange weapons 
and tactics of the Spaniards. Without leaders, they had none 
to restrain their flight, and rushed down the streets and into 
buildings, anywhere out of reach of the terrible blades of the 
foe and the iron-shod hoofs of their steeds. On their flanks 
were the Tlascaltecs, glorying in the opportunity of wreaking 
vengeance on enemies whom they hated oven more bitterly 
than the Aztecs. 



THE CAMPAIGNS IN TLASCALA AND CHOLULA. 169 

Five hours the carnage continued, and if we can believe 
Cortes, the number of victims exceeded 6,000. That it was 
not greater was due to the eagerness of the Tlascaltecs to 
obtain captives for sacrifice, and of the Spaniards to secure 
the gold and trinkets contained in the city. When the work 
was done, Xicotencatl appeared at the head of 20,000 men, 
and tendered his services, but was ordered to return, after 
receiving a share of the booty, wherewith to celebrate the mas- 
sacre, or as the Spaniards termed it, victory. Submission 
followed, and soon afterward the captain-general, having now 
received a second invitation from Montezuma, after that mon- 
arch had consulted his gods, set out toward the capital. 




Tbponaztle, ok Musical Instrument from Tlascala. 



170 , HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



CHAPTER XIX. 
THE SPANIAUDS ENTER THE CAPITAL. 

On a wintry day toward the end of October 1519, after 
climbing through the snow and in the face of chilling blasts 
the steep ascent of a mountain pass, a turn in the road dis- 
closed to the travel-worn Spaniards the valley of Mexico, 
dotted as far as the eye could reach with the well-cultivated 
farms, gardens, and groves that skirted the margin of the 
lakes. Around them, towns were thickly clustered, and con- 
spicuous above all shone the gleaming temples and towering 
edifices of the queen city of Anahuac. 

A few days later, the Spaniards approached the capital, 
and were met by a procession of more than 1,000 nobles 
and merchants, arrayed in embroidered robes, and with 
jewelry of pendent stones and gold. Passing in file before 
their visitors, they touched the earth with their hands, carry- 
ing the fingers to the lip, in token of respect. At the junc- 
tion of the causeway with the main avenue of the city was a 
wooden bridge, ten paces in width. On this spot the captain- 
general dismounted to await the arrival of the emperor, who, 
borne in solitary grandeur through the ranks of his nobles, 
lords, and court dignitaries, all of them marching with bare 
feet and bowed heads, descended from his richly adorned 
litter, and with the dignified mien of an Aztec sovereign, ad- 
vanced toward Cortes. Above his head four chieftains held 
a canopy covered with green feathers, adorned with gold and 
silver and jewels, and before him attendants swept the path 
and spread tapestry, lest the imperial feet should be soiled by 
contact with the earth. The monarch was arrayed in a blue 
timatli, or mantle, which, bordered with gold, and richly em- 
broidered and jewelled, hung in loose folds from the neck. 
On his head was a mitred crown of gold and plumes and 



THE SPANIARDS EN TEH THE CAPITAL. 171 

on his feet were golden sandals, their fastenings embossed 
with precious stones. 

Saluting Cortes with the grace of an Old World monarch, 
Montezuma presented to him a bouquet of flowers in token of 
welcome. In return, the Spaniard took from his person and 
placed around the neck of the emperor a necklace of glass, in 
the form of pearls and diamonds, strung on cords of gold, 
and scented with musk. With these baubles, false as were 
the assurances of friendship that accompanied them, the sov- 
ereign pretended to be pleased, and after many expressions of 
good-will returned to his palace. 

The Spaniards then marched into the capital. In front 
were scouts on horseback, followed by the cavalry, at the head 
of which rode the captain-general, then came the infantry, 
with the artillery and baggage in the centre, and last the 
allies. The streets, which had been deserted in deference to 
the emperor, were now alive with spectators, who thronged 
the lanes, the windows, and the roofs. 

At the plaza, from which rose the nuge pyramid-temple, 
surrounded on all sides by palatial structures, the procession 
turned to the right, and Cortes was escorted up the steps of a 
palace facing the eastern side of the temple enclosure. Hence, 
through a court-yard shaded with colored awnings, and cooled 
with fountains, Montezuma conducted him in person into a 
spacious hall, and seated him on a gilded dais bedecked with 
jewels. "Malinche," he said, — the word meaning 'companion 
of Marina,' the attendant of Cortes, — "everything in the palace 
is at your disposal, and every want shall be attended to." 
Then, with the courtesy of a monarch he retired, while the 
Spaniards arranged their quarters, and enjoyed the banquet 
spread before them by the emperor's servants. 

In the afternoon, Montezuma returned, attended by his suite, 
and expressing his delight at meeting such valiant men, de- 
clared that he had sought to prevent them from visiting the 
capital solely because his subjects feared them. He then re- 
lated the myth of Quetzalcoatl, expressing his belief that the 



172 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

Spaniards were the predicted race. "Hence," he said to Cortes, 
if we can believe the statement of the latter, "be assured that 
we shall obey you, and hold you as lord-lieutenant of the great 
king. You may command in all my empire as you please, and 
shall be obeyed. All that we possess is at your disposal." 
The captain-general replied that his sovereign, the mightiest 
in the world, and the ruler of many great princes, was indeed 
Quetzalcoatl. He desired not, however, to interfere with the 
emperor's authority, and had sent his envoys only to serve 
him and instruct him in the true faith. 

A few days later, the visitors asked permission to erect a 
church in their own quarters, and with the help of native 
artisans the work was completed in three days. While select- 
ing a site for the altar, relates Bernal Diaz, the carpenter ob- 
served that an opening in the wall had been recently closed . 
up and coated with plaster. Cortes, ever on his guard against 
treachery, immediately ordered the wall to be opened. Alad- 
din on entering his cave could not have been more astonished 
than were the Spaniards on stepping into the chamber thus 
exposed. Here were riches for them to their hearts' content. 
Bars of gold were there, nuggets, large and small, and figures, 
implements, and jewelry of the same metal; there was silver; 
there were embroidered and jewelled fabrics; and there were 
emeralds and other precious stones. The commander allowed 
his followers to revel in ecstasy at the sight, but on their greed 
he set restraint. He had reasons of his own for not at that 
moment disturbing the treasures, and gave orders that the 
wall should be closed up, all being enjoined to keep secret the 
discovery. 

Already rumors in circulation among the Spaniards had 
roused anew the fears which had been soothed by the emper- 
or's friendly and hospitable reception. It was even said that 
the nobles had prevailed on him to break down the bridges, 
arm the entire populace, and fall on the Spaniards with all his 
available strength. Whether these reports were originated by 
Cortes, in order to carry out his plans, cannot be determined. 



■^' 



THE SPANIARDS ENTER THE CAPITAL. 173 

At least, they served as an excuse for holding a council, at 
which a most daring expedient was proposed and accepted. 
This was no less than to seize the person of the emperor, and 
hold him as a hostage. 

If, instead of committing this outrage, the captain-general 
had now been content to depart with his treasure from the 
capital, it is probable that the conquest of Mexico would have 
been completed without further bloodshed. There was in 
truth no foundation for the rumors. Montezuma desired the 
friendship of the strangers, and had even offered Cortes his 
daughter in marriage. His real reasons for such an unhal- 
lowed deed were best known to himself; he was zealous for his 
religion, burning with ambition, and deemed this the shortest 
and surest road to the full realization of his purposes. 

On the morrow, Cortes sent word that he was about to visit 
the emperor, and ordering out small parties, as if for a stroll 
around the palace and the paths leading to it, gave them 
instructions to be ready for any emergency. Twenty-five sol- 
diers followed him in twos and threes to the audience-cham- 
ber, all armed to the teeth, but as this was nothing unusual, 
no suspicion was aroused. 

Assuming a serious tone, the captain-general produced a let- 
ter from Vera Cruz, containing information of an outrage 
committed, as was believed, at the emperor's instigation, 
whereby several Spaniards had been slain. The latter indig- 
nantly denied the charge, and Cortes assured him that he 
believed it to be false; but as commander of the party, he 
must account for their lives to the king, and ascertain the 
truth. In this, Montezuma said he would aid him, and calling 
a trusted officer, gave him a bracelet from his wrist, bearing 
the imperial signet, and bade him conduct to Mexico the 
guilty parties,. Cortes expressed his satisfaction, but added 
that, in order to convince his men of the emperor's innocence, 
it would be 0,dvisable for him to remove to their quarters until 
the offenders were brought to justice. 

Montezuma was thunder-struck at this matchless impudence. 



174 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

He, the august sovereign, before whom princes fell prostrate, 
at whose word armies sprang into existence, and at whose 
name great potentates trembled, to be thus treated in his own 
palace by a score of men, whom he had received as guests, 
and loaded with presents! For a moment he stood mute; but 
the changing aspect of his countenance revealed the agitation 
of his mind. Then he declared that he would not go. They 
could always find him at his palace. At length, however, he 
yielded, and closely surrounded by the Spaniards, though, 
merely, he was told, as a guard of honor, was borne on his lit- 
ter, through wondering and excited multitudes, to the apart- 
ments of Cortes. 

To relate all the indignities offered to the Aztec sovereign 
and to his subjects, together with the story of the conflicts and 
massacres that followed, would require more space than is 
contained in all the pages of this book. Only the leading in- 
cidents will, therefore, be mentioned, and those in brief and 
simple phrase. 

Though not held a close prisoner, being permitted at times 
to visit under a strong escort his palaces, temples, and hunt- 
ing-grounds, the mere fact of his captivity was itself a burden 
almost greater than the monarch could bear. At first he was 
not unkindly treated, respect for his person being enforced 
among the Spaniards under severe penalties. It is related 
that one of the sentinels exclaimed in his hearing, " Confusion 
on this dog! By guarding him constantly, I am sick at 
stomach unto death." When informed of this insult, Cortes 
ordered the man to be publicly lashed in the soldiers' hall. 
We may presume, however, that the lash was not applied with 
undue severity. 

Within a fortnight after the seizure of Montezuma, a chief- 
tain named Quauhpopoca, the ringleader in the disturbance 
already mentioned, made his appearance at the capital. As 
a Spanish historian relates, though his may not be the cor- 
rect version of the matter, he confessed his guilt, and aftei 
some hesitation, admitted that he had acted under the em- 



THE SPANIARDS EN'fER THE CAPITAL. 175 

peror's orders. This excuse availed him not, however, and he 
was at once condemned to the stake, together with his own 
son and the members of his suite, who had accompanied him 
to Mexico. 

Before the pyre was lit, Cortes presented himself before the 
emperor, and in a severe tone declared that his life was forfeit; 
but as he loved him, for himself and for his generosity, he 
would inflict only a nominal punishment. He then turned 
on his heel, while one of the soldiers clasped round the pris- 
oner's ankles a pair of shackles. For a moment Montezuma 
stood rooted to the ground. Then he groaned in anguish at 
this, the greatest indignity that could be offered to his sacred 
person. 

But the cup of his bitterness was not yet full. The kings 
of Tezcuco and Tlacopan, and a number of the principal ca- 
ciques, were now in the captain-general's power. This was 
surely a good opportunity to exact of them an acknowledg- 
ment of Spanish sovereignty. He reminded the emperor of a 
promise already made to pay tribute, and required that he 
and his vassals should tender their allegiance. Instead of 
objecting, as had been anticipated, Montezuma at once acqui- 
esced, mainly for the reason, perhaps, that he imagined his 
consent would be followed by the departure of his persecutors. 

The chieftains and dignitaries of his court were summoned, 
and in their presence he declared that the long-expected race 
had arrived from the land of the rising sun, and demanded 
their allegiance in the name of Quetzalcoatl, to whom of right 
the sovereignty belonged. The gods had willed that their 
own generation should repair the omission of their ancestors. 
" Hence," he continued, his words being probably dictated by 
the Spaniards, "I pray that as you have hitherto honored and 
obeyed me as your lord, so you will henceforth honor and obey 
this great king, for he is your legitimate ruler, and in his place 
accept this mighty captain. All the tribute and service 
hitherto tendered to your emperor, bestow upon him, for I 
must also serve him, and bestow upon him all that he may 



176 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

require. In aoing so, you will please me, and fulfil your 
duty." The concluding words of the self-deposed monarch 
were choked with sobs, which, in the humiliation of his soul, 
he could no longer stifle. The courtiers and chieftains wept, 
and even the eyes of the Spaniards were dimmed with tears. 




Pipe from Casas Grandes 



LA NOOHE TRISTE. "ill 



CHAPTER XX. 
LA NOCHE TRISTK 



We must now return for a moment to Cuba, wliere Velazquez 
had received a royal commission granting him the control of 
all the lands discovered under his auspices. Toward the close 
of the year 1519, the largest expedition ever fitted out in the 
New World set sail from Santiago. It consisted of eighteen 
vessels, with more than 900 soldiers, of whom eighty were 
horsemen, with a large force of sailors, several hundred In- 
dians, and a park of artillery. The armament was placed in 
charge of Panfilo de Narvaez, and was directed as much against 
Cortes as against Montezuma. 

When news was received of its arrival at Vera Cruz, Cor- 
tes sent to the commander the priest Guevara, expressing 
his delight at finding an old comrade at the head of the expe- 
dition, though he regretted that hostile measures had been 
taken against one who, as a loyal servant, held the country for 
his king. If Narvaez had brought with him a royal commis- 
sion, it would of course be obeyed; otherwise, he was willing 
to come to a friendly agreement. But Narvaez would not 
listen to any overtures. He knew that the forces of Cortes 
were inferior to his own, and of the Indians he had no fear. 
Father Olmedo was then sent to his camp with valuable pres- 
ents, but Narvaez remained stubborn, and declared that the 
conquerors were acting the part of traitors. 

Cortes must now look to himself, for a single defeat might 
prove his ruin. If Narvaez were to advance on Mexico, the 
Aztecs would not fail to take advantage of the opportunity, 
either to join their supposed deliverer, or to attack the invaders 
on their own account. This would place them between two 
fires, to which famine would prove an effectual ally. There 
was but one resort, and this was to divide his forces in order 
12 



178 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

to meet tlie new danger. Leaving 140 men to guard the capi- 
tal, in charge of Pedro de Alvarado, he set out with only seventy 
Spaniards toward .Vera Cruz, but on reaching Cholula was 
joined by its garrison of 150, and before arriving at the coast 
by sixty others. 

With this little band, 280 in all, Cortes attacked the enemy's 
camp by night, and after a feeble resistance, gained possession 
of it, the entire force being surrendered, together with the ves- 
sels and munitions of war. When brought into the presence 
of the conqueror, Narvaez, who was a boastful and arrogant 
man, exclaimed: "Senor, you may hold high the good fortune 
you have had, and the great achievement of securing my per- 
son." With a twinkle of malicious merriment, the captain- 
general regarded his fallen foe for an instant, and replied: 
"Seiior Narvaez, many deeds have I performed since coming 
to Mexico; but the least of them all has been to capture you." 

During the absence of the captain-general, the forces of 
Alvarado in the capital were exposed to imminent peril. At 
the time of Cortes' departure, the festival of Tezcatlipoca was 
in progress, and the Mexicans had received permission to 
celebrate it in their temple, on condition that no human 
victims were sacrificed, a portion of it being used for Christian 
worship. Hearing that a new and more powerful band of 
invaders had landed on the coast, the caciques resolved to 
attack the slender garrison remaining in the city, before it 
could be re-enforced. The strictest secrecy was preserved as 
to their plans, but nevertheless they were discovered. Where- 
upon Alvarado formed a most infamous resolve. He would 
enter the sanctuary while the priests and chieftains were 
celebrating the festival, and he and his men would hew them 
in pieces. This design was executed only too faithfully, and at 
least 600 of the leading men among the Aztecs were put to the 
sword, the temple being then plundered by the Spaniards and 
their allies. 

But the Spaniards were now to find that they had mistaken 
the character of the Aztecs. Under the outward guise of 



LA NOCHE TBISTE. 179 

humility slumbered a fierce and warlike nature, and though 
that nature might be seemingly cold and impassive as the 
stones of the pavement, the iron heel of their oppressors had 
now struck fire from it. At this last outrage, the people flew 
to arms, and when Cortes returned, a few days later, he found 
the garrison in a state of siege. Fierce encounters were of 
daily occurrence; and at length the Spaniards attempted to 
force their way out of the city by way of the Tlacopan cause- 
way, but found this no easy task. At the pyramid-temple 
there was a desperate conflict, in which many of the invaders 
were killed or wounded, and soon their retreat by the cause- 
way was cut off. The only means of exit was by the lake, 
which was already covered with canoes filled with armed and 
resolute men. A council was summoned, and it was resolved 
to force an exit from the city at once, and at all hazards, as 
starvation was at hand, and delay would only diminish their 
strength, without corresponding gain. 

To add to the troubles of the Spaniards, there occurred at 
this juncture the death of the emperor. During the fight at 
the pyramid-temple, he had interceded with his people, at the 
instance of Cortes, and had thus addressed them: "You are 
in arms, my children, and in battle. Why is this ? You will 
only be slain, and there will be heard throughout the land for 
many years the wail of wives and little ones. You would 
give me my liberty, and I thank you. You do not turn from 
me in anger, and I thank you. You have not chosen another 
king in my stead, and I thank you. Such an act would dis- 
please the gods, and bring destruction on all. And see! I am 
no prisoner. By divine command, I must remain the guest of 
the Spaniards yet a little longer, and you must not molest 
them, for soon they will return whence they came. Alas! my 
people, my country, my crown! " 

As he ceased to speak, his head fell upon his breast, with a 
heavy sigh, and with copious tears. The monarch's strength 
had departed from him, and he was thoroughly unmanned. 
His subjects knew that he had spoken falsely, and that he 



180 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

was no longer fitted to rule over them. A wMle ago his words 
would have been received as those of a god; but now the 
scales had fallen from their eyes, and they saw him as he was. 
"Coward! chicken!" they exclaimed; "woman-slave to the 
Spaniards, fit only for the gown and the spindle! " Presently 
came a shower of arrows and stones, and before his guard could 
interpose their shields, several missiles struck him, one of them 
on the left temple, which caused him to fall senseless into the 
arms of the by-standers. From his injuries, and from the dis- 
tress of his broken heart, Montezuma never recovered, refusing 
all nourishment, assistance, and sympathy, until, three days 
later, death came to his relief. 

About the end of June 1520, the Spaniards began their 
retreat, again attempting the capture of the Tlacopan cause- 
way. The path swarmed with warriors, and the waters around 
it with canoes, whence myriads of missiles were hurled on the 
retiring foe. After a desperate struggle, they were compelled 
to retreat to their quarters; but as they approached the last 
bridge of the causeway, nearest the city, they found it removed, 
and there was no alternative but to take to the water, amid a 
storm of javelins and stones, while men armed with spears 
pressed on their disordered ranks. Cortes remained to the 
last to cover the retreat, and single-handed charged again and 
again on the Aztec host, striking with the energy of despair. 
Eager to secure the great captain, the enemy pressed heavily 
upon him, and but for his horse and his stout armor he would 
certainly have perished. But ringing loud his battle-cry, he 
leaped his heavily laden steed across a chasm more than six 
feet in width, and quickly left behind him the disappointed 
warriors. 

A little before midnight, on the 30th of June, the Spaniards 
and their allies again set forth on their retreat, stealthily creep- 
ing down the temple stairs and reaching the Tlacopan cause- 
way. The streets were deserted, and no sound was heard 
save the measured tramp of the soldiers. Along the path like 
phantoms the army moved, and the causeway was almost 



LA NOGHE TRISTE. 181 

reached. Already they began to breathe more freely, and to 
enjoy a feeling of intense relief. But suddenly the piercing 
cry of a woman awoke the stillness of the night, like a warning 
note from the watch-tower of Avernus. Instantly the war- 
drum at the temple of Tlatelulco sounded an alarm, chilling 
the fugitives to their hearts' core, and its dread tones were 
quickly followed by shrill trumpet blasts and the shouts of 
warriors echoed and re-echoed from every quarter. 

Meanwhile the advanced guard had reached the broken 
crossing that formerly connected the road with the causeway. 
Here a portable bridge was laid, over which the van laarched 
with quickened step, followed by the centre with the baggage 
and artillery. At this moment, the enemy fell on the rear, 
rending the air with their yells, while from the cross-roads 
issued a swarm of warriors, who attacked them on the flank 
with lance and sword. To add to the horrors of the scene, 
several men and horses slipped on the wet bridge and fell into 
the water, while others were crowded over its edge. The re- 
mainder succeeded in crossing, except about 100, who, bewil- 
dered by the battle-cries and death-shrieks, turned back to the 
fort, where they held out until compelled by hunger to surren- 
der. They were afterward oflFered up in sacrifice at the coro- 
nation feast of Cuitlahuatzin, a younger brother of Montezuma, 
and now the emperor elect. 

The half-mile of causeway between the first and second 
breaches was now filled with the Spaniards and their allies, 
whose flanks were constantly harassed on either side. Fear- 
lessly the Aztecs jumped from their canoes to the banks, and 
fought the enemy with lance and javelin. Some crept up the 
side, and seizing the legs of the soldiers, tried to drag them 
into the water. So crowded were they that they could with 
difiiculty defend themselves, and aggressive movements were 
out of the question. 

Repeated orders had been sent to hasten the removal of the 
bridge to the second crossing, but the structure was so deeply 
imbedded that the men labored for some time in vain, exposed, 



182 HISTOUT OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

meanwhile, to a fierce onslaught. At length it was extracted, 
but before it could be drawn over the causeway, it was borne 
down by the enemy at the farther end, and became a complete 
wreck. This was a great calamity; for the Spaniards were 
now hemmed in between two deep channels on a causeway 
across which only twenty men could march in line. Presently, 
a rush was made for the second channel, where, in the face of 
the foe, the soldiers had already begun to cross on the single 
beam that had been left intact. As this was a very slow 
process, many took to the water, only to receive their death- 
blow; some were taken prisoners, and some sank beneath the 
burden of their gold. The canoes were as numerous here as 
elsewhere, and the enemy as determined. At this moment, 
the captain-general almost lost his life, being seized by the 
Indians, who attempted to drag him off his horse. The effort 
would probably have succeeded but for the prompt aid of a 
Tlascaltec, afterward christened Antonio. 

Thus in the darkness the din of battle continued, the shouts 
and strokes of the combatants falling on the ear in one 
continuous roar. Little regular fighting was attempted, the 
Spaniards being intent on escape, and the Aztecs yielding 
readily before the cavalry, and taking refuge in their canoes. 
On reaching the next channel, which was the last, the fugitives 
found it deeper than the others; and here, also, the foe was 
gathering, in ever-increasing numbers, to watch this death- 
trap. All efforts to clear a passage were stubbornly resisted, 
and the men growing more irresolute, a messenger was sent to 
Cortes. Before his arrival, however, the chivalrous Sandoval 
had already plunged into the lake with a number of horsemen, 
followed by foot-soldiers, who fell into their wake, holding on 
to the trappings of the horses, or striking out for themselves. 
The passage was extremely difiicult, and several horsemen 
fell under the pressure of friends and foes. Those who fol- 
lowed suffered yet more, being pushed aside by their comrades, 
struck with clubs and stones, wounded with spear-thrusts, or, 
most horrible fate of all, drawn into the canoes by dusky boat- 
men, to be reserved for the dread stone of sacrifice. 



LA NOGHE TRISTE. 183 

On reaching the channel where Sandoval had taken his 
stand to keep clear the bank and protect the passage, Cortes 
heard that Alvarado was in danger. Proceeding at once to 
the rear, beyond the second channel, he found it hotly con- 
tested, and his arrival gave new courage to the troops, as with ' 
gallant charges he relieved them from the terrible pressure. 
When he looked around in vain for the remainder of the 
force that had been ordered to protect this post, Alvarado as- 
sured him that all the living were there. The rear-guard had 
been overwhelmed, and those who had escaped death or cap- 
ture had been thrown into disorder, from which he had extri- 
cated them with the utmost difficulty. 

Leaving Alvarado to cover the retreat as best he could, 
Cortes hastened to direct the passage of the middle channel. 
Here was a sickening spectacle, and of all the horrors of this 
mournful night this was the most horrible. A bridge had 
been wanting, and now a bridge was there; but one formed of 
the dead and dying, piled in heaps on either side of the one 
slippery beam over which Spaniards and allies were rushing, 
heedless of the groans of their fallen comrades. 

But the end was not yet. At the last channel was a yawn- 
ing abyss, over which was also a single remaining beam, serv- 
ing rather as a snare than a support. The slow motion of the 
army had enabled the Mexicans to surround this point in 
swarms, while, harassed on every side, the fugitives thought 
only of escaping this new danger. Throwing aside their arms 
and treasure, they plunged into the dark waters, bearing each 
other down, regardless of the claims of friendship or humanity. 
Some cried to the saints for mercy; some cursed their fate and 
him who had brought them there, and many sank with mute 
despair into the arms of death, while above the tumult rang 
forth the fierce yells and insults of the foe. 

Cortes was everywhere present, cheering, guiding, and pro- 
tecting his troops. What man could do he did; but at length, 
seeing that further effort at the channels was unavailing, he 
hastened forward to look to those who had already crossed. 



184 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



Heedless of companies or officers, the men were banded to- 
gether in parties of a score or two, and sword in hand, where 
this had not been thrown away, were hurrying along the cause- 
way. Finding the advance comparatively safe, the captain- 
general returned with a few horsemen and foot-soldiers to 
protect the remainder of his forces. At this moment the rem- 
nant of the rear-guard was approaching the last channel, and 
the men, being now panic-stricken, offered but slight resist- 
ance, crowding against each other, and presenting their backs 
as a target for the enemy's missiles. 

Alvarado, who was wounded and had lost his horse, finding 
the men beyond control, gathered around him a small band and 
sought the channel, leaving the rest to take care of themselves. 
It is related that, when he reached this spot, the beam had 
been broken down; and now indeed was his life in peril, safety 
depending on instant action. With a searching glance into 
the troubled pool, and across the awful chasm, he stepped 
back to prepare for a final spring, and then, rushing forward, 
planted his long pike on the yielding debris, and vaulted across. 
The Indians, it is said, prostrated themselves in admiration, 
exclaiming: "Truly, this man is the Tonatiuh!" or sun-god. 
To this day the place is still known by the name of El Salto 
de Alvarado, or the leap of Alvarado. While leading the 
remnant of his forces toward Tlacopan, Cortes seated himself 
on a stone near the village of Popotla, to weep over the disas- 
ters of this mournful night, ever afterwards termed by the 
Spaniards La Noche Triste. 




Skull and Ceoss-bones — Nohpat, Yucatan. 



CAPTURE AND DESTRUCTION OF MEXICO. 185 



CHAPTER XXL 

CAPTURE AND DESTRUCTION OF MEXICO. 

In July 1520, the army reached the city of Tlascala, though 
for several days it was hotly pursued by the Mexicans, while 
on the plain near Otumba a vast array was gathered to inter- 
cept its passage. At length, however, the worn-out Spaniards 
were in safe quarters, being accorded by the Tlascaltecs a 
hospitable reception. In vain the Aztecs despatched an embassy 
to the latter, deploring the long feud which had existed be- 
tween them, recalling their intimate relationship in blood and 
language, and urging the mutual benefit of a permanent peace. 
One obstacle alone, declared the envoys, stood in the way, and 
that was the presence of the Spaniards, to whom was due the 
unfortunate condition of the entire country. All overtures 
were rejected; for, said a leading chieftain in the Tlascalan 
council, the strangers had delivered them from want and 
danger; they had enriched them with trade and spoils, and 
had raised their republic to a more prominent position than it 
had ever before enjoyed. The interests of the state required 
the friendship of those who had opened for them the path to 
glory and riches; while in good faith they must be loyal to 
their invited guests. 

Cortes held forth the most brilliant prospects as the result 
of this alliance, and at once resolved to renew the campaign. 
When this determination was made known to his followers, a 
formal request was presented to him, asking that the expedi- 
tion should return to Vera Cruz, for with their small numbers, 
scantily supplied with arms, ammunition, horses, and clothing, 
many of them being maimed and wounded, they were entirely 
unprepared to take the field. Cortes declined. Before him 
were fame and wealth, while to retreat would bring on him 
disgrace and poverty, perhaps imprisonment and death. He 



186 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

had sacrificed the lives of many of his countrymen, and as yet 
he had notliing to show for it, not even gold. 

''What is this I hear?" he asked of his assembled troops. 
'• Is it true that you would retire from the fertile fields of New 
Spain, -^ you, Spaniards, Castilians, Christians? leave the ship- 
loads of gold which in the Aztec capital we saw and handled? 
leave standing the abominable idols with their blood-stained 
ministers, and tamely summon others to enjoy the riches and 
glory which you are too craven to grasp? Alas for your 
patriotism, your duty to your emperor and your God! Alas 
for the honor of the Spanish arms! Go all who will; abandon 
your sacred trusts, and with them the wealth in mines and 
tributes, and the fair estates awaiting you. For myself, if left 
alone, then alone will I remain, and take command of Indians, 
since my Spanish followers have all turned cowards! " 

Shouts of approval arose from the old comrades of the cap- 
tain-general, who declared that not a man should be allowed 
to depart for the coast. The troops were soon afterward mus- 
tered at a village near Tlascala, and were found to include 450 
Spaniards, with about 20 horses, a few firelocks and field- 
pieces, and a number of cross-bows, though most of their 
remaining weapons were swords and pikes. The greater por- 
tion of the men consisted of the command of Narvaez, many 
of whom had cast in their fortunes with Cortes. There were 
also 6,000 Tlascaltec allies, and a larger army of Indians was 
being assembled under the cacique Xicotencatl. Before reach- 
ing the city of Mexico, several re-enforcements arrived, increas- 
ing the force of Spaniards to more than 900, of whom 86 were 
horsemen, with three heavy guns and fifteen smaller pieces 
of artillery, the Tlascaltec contingent numbering more than 
50,000. Meanwhile a number of brigantines had been pre- 
pared at Tezcuco, and were carried in pieces, with their spars, 
cordage, and sails, on the backs of Indians. 

After subduing a number of provinces and towns, among 
the latter being Xaltocan, Quauhtitlan, Tenayocan, and several 
other strongholds in the valley of Mexico, in May 1521 the 



CAPTURE AND DESTRUCTION OF MEXICO. 



187 



Spaniards laid siege to the capital. The day on which the 
brigan tines were launched into the lake was celebrated as one 
of rejoicing and festivity, the royal banner of Castille being 







^ctoca oxilotzinco jj' ;-:s?'""<:i '^i- 





/ Tlayacapaa '" / / G^yv/llV'' 

'•F l! °A UfU I iA. S S , M 

^ /oTepoxtlan S „ ° /^ VYaeaplchtla 

Xiuhtepeco ? KuagCSpee ^ ^ 

J Taiihtepeeo > 



The Valley of Mexico. 



hoisted on all the vessels amid cheers and salvos of artillery. 
Each craft was placed in charge of a captain, with twenty-four 
Spaniards, including cross-bowmen, cannoneers, and arque- 
busiers. While the bunting was being unfurled, the strains of 



188 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

the te deum were heard floating over the waters of the lake of 
Mexico. 

On whitmonday, the 20th of May, the troops were divided 
into three divisions, their command being intrusted to Alvarado, 
Olid, and Sandoval, who led the cavalry in person, directing 
the movements of the infantry through the captains, and of 
the allies through native chieftains. The commanders were 
placed at various points, so as completely to invest the city, 
and to each of them were assigned about thirty horsemen, with 
150 infantry, and a large force of allies. For himself, Cortes 
selected for the present the management of the fleet, on which 
at the opening of the siege he placed his chief reliance. 

During the first week of June, a combined attack was made 
on the city from several quarters; but though the assailants 
succeeded in penetrating to the heart of the capital, even be- 
yond the plaza, setting fire to a number of buildings, they were 
finally driven back, after a hard struggle, to their encamp- 
ments. In the mean time further large re-enforcements, with 
supplies, arrived from the Xochimilcans, the Otomis, and the 
Tezcucans, swelling the forces of the Spaniards to at least 
200,000 men. Three days later, another assault was made, but 
each channel and intrenchment taken during the first attack 
had to be captured anew. On reaching the plaza, where the 
houses were yet intact, missiles were hurled upon the assailants 
with such destructive force that Cortes found it necessary to 
apply the torch to several edifices, among them being the 
palace of Axayacatl, his former headquarters, where he and 
his comrades had sustained so fierce a siege, and the House of 
Birds, a prominent and beautiful feature in the capital. When 
evening came, the signal was given to return to camp, and the 
conflict closed without decisive result. 

Thus day by day the siege continued with varying result, but 
after six weeks of incessant warfare the end seemed little nearer 
than before. At one time, three fourths of the city was reduced; 
but nearly all this advantage had been lost, mainly on account 
of the narrow streets, which, encompassed by houses, served 



CAPTURE AND DESTRUCTION OF MEXICO. 189 

both for attack and retreat, and the numerous traps, in the form 
of channels and canals. So long as these obstacles remained, 
progress must be slow, and the troops would be constantly in 
danger of surprise. Cortes resolved therefore to tear down 
every building as he advanced, and fill up every channel, " not 
taking one step in advance without leaving all desolate behind, 
and converting water into firm land, regardless of delay." So 
wrote the captain-general in his despatches, while expressing 
regret for the destruction of a city which he declared to be the 
most beautiful in the world. 

Vast stores of provisions had been accumulated by the 
Mexicans, but the large influx of fugitives from the lake towns 
had greatly diminished the supply, which had received but 
scanty additions, on account of the close blockade preserved 
by the brigantines. Famine was now raging in their midst, 
and jewels and gold were offered by the handful for equal 
quantities of food. The poor searched among the canals for 
snails, lizards, and rats; they skimmed the water of its scum, 
and tore up the earth for roots and weeds, glad even to chew 
the bark of trees, and anxiously waiting for their scant allow- 
ance of brackish water. Disease marched hand in hand with 
hunger, and weakened by their sufferings, hundreds were left 
to linger in torment until relieved by death. 

Rapid progress was made by the troops under Cortes in the 
work of demolition. The Tlacopan road was levelled, thus 
affording easy communication with the camp of Alvarado, and 
on the 25th of July, the eve of Santiago's day, the greater part 
of the main street leading to the principal market was cap- 
tured. The progress made in the direction of the market, 
which was the objective point of all the operations, caused 
Alvarado to make desperate efforts to win this position in ad- 
vance of his comrades. It was large and level, capable, as 
will be remembered, of holding 60,000 persons, and once 
within it, he felt confident of holding his ground. Advancing 
by night with all his forces, he took the Aztecs by surprise, and 
effecting an entrance without difficulty, met in good order the 



190 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

onset of the Mexicans. The latter were driven back by the 
cavalry, while the infantry took possession of a number of 
stalls and began the work of pillage. 

An officer named Gutierre de Badajoz was now ordered to 
capture the pyramid-temple which overlooked the market- 
place. His advance was fiercely disputed, and again and 
again were his men driven back, or hurled, bruised and bleed- 
ing, down the steps. Nevertheless he persevered, and step by 
step climbed upward, sustained by re-enforcements, until after 
two hours of hard fighting the summit was reached. Then the 
two wooden towers containing the altars and idols were gained, 
and the torch being applied, dense columns of smoke arising 
from them announced the victory of the Spaniards. Loud 
rose the wail of the Mexicans as they witnessed this disaster, 
foreboding destruction to their cause; but at once they re- 
newed the onslaught, and with such fierce determination that 
the Spaniards were finally driven back with considerable loss. 

Nothing daunted, Alvarado renewed his attack the following 
day, and on this occasion met with little resistance, the Mexi- 
cans being discouraged by the fall of their temple and the 
resolute bearing of the foe. After passing through the market- 
place, he came in sight of a detachment under Cortes, whose 
men received him with ringing and repeated cheers. The lat- 
ter had just captured the intrenchments nearest to the market- 
place, and the captain-general and his lieutenant ascended 
together the lofty pyramid over which the royal banner of 
Spain was already unfurled. Surveying the city beneath him, 
Cortes afterward remarked in his despatches: "It already 
seemed undoubted that of eight parts we had gained seven." 

The splendid metropolis of Anahuac, the finest and largest 
in all the northern continent of America, was now a mass of 
ruins, through which the broad paths levelled by the invaders 
led to the one quarter that remained to the beseiged. Here, 
amid famine, disease, and putrefying bodies, the natives were 
huddled in dense masses, amid an atmosphere so pestiferous 
that the soldiers who entered the recently abandoned lanes 



CAPTURE AND DESTRUCTION OF MEXICO. 191 

were almost stifled, and fires were lit to purify the air. The 
inhabitants met their foe with passive indifference, and with 
the recklessness of despair, while on the roofs of the houses 
beyond stalked the warriors, gaunt and yellow, like caged and 
starving beasts. 

Appalled at this hideous spectacle, Cortes ordered a suspen- 
sion of hostilities, and despatched to Quauhtemotzin, the com- 
mander of the Aztecs, some captive chieftains with proposals 
for peace. He pointed out that further resistance would but 
involve needless suffering and slaughter, and imbitter against 
the Aztecs the besieging forces. He was ready, he declared, 
to forget the past; he would respect the persons and property 
of the Mexicans and the rights of their sovereign, demanding 
in return only a renewal of the allegiance already tendered 
during the life-time of Montezuma. Quauhtemotzin barely 
listened to the messengers. "Tell Malinche," he replied, 
"that I and mine elect to die. "We will intrust ourselves 
neither to the men who commit, nor to the god who permits, 
such atrocities!" Further proposals were made, but without 
avail, for the priests now declared that the gods, appeased by 
sacrifice, had promised victory within three days. Meanwhile 
Cortes was not impatient to renew the conflict, for disease and 
hunger were fighting on his side, and already the capital was 
doomed. 

No sooner were the three days expired than the Mexicans 
made a sudden and furious attack on the besiegers, throwing 
their front ranks into confusion. The. troops quickly rallied, 
however, under cover of the artillery, and Cortes resolved to 
inflict a severe chastisement. Alvarado was ordered to carry 
by assault a large ward, containing more than 1,000 build- 
ings, while the remainder of the forces attacked the main 
quarter. The Aztecs fought with such indifference as to their 
fate that the battle soon became a butchery, and more than 
12,000 of them were killed or captured. Thus the promised 
victory proved a defeat, and now the hearts even of the most 
hopeful sank within them. The despair was greatly increased 



192 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

by a strange phenomenon which occurred about this time, de- 
scribed in native records as a fiery whirlwind, resolving itself 
into flames and smoke. Kising with a great uproar toward 
the. north, it revolved over the doomed quarter after sunset, 
and disappeared in the lake, filling the souls of the Mexicans 
with terror. 

Returning the following day to renew the fight, Cortes was 
met by throngs of haggard and emaciated beings, careless of 
their lives, yet clamoring for bread. He ordered that they 
should not be molested, and proceeded to hold parley with 
certain of the chieftains who had requested a conference. 
" Son of heaven! " they cried, " within one brief day and night 
the tireless orb returns. Why dost not thou also finish thy 
task as quickly? Kill us, so that we may no longer suffer, 
but enter paradise and join the happy throng already sent 
thither." The answer was that in their own hands lay the 
remedy. If they would but desist from their insane opposi- 
tion, bread would be given to all, and their lives and property 
would be secured from harm. No definite answer was re- 
turned, for though eager to speak, the caciques seemed afraid. 
It now became evident that the emperor and a few of the lead- 
ing nobles alone stood in the way of peace, and one more effort 
was made to prevent further bloodshed, but without success. 

On the sickening details that attended the close of the siege, 
we need not longer dwell. Day after day, conflicts, or rather 
massacres, followed in quick succession, and on one occasion 
it is said that no less than 40,000 of the inhabitants were 
butchered. In helpless despair, like beasts penned in the 
shambles, the survivors awaited their death-blow as a deliver- 
ance. The streets were piled with the dead bodies of these 
unoffending victims, while on the living settled the blackness 
of despair and desolation. " Never," writes Cortes, attempting 
to throw the blame on his allies, " was such cruelty seen, 
beyond all bounds of nature, as among these natives." 

Fearing that the emperor would escape him, Cortes directed 
Sandoval to place vessels on the watch for fugitives, especially 



CAPTURE AND DESTRUCTION OF MEXICO. 193 

at a point named the harbor of Tlatelulco, into which it was 
proposed to drive the besieged, and secure the monarch and 
his courtiers with their gold and jewels. Observing that many 
were taking to their canoes, Sandoval bore down upon them 
with his brigantines, capsizing the greater portion, filled as 
they were with the nobles and their families, of whom a large 
number perished. 

At this moment a few boats of larger build emerged from 
their hiding-place, and were paddled rapidly toward the open" 
lake. Sandoval observed the movement, and immediately 
ordered the captain of his swiftest vessel to pursue the fugitives, 
who were probably persons of note. As the craft gained upon 
them, the canoes scattered in all directions; but a captive on 
board the brigantine pointed out the one most likely to contain 
the emperor. On approaching it, the archers levelled their 
cross-bows, whereupon the signal was made of surrender, with 
the cry that Quauhtemotzin was there. 

While passing along the streets into the presence of the con- 
queror, all eyes were turned on the captive, and men ceased 
even from the work of carnage to gaze upon the fallen sovereign. 
He walked with a firm step, and the majestic dignity of his 
bearing impressed all beholders. His grave, careworn features 
betokened suffering, and the pallor which overspread his face 
was increased by the feverish brilliancy of the eyes, now look- 
ing straight before him, and now bent sorrowfully on the 
ground. 

On hearing of the emperor's capture, Cortes gave orders that 
a dais should be prepared, and a table spread with refresh- 
ments. As he approached, the guard drew up in line, and 
saluting him with the utmost courtesy, the captain-general led 
him to a seat by his side. " Malinche," said the fallen monarch, 
"I have done all within my power for the defence of my peo- 
ple; but the gods have not favored me. My empire is gone, 
my city is destroyed, and my vassals are dead. For what 
have I to live? Rid me, therefore, of a worthless existence." 
Thus saying, he touched a dagger in the Spaniard's belt. 
13 



194 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

Cortes sought to reassure him, declaring that none could resist 
the God of the Christians. He had performed his duty like a 
brave and noble prince, and as such he should be treated. 
We shall see presently how this promise was fulfilled. 

Until long after vespers on this day sacred to St Hippolytus, 
the 13th of August, 1521, the slaughter and pillage were con- 
tinued. Shortly afterward rain set in, followed toward mid- 
night by a furious thunder-storm, which to the homeless Mexi- 
cans seemed like the tumult of their departing deities. To the 
conquerors, the roar of heaven's artillery appeared as a salvo 
in honor of victory, and their triumph was celebrated with 
feasting and merriment, until at length came slumber, with 
visions of gold, and lands, and vassals. 

For seventy-five days the siege had lasted, amidst almost 
hourly scenes of bloodshed, in which nearly 1,000 Spaniards 
were engaged, and some 200,000 of their allies. The losses of 
the former did not exceed 100, while of the lattef there fell 
vast numbers, and of the Mexicans at least 100,000 perished 
by the sword, in addition to those who died of famine and 
disease. Peace being proclaimed, the surviving Aztecs began 
to crawl forth from their pest-holes and seek the fields adjacent, 
now lustrous green under the refreshing rains, filing in long 
procession over the causeway, while the very sun struck black 
on their pinched features and plague-stricken forms. 

Cortes then summoned the allies, whose services were no 
longer needed, and as he bade them farewell, complimented 
them on their loyalty and bravery, which, he said, would be 
represented to his sovereign and suitably rewarded. To the 
chieftains were given shields, robes, and other articles of 
trifling value, accompanied with promises of more substantial 
gifts. Then they went their way, contented with their slaves 
and spoils, with the humiliation of their foe, and with the 
promises of the Spaniards, little dreaming that, throughout 
the long days and nights of this terrible siege they had been 
forging their own fetters, which they and their children were 
soon to wear. 



PART III.— VICEREGAL OR COLONIAL 
PERIOD. 

CHAPTER XXII. 
THE LAST DAYS OF HERNAN CORT^IS. 

At the division of spoils made soon after the discovery of 
the treasure-chamber in the pyramid-temple, there remained, 
after making the usual deductions, only one hundred pesos, or 
dollars, for each of the rank and file. So at least relates Ber- 
nal Diaz, though by pesos he may probably have meant pesos 
de oro, or pieces of gold, worth about twelve silver dollars. 
Accepting even the latter version, this was no very munificent 
return for the risk and hardships encountered by the soldiers 
of Cortes. Many refused to accept this as their share, and 
those who did accept it joined in the clamor of the discon- 
tented. It is probable that the present money value of all the 
plunder and presents obtained by the Spaniards was little 
short of $10,000,000, and by some authorities it is estimated 
at a higher figure. But from this sum was first deducted the 
royal fifth, and then the fifth promised to the captain-general, 
after which a large portion was set apart for the expenses and 
losses of the expedition, while double or special shares were 
assigned to the priests, the captains, those who owned horses, 
and those who carried fire-arms and cross-bows. 

At the close of the siege, the final distribution, increased 
somewhat by the presents and tributes of neighboring prov- 
inces, gave to each horseman about a hundred pesos de oro, 
and to the foot-soldiers a smaller amount. Thereupon insub- 
ordination broke out in the camp. The riches of Mexico had 
already been severely drained, and now little was left of the 
fabled wealth of Anahuac; but there were few among the 



196 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



Spaniards who did not believe that gold and jewels had been 
concealed by the commander, or by his captives. " Cortes is 
conniving with Quauhtemotzin," they cried, "in order to se- 
cure possession of the treasures." To the never-ending shame 
of the captain-general, it must be related that, in order to 
pacify his troops, he ordered the emperor and the king of 
Tlacopan to be put to the torture. 

The mode of torture was simple but extremely effective; 
their feet were roasted before a slow fire, oil being applied to 
prevent a too rapid charring of the flesh, for this might lessen 




Stone Found Bukied in the Plaza of Mexico. 



the pain and defeat the purpose. Quauhtemotzin bore his suf- 
ferings with the stoicism of an Aztec warrior. When his fellow- 
victim turned toward him in anguish as if appealing for com- 
passion, he exclaimed, "Think you that I enjoy it?" Never- 
theless he bethought himself how to escape the torment, and 
mentioned a number of places where gold and jewels might 
be found. Little of value was recovered, however, although to 
this day it is related that beneath the waters of the lake of 
Mexico lie buried treasures of untold value. 

What must now be done with the remains of the captured 
city, was the question among the Spanish captains. A strong- 
hold was certainly needed, in order to secure j)OSsession of the 



THE LAST DA YS OF HERN AN CORTtS. 



197 



valley; and after some discussion, it was resolved that its site 
should be at Mexico. The dead were buried, fires were lighted 
to purify the atmosphere, the streets were opened, and the 
ruins removed. All this was accomplished by the allies from 
the lake districts, to whom, during the siege, the Aztecs had 
used no vain threat when they exclaimed, " Raze and tear 
down, ye slaves, but all must be rebuilt with your own hands 
for the victor ! " 




Mexico Rebuilt, 1521. 

A plan was drawn out for the Spanish quarter, in the centre 
of which was the plaza, the name Tenochtitlan, or as the 
Spaniards wrote it, Temixtitan, being long applied in official 
documents to this portion of the capital. Two additional 
causeways were constructed, and the levee which protected 
the southern front of the city was -strengthened and named San 
Lazaro. 

The temple court now served for a market-place, around 
which were reserved sites for a church, a convent, the gov- 
ernor's palace, the town hall, and other public buildings. For 



198 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



himself, Cortes built two large dwellings, on the ground where 
formerly stood the palaces of Montezuma. All the structures 
were substantially built, many being of stone, and with towers 
at each corner, loop-holed for defence. The arsenal, with its 
fortified docks for sheltering the fleet, was protected by battle- 
mented turrets, the first commandant being Pedro de Alva- 
rado. No church was built for several years, a hall in the 
residence of the captain-general being used as a chapel. 

The work of rebuilding progressed rapidly, the native work- 
men and artisans provided by the chieftains relieving their 




Coat of Mail of the City of Mexico. From a Rare Pbint. 

toil with songs and jokes. Among them was a number of 
Aztecs, who appeared to have already forgotten their recent 
troubles, glad even to obtain the dole of food which rewarded 
each day's labor. So rapid was the growth of the city, that 
in 1523 it was presented by the Spanish monarch with a coat 
of arms representing a blue field, in allusion to the lake of 
Mexico, and having in the centre a gilded castle, to which led 
three paved causeways. The lions rampant, as represented 
above, are in token of Spanish victory. A gilt border, on 



THE LAST DAYS OF HERNAN CORTtS. 199 

which appear eight maguey leaves, surrounds the field. Seven 
years later the city was accorded the same pre-eminence as 
was granted to Burgos, and in 1548 received the title of "muy 
noble, grande, y muy leal ciudad," or very noble, great, and 
very loyal city. 

The Aztec coat of arms, representing a maguey plant in the 
middle of a lake, whereon was perched an eagle holding in its 
beak a serpent, was also used on some occasions during the 
reign of the viceroys, and was afterward adopted by the re- 
public of Mexico. 




Arms of the Republic op Mexico. 

Expeditions were now despatched toward the south, east, 
and west, for conquest and colonization, Cortes setting forth in 
1525 for Honduras, where affairs were at this date in evil case. 
It cannot be said with truth of the conqueror of Mexico, that 
he was by nature a bad or a cruel man; rather let us say that 
through the influence of ambition, priestcraft, the intoxication 
of success, and a quality which for the moment we will call 
patriotism, the darker phase of his nature was developed. 
During this expedition, famine beset the invading host, among 
them being many Nahua warriors, under command of Quauh- 
temotzin, the last emperor of Mexico, and the kings of Tlaco- 
pan and Tezcuco. 



200 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

A conspiracy broke out among the allies and was revealed 
to Cortes. Among the conspirators arrested being Quauhte- 
motzin, who admitted that hardship and danger had kindled 
rebellion among his people, but claimed that he was not its 
author. A secret trial was held, and the emperor of Mexico 
and the king of Tlacopan were sentenced to be hanged. In 
the stillness of night, they were dragged to a ceiba-tree, and, 
says Bernal Diaz, Quauhtemotzin thus addressed the captain- 
general: "Malinche, many a day have I suspected the falsity 
of thy words, and that thou hadst destined this end to my 
life. Why dost thou kill me without justice ? God will de- 
mand of thee thy answer." 

In the year 1540, Cortes embarked for Spain, accompanied 
by a retinue of nobles. In the suburbs of Madrid he was met 
by members of the Council of the Indies and other dignitaries, 
with outward show of respect, but the politeness native to 
Spaniards gradually turned to coldness, and when asking 
for a settlement of his affairs, the conqueror of Mexico was 
treated as any other suitor. Joining as a volunteer on board 
the flag-ship, an expedition fitted out against Algiers, his ves- 
sel, the Esperanza, was cast ashore. Prestige, honor, and 
wealth were gone, his treasure, including the five emeralds 
presented to him by Montezuma II., and worn on his person 
as a charm, being lost in the waves. And now followed slight 
and insult. 

A council of war was summoned, the occasion being a pro- 
posed attack on a Saracen fortress; but to that council Cortes 
was not summoned, his very presence being ignored. Stung 
by this affront, he exclaimed: "Had I but a handful of my 
veterans from New Spain, not long would they remain outside 
of yonder fortress ! " " Indeed, seiior," was the reply, " no 
doubt you would accomplish wonders; but you would find the 
Moors quite a diff'erent foe from your naked savages." 

Bowed with age and infirmity, some four years later the 
captain-general appealed to his sovereign for redress, asking 
for a final settlement of his claims. As on other occasions, no 



THE LAST DAYS OF HERN AN CORTtS. 



201 



answer was received to his petition, and after three years of 
waiting and disappointment, the conqueror embarked for 
Mexico, saying farewell, as he thought forever, to his native 
land. 

At Seville, the nobles of Spain bade him adieu with hollow 
courtesy; but now already his days were numbered. Fever- 
stricken and broken-hearted, he was conveyed to the village 
of Castillejo de la Cuesta, where on the 2d of December, 1547, 
he breathed his last. The body was deposited in the monas- 
tery of San Isidro, the sepulchre of the dukes of Medina Si- 
donia, being afterward removed by order of Cortes's son to the 
city of Tezcuco, and thence to other portions of Anahuac. Over 
his grave still hangs the shroud of mystery, and it is related 
that for many years his remains were carried to and fro, find- 
ing nowhere a resting-place. 




SCULPTTJKED VaSB — TlAHAUC, MbXICO. 



202 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 
AUDIENCIAS AND VICEROYALTY. 

The Consejo de Indias, or Council of the Indies, held, in 
conjunction with the audiencia of Santo Domingo, control over 
the affairs of the New World. The word 'audiencia,' from 
the Latin audire, to hear, had a variety of significations, apart 
from its literal meaning, being applied, not only to the tri- 
bunal and its jurisdiction, but also even to the court-room and 
building. The members of an audiencia were termed oidores, 
or those who hear. 

During his second expedition, Columbus imposed on the 
natives of Espanola a tribute; on some a bell-measure of gold, 
and on others an arroba, or twenty-five pounds, of cotton, to be 
paid four times in the year. So severe was the tax that many 
were unable to meet it, and in 1496 service was accepted in 
place of tribute. This was the origin of the repartimiento, 
or as it was afterward known encomienda, system, under 
which the natives of a conquered country were compelled to 
serve the Spaniards. The first audiencia of Mexico was es- 
tablished in the year 1528, its president being Nuno de Guz- 
man, a ruler noted for his cruelty and his many acts of 
oppression. Imitating his example, the oidores cast aside all 
sense of duty to the emperor, to their God, and to their fellow- 
man; strengthening their hands for evil by usurping the func- 
tions of the ordinary ministers of justice, and in order to 
conceal their iniquities, suppressing all letters that contained 
complaints of their conduct 

During the brief existence of this tribunal, the rapacious 
schemes of Guzman and his confederates spread throughout 
the land like a fell disease, until natives and Spaniards alike 
groaned under the infliction. The first step taken by the 
members of the audiencia was to extort gold from the most 



AUDIENGIAS AND VICEEOYALTY. 203 

prominent chieftains, whom as yet they dared not seize. In 
this proceeding, they were aided by a native interpreter, at 
whose suggestion the caciques were ordered to present them- 
selves at Mexico, for the consideration of matters of impor- 
tance. As was their custom, the chiefs brought with them 
valuable gifts, which served but to whet the appetite of the 
recipients, and the greater the liberality displayed, the more 
frequently were they summoned. Among them was the king 
of Michoacan, who became the victim of his own generosity; 
for at length he was lodged in the house of the president, 
where it is related that his feet were roasted before a slow fire, 
in order to wring from him the last ounce of treasure. Enco- 
miendas were seized in all directions, and the natives forced 
to work without the reward enjoined by royal cedula, or ordi- 
nance. The complaint of an individual thrall was punished 
with stripes or torture, and at the least symptom of discon- 
tent, entire towns were declared in a state of rebellion, subdued 
by force of arms, and their inhabitants sold into slavery in 
provinces remote from the land of their birth. 

At length the clergy, at the head of whom was Bishop Zu- 
marraga, drew up a statement setting forth the misrule of the 
audiencia, and stating that they were not only powerless to 
aid either native or Spaniard, but unable to save even them- 
selves from persecution. New Spain was groaning under 
oppression, and to secure the prosperity of the people, and the 
spread of the true faith, there was need of a ruler able to com- 
prehend the condition of the country, and willing to shape 
aright its destinies. This document was smuggled into Spam 
concealed in a hollow wooden image, sent home, as was pre- 
tended, to show the progress made by the natives in the art 
of sculpture. 

To the charges made by the clergy were added others still 
more damnatory. Whereupon Charles V. resolved that the 
members of the audiencia should be recalled. As his presence 
was needed elsewhere at this juncture, he desired the Empress 
Isabel of Portugal, a woman of noble sentiments and sterling 



204 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

qualities, to see that the malefactors were punished, and 
worthy officials elected in their stead. After the matter had 
been submitted to the council, it was resolved to establish a 
viceroyalty in New Spain, and to send thither a ruler chosen 
from the nobles of the court, whose birth and position would 
insure his loyalty, and act as a safeguard against malfeasance. 
But delay was needed to select such a person, and to enable 
him to make his preparations. Meanwhile, as the affairs of 
New Spain required an immediate remedy, it was decided to 
send forth a new audiencia, composed of men whose honesty 
and ability had stood the test of time and of temptation. 
The presidency was conferred on Sebastian Ramirez de Fuen- 
leal, formerly inquisitor of Seville, and at this date president 
of the audiencia of Santo Domingo. Among the oidores, of 
whom there were four, may be mentioned Alonso de Maldo- 
nado, who was afterward appointed the first president of the 
Audiencia of the Confines. 

As little more remains to be said on the subject of audien- 
cias, it may be in place to mention that their number in Span- 
ish America was ultimately increased to eleven, including 
those of Mexico, Lima, and Santa Fe de Bogota, each of these 
three having as president a viceroy, with eight oidores, four alcal- 
des del crimen, or judges in criminal cases, and two fiscales, or 
crown prosecutors. There were similar tribunals, the number 
of officials varying as to place and date, at Santiago de Guate- 
mala, Guadalajara, Venezuela, Chile, Quito, Santo Domingo, 
Puerto Principe, and Buenos Ayres. Thus it will be seen 
that, during the viceregal period, the dominion of Spain in the 
New World was of vast extent; and if to these acquisitions be 
added the Philippine and other islands between Asia and 
America, it is probable that the Spaniards made no idle boast 
when they declared that theirs was the first empire on which 
the sun never set. 

Early in 1531 the oidores opened their court in the palace 
of Cortes, whose residencia was now being taken, this word 
meaning an investigation as to the official acts of an executive 



AUDIENGIAS AND VICEROYALTY. 205 

or judicial ofl&cer during his term of residence within his 
province. In September of the same year, they were joined by 
the president, who had awaited their arrival at Santo Domingo. 

The affairs of the residenqia, the administration of justice, 
and the inauguration of reforms, proved no easy task for the 
members of the audiencia, who were compelled to work daily 
twelve hours out of the twenty-four, not excepting feast-days. 
At a special council, the treatment of the natives, the tribute 
system, and cognate branches were considered, and it was 
resolved to replace the encomienda system by that of corregi- 
mientos, in charge of officials termed corregidores, who were 
to govern the natives as tributary vassals, though granting 
them almost the same freedom as was accorded to the Span- 
iards. 

The corregidores were instructed to report on the industrial 
condition of their districts, so that the higher authorities might 
determine the kind and amount of tribute to be collected. 
They must see that the natives tilled their land, and were 
kept at work, so that the tribute did not fall off; they must 
aim at their conversion, at the spread of Christianity in this 
distant portion of the empire, and they must protect them 
from abuse, and maltreatment, taking heed as magistrates for 
the observance of social, religious, and political regulations. It 
will presently appear that these instructions were not very 
faithfully executed. 

Near the capital, the town of Santa Fe was established for 
converted natives; and here, under care of friars, they were to 
be instructed in European arts, sciences, and customs, some 
being apprenticed to Spanish artisans. Efforts were made to 
relieve the sufferings created by strange diseases, as measles 
and small-pox, which appear to be inseparable adjuncts to the 
progress of civilization in all distant lands. Moors and Jews, 
and descendants of those who had been condemned by the 
inquisition, were expelled, so that they might not profane the 
presence of the ever-increasing number of converts. 

Among other measures of the second audiencia was the 



206 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



removal to higher ground, on the banks of the river Atoyac, 
some twenty leagues east of the capital, of the site of Puebla 
de los Angeles, a settlement founded in 1530 by Hernando de 
Saavedra. By ce'dula of the 20th of March, 1532, the empress 
conferred on it the title of city, granting also a coat of arms, 
and exemption from taxes for a term of thirty years. 

After the conquest of Nueva Galicia by Nuilo de Guzman, dur- 
ing which the ex-president burned some of his captives at the 




Arms of Pueblo de los Angeles. 

stake, and roasted the feet of others until their toes dropped 
off, the settlement of Espiritu Santo was founded by Juan de 
Onate. Its original site was at Nochistlan, but in 1541 it was 
removed to a spot south of the Rio Grande de Tololotlan, the 
name of the town being changed to Guadalajara, in honor of 
Guzman's birthplace. 

The first viceroy of new Spain was Antonio de Mendoza, 
who accepted ofiice in 1530, though his formal appointment 
was not made until five years later. Of patrician birth, he 
was well fitted, both by character and ability, for his station, 
while there were none who doubted his integrity of purpose. 
Austere of habit, and abstemious to a degree that was injuri- 
ous to his health, he was ever faithful and diligent in the dis- 
charge of his duties, and none of his successors felt more 
keenly the responsibilities of a difficult and by no means 
enviable position. 

Before his appointment as viceroy, Mendoza had been elected 



AUDIENCIAS AND VICEROYALTY. 



207 



president of the audiencia in place of Fuenleal, who was on 
the point of returning to Spain. , His privileges and preroga- 
tives were most ample, and all affairs of government were 
placed under his direction. Though advised to consult with 
the audiencia on matters of importance, he was fully author- 
ized, after receiving their opinions, to act on his own judgment. 
He must, however, confer with the prelates on such ecclesiasti- 




CoAT OF Arms op the City of Gttadalajaka. 



cal matters as the establishment and extent of dioceses and 
the "building of churches. 

Although the emperor was seemingly anxious for the spir- 
itual welfare of the realm, worldly interests were by no means 
to be neglected. The power of the natives to bear increased 
tribute was to be considered, as well as the question whether 
portions of the territory hitherto exempt could not be taxed. 
Industries were to be encouraged for the benefit of the country, 
and for the benefit of the royal treasury, and forts were to be 
erected and provisioned for the purpose of holding the natives 
in subjection. 



208 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



About the beginning of October 1535, Mendoza arrived at 
Vera Cruz, where he was received with becoming ceremony, 
and conducted in state to the capital, though his reception was 
tame when compared with that of the later viceroys. During 
his administration, which lasted for fifteen years, provinces 
were conquered, both in the north and south, although conspira- 
cies, revolts, and rebellions were not infrequent. Mines were 
discovered and developed; towns, churches, convents, hospitals, 
and schools were established; roads, bridges, and other public 
works were constructed, and agriculture, industry, and com- 
merce were in a flourishing condition. 

The emperor could not well afford to dispense with so able 
and conscientious a servant; but at this date the Spaniards 
in South America, led by Gonzalo Pizarro, were in a state of 
rebellion, and Charles V., anxious to establish there a stable 
government, requested Mendoza to accept the viceroyalty of 
Peru, where on the 21st of July, 1552, he breathed his last 




Winged Globe from Ococingo, Chiapas. 



SPANISH CRUELTIES AND THE NEW LAWS. 209 



CHAPTER XXIV. 
SPANISH CRUELTIES AND THE NEW LAWS. 

About the year 1541, the Milanese chronicler, Girolamo 
Benzoni, journeying across the isthmus of Panama in com- 
pany with a party of Spaniards, entered some Indian huts to 
obtain a supply of provisions. The inmates, he relates, think- 
ing they were about to be enslaved, attacked them savagely 
with hands and teeth, tearing their clothes, spitting in their 
faces, uttering doleful cries, and exclaiming, "Guacci! guacci!" 
which Benzoni interprets as " the name of a quadruped that 
prowls by night in search of prey." One of them, who after- 
ward consented to act as guide, informed the travellers that 
there were no other Indian habitations on their line of route, 
for the Spaniards had either killed or made slaves of the en- 
tire population. 

In Honduras, slaves were kidnapped and sold by the ship- 
load, so that in the neighborhood of Trujillo, where formerly 
might be seen Indian villages with from 600 to 3,000 houses, 
there were in 1547 not more than 180 persons left. At a 
coast town named La Haga, nine leagues from Trujillo, and 
containing 900 dwellings, there was but a single inhabitant, all 
of them having been sold into bondage. 

Cruel as was the treatment of the natives in every part of 
the Spanish provinces, nowhere was oppression carried to such 
an extreme as in Guatemala. Here, little distinction was 
made between the allies and the conquered races, even the 
faithful Tlascaltecs, many of whom had settled, after the Con- 
quest, at Almalonga, being enslaved, overworked, and mal- 
treated, until in 1547 there were barely a hundred survivors. 

If such was the treatment to which the most steadfast allies 
of the Spaniards were exposed in time of peace, what fell 
14 



210 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

cruelties may we not suppose -were inflicted on those who, un- 
deterred by defeat, rose again and again upon their oppressors? 
No words can depict the miseries of these hapless creatures. 
Wholesale slaughter, hanging and burning, torturing, mutilat- 
ing, and branding, followed the suppression of a revolt; while 
starvation, exhaustion, blows, and fainting under intolerable 
burdens were their lot in time of peace. 

During the life-time of Pedro de Alvarado, the waste of life 
in Guatemala and elsewhere in Central America was wanton 
and most sickening. While in the field, starving auxilaries 
were fed on human flesh, captives being butchered like cat- 
tle, children were killed and roasted, and even when food was 
plentiful, human beings were slaughtered that their hands and 
feet might be served up as delicacies to Indian warriors. Nor 
were the families of the natives more respected than if they 
had been by nature the brutes which the Spaniards made of 
them in practice. Households were desolated, wives being 
torn from husbands and daughters from parents, to- be dis- 
tributed among the soldiers and sailors, while boys were put 
to work at the gold mines, there to perish by the thousand. 

As early as 1525, tidings reached the emperor of the terrible 
rapidity with which depopulation was progressing; and on the 
17th of November in that year, he issued a cedula for the pro- 
tection of the fast-decreasing races. In 1519, the Council of 
the Indies was ordered to draw up regulations for the better 
government of the Spanish provinces, and that body issued a 
decree, in which, while the protection of the monarch's interests 
was of course a prominent feature, sympathy and moderation 
were enjoined toward the natives. But, as we have seen, royal 
cedulas counted for little with the Spaniards, their conduct in 
this respect reminding us somewhat of the Russian slave-own- 
ers in Alaska, among whom a favorite remark was: " Heaven 
is high above, and the tzar is far away." 

In the year 1542, a Dominican friar named Bartolome de las 
Casas placed in the hands of Charles V. the manuscript of his 
work entitled, "A History and Very Brief Account of the De- 



SPANISH CRUELTIES AND THE NEW LAWS. 211 

struction of Western India," the book being published in Span- 
ish and Italian, and a similar volume issued in Latin in 1564. 
Through the exertions of this never-tiring missionary, a junta 
composed of jurists and ecclesiastics assembled at Valladolid, 
before which the great apostle of the Indies pleaded his favorite 
cause with all the fire of his eloquence, urging that the natives 
of the New World were free by the laws of nature and of 
nature's God. 

The ordinances framed by the junta received the emperor's 
approval; and after being somewhat amplified, were published 
in Madrid in. 1543, and were thenceforth known as the New 
Laws. The code contained a large number of articles, whereby 
it was enacted, among other provisions, that all Indian slaves 
should be released, unless their owners could establish a legal 
title to their possession, and that none should thenceforth be 
enslaved under any pretext. 

This measure caused much loss and annoyance to the Span- 
iards, although, in portions of Spanish America, the labor of 
African negroes was substituted in part for that of natives, 
especially at the mines, where excessive toil, exposure, and 
inhuman treatment had caused a fearful rate of mortality. 
There were other clauses in the code which were equally dis- 
tasteful. The audiencia of Panama, organized in 1533, was 
abolished, and two other tribunals were established, one in 
Peru, at the city of Los Reyes, which about this date was first 
called Lima, and the other, named the audiencia de Los Con- 
finos, or audiencia of the Boundaries, at Comayagua, then near 
the border line between Guatemala and Honduras. The latter, 
which was afterward removed to Gracias a Dios, and thence to 
Santiago de Guatemala, held jurisdiction over Chiapas, Yuca- 
tan, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and the province of 
Castilla del Oro, the limits of which were similar to those of 
the modern department of Panam^, but extending farther 
toward the south. From the decisions of these courts, and from 
those of the audiencias of New Spain and Santo Domingo, 
there was in criminal cases no appeal. In civil actions, the 



212 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

losing party could demand a new trial, the benefit of which, 
however, is not apparent, as new evidence was not admitted, 
and the cause was tried by the oidores who rendered the first 
judgment. 

To the new laws may be attributed in part the insurrection 
in Peru, which was broken by the defeat and execution of 
Gonzalo Pizarro in 1550, and the revolt of Hernan and Pedro 
de Contreras in Nicaragua, during the same year. Though in 
New Spain there was no overt rebellion, discontent was none 
the less widely seated. 

At the first. Las Casas attempted to enforce the provisions 
of the code; but soon it became virtually inoperative, and a 
few years later was repealed. In 1547, he embarked for Spain; 
but the revocation of the new laws, of which he must have 
heard before his departure, proved a death-blow to his hopes. 
During the first two years after his arrival, all his efforts on 
behalf of the natives produced only a few unimportant decrees. 
Later, he retired to the college of San Gregorio de Valladolid, 
still continuing, however, to take a deep interest in the aff'airs 
of the Indies. From this retreat he soon afterward came forth 
to defend the principles which it had been his life-labor to 
maintain. 

In 1555, Philip II., who had recently succeeded to the throne 
of Spain, proposed to sell the right of the crown to the rever- 
sion of encomiendas, that is, virtually, to the slaves of deceased 
Spaniards in the New World. In Spain, an encomienda was a 
dignity in one of the military orders, endowed with a rental, 
and bestowed by the crown on certain members of the order 
as a reward for services in the wars against the Moors. In the 
Indies, the word signified the ownership conferred by royal favor 
of a number of natives, coupled with the obligation to teach 
them the doctrines of the church, and to defend their persons 
and property, though, as we have seen, this obligation was sel- 
dom fulfilled. 

Las Casas foresaw that the measure proposed by his sover- 
eign would doom the Indians to perpetual slavery, and at once 



SPANISH CRUELTFES AND THE NEW LA WS. 



213 



resolved to exert all his influence to prevent it. Through the 
king's confessor, who had written to him on the subject, he 
made a bold and earnest appeal to the royal conscience. The 
appeal was not in vain, and thus he helped to pave the way 
for the final emancipation of the natives. He did not, however, 
live to see his purpose accomplished, for, being seized with a 
severe sickness at Madrid, when in his ninety-second year, he 
breathed his last in July 1566, and was buried with becoming 
honors in the convent chapel of Our Lady of Atocha. 

Judged by his works, the apostle of the Indies was one of 
the greatest men of his age. His compassion for the natives, 
and his abhorrence for their oppressors, were increased from 
year to year by his failure to alleviate their sufferings, until 
they became the all-absorbing idea which colored his every act 
and word. In pursuit of this idea no obstacle could intimi- 
date him. He hesitated not, in the advocacy of his cause, to 
brave the anger of an emperor, or the frenzy of an excited 
populace, and for that cause he suffered insult, persecution, 
the loss of friends, the enmity of his countrymen. 

If by his contemporaries he has been accused, not without 
reason, of harshness, arrogance, uncharitableness, these faults 
were probably due to the intolerant spirit of his order, rather 
than to defects inherent in the man. The purity of his 
motives none can doubt, and while no defence can shield his 
adversaries from the charges of injustice and cruelty, the 
errors of Bartolome de las Casas have been forgotten, and his 
spirit of noble self-devotion and high-souled philanthropy have 
stamped him as one of the foremost benefactors of his age. 




Section op Aztec Tomb at Chila Puebla. 



214 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



CHAPTER XXV. 

THE CONQUEST OF YUCATAN. 

To describe all the expeditions of the Spaniards in quest of 
^old and slaves, and for the acquisition of new territory, would 




Building at Cozumel. 



be but a tiresome and fruitless task. During the sixteenth 
century, the dominion of New Spain was extended, as appears 



THE CONQUEST OF YUCATAN. 215 

in the accompanying map, from the gulf of Honduras, north- 
ward beyond the twenty-eighth parallel, the most difficult 
portion of the task being the conquest of Yucatan. 

In 1526, Francisco de Montejo, whom Bernal Diaz describes 
as a man of medium stature and pleasing appearance, one 
fond of pleasure, lavish of expense, and an indifferent soldier, 
was appointed governor and adelantado, or captain-general, of 
Yucatan. An expedition was fitted out, and on reaching the 
island of Cozumel, the Spaniards, whose forces mustered about 
four hundred, were received with all outward show of friend- 
ship. Arriving at the mainland, they disembarked without 
opposition, and unfurled the royal banner of Spain amid cries 
of "Espana! Espafia! viva Espana!" The natives looked on 
with seeming indifference, but indifference feigned only for the 
purpose of luring them inland and cutting off their retreat to 
the ships. 

The country was rugged, difficult, and all but unknown to 
the Spaniards; of rivers there were none, and soon provisions 
began to run short. On reaching the village of Choaco, where 
the adelantado hoped to obtain supplies, he found the place 
deserted, no morsel of food being left. Here the men rested 
for several days, and then, worn and spiritless, resumed their 
journey, advancing northward without fear of opposition to the 
town of Ake. 

As yet, however, they knew little of the character and dispo- 
sition of the natives. There were, among Montejo's command, 
some who had borne the brunt of the fight during the darkest 
hours of the Noche Triste; but even these veterans had not 
beheld a more appalling sight than that which faced them 
when, on the dawn of a wintry day, toward the close of 1527, 
they drew near to the town of Ake. Hordes of Indians, 
hideous in their war-paint, " came forth," says the historian 
Oviedo, "like fiercest devils from their lurking-place." So 
vast was their number that all the caciques of the province 
appeared to have massed their forces for the coming struggle. 
Nor could they have selected a spot more favorable for a battle- 



216 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

field. The ground was narrow, unfavorable for the action of 
cavalry, and such that the Spaniards, being unable to deploy 
their ranks, could make but little use of their fire-arms, and 
were in danger of being crushed by the weight of the enemy's 
columns. 

While Montejo was speaking words of cheer to his men, and 
bidding them stand firm before the shock, his voice was lost 
in the uproar of the oncoming masses, as they mingled with 
their war-cries the shrill blasts of conch-shell trumpets. Flights 
of arrows were aimed at the Spaniards at short range, and the 
next moment, their lances pointed with sharpened flint, and 
wielding double-handed swords of hardest wood, the Indians 
grappled with the foe. Nevertheless, the adelantado held his 
ground, and beating back the assailants, let loose at them his 
cavalry and blood-hounds. The horsemen were in turn pushed 
back by weight of numbers, and again the natives advanced 
to the attack. 

Thus till dark the combat lasted, neither side gaining deci- 
sive advantage. The night was spent by the Spaniards in 
dressing their wounds, and obtaining what little rest they 
could, the Indians meanwhile receiving fresh re-enforcements. 
With the morning the conflict was renewed, and until mid-day 
the scale of victory hung in the balance, when, the natives 
falling back in some confusion, Montejo ordered a final charge 
on their ranks, and they were put to flight. The Spaniards, 
too exhausted for pursuit, flung themselves on the ground amid 
the corpses of 1,200 of the enemy, having lost one third of 
their own number during the battle. 

No further resistance was offered, and the adelantado, taking 
possession of the town of Ake, remained there during the win- 
ter. Breaking camp early in 1528, he put his troops in motion 
towards Chichen Itza, — two Indian words signifying mouths 
of the wells. Here he pressed into his service a number of 
natives, and erected a fort and dwellings of timber. No out- 
ward signs of dissatisfaction were shown, the inhabitants sub- 
mitting patiently to the bondage from which, for the moment, 
they could not escape. 



THE CONQUEST OF YUCATAN. 



2V\ 



If this expedition had been in charge of an able leader, it 
would probably have been successful; but Montejo was unfitted 
for command. Already he had allowed himself to be surprised, 




Serpent Balustkade at Chichen ItzI. 



218 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

and now, surrounded as he was by bands of hostile Indians, 
whom he imagined to be cowed into subjection, he committed 
the fatal blunder of dividing his forces. A rumor was current 
throughout his camp — one raised doubtless by the natives for 
the purpose of hastening his overthrow — that in the district 
of Bacalar rich gold mines were to be found. Yielding to the 
clamor of his men, the adelantado despatched in that direction 
the contador Alonso de Avila, his second in command, with a 
band of fifty foot and seventeen horse. 

Arriving at Chable, a town many leagues distant from 
Montejo's headquarters, and one where gold was said to exist, 
the Spaniards commenced their search, but found no trace of 
the precious metal. Meeting here, however, with outward 
show of friendship, and even with friendly services, the con- 
tador sent messengers to the lord of Chetumal, a region said 
to be auriferous, asking for information as to the mines, and 
for a supply of provisions. The reply was stern, and severely 
laconic. "Of gold," said he of Chetumal, "I scorn to speak; 
oi fowls, you shall have all that you can take from the points 
of our lances; and we will send you maize in the shape of 
flights of arrows." 

Avila was an officer whose courage none disputed, but one 
sorely wanting in discretion, the quality which is deemed 
valor's counterpart. Although under strict orders from Mon- 
tejo to use only peaceful measures, he set forth at once with 
half his slender force to punish the proud chieftain of Chetu- 
mal, who dared thus to hurl foul scorn on Christian warriors. 
Approaching his town, the Spaniards found their path barred 
by far-spreading swamps and lagoons, across which, with much 
difficulty, they made their way in canoes. Soon they came 
in sight of ripening fields of maize and fruit and cacao, and 
after halting for a brief space to refresh themselves, advanced 
to give battle. But in their revenge, as in their lust for gold, 
they were disappointed. The lord of Chetumal had fled. 

The contador took up his quarters in the principal town, 
which contained about 2,000 houses, and was but two leagues 



THE CONQUEST OF YUCATAN. 219 

distant from the sea. Then, being joined by the remainder of 
his force, he resolved to establish there a Spanish settlement, 
giving to it the name of Villa Real. What fairer or safer 
spot could be found for the site of a new colony? The cacique 
had every chance of making good his boast, when the Span- 
iards were crossing the lagoons in their frail canoes, and could 
make little use of their weapons; but thus far, he had merely 
skulked as a fugitive from his capital without striking a blow 
for its defence. 

Avila was soon to learn, however, that the lord of Chetumal 
was no idle braggart. Allying himself with the caciques of 
the neighboring districts, he assembled his forces for a pur- 
pose which the Spaniards could not fathom, since he did not 
venture an attack. Meanwhile, the contador was somewhat 
ill at ease, and resolving to open communications with the 
adelantado, despatched six messengers to his camp, ordering 
them to return within sixty days. But the messengers did 
not return, and if we can believe the historian Oviedo, they 
were massacred, some few leagues from Villa Real, while seated 
at supper in fancied security. 

Many weeks elapsed, — weary weeks of waiting, — and now 
the Spaniards were surrounded by countless hordes of Indians, 
who began to harass them in almost daily encounters. Nev- 
ertheless, the contador remained at his post, constantly expect- 
ing aid from Montejo, though none came, nor any tidings from 
Chichen Itza. Ammunition was nearly exhausted, and the 
beleaguered troops began to look upon themselves as doomed, 
for the foe attacked them incessantly, showing no signs of 
fear. There remained but one hope of escape, and that was 
to cut their way out of the place without further delay. 

In sorry plight, Avila's band set forth to traverse the sixty 
leagues that separated them from their comrades. All along 
their route were evidences of a wide-spread plan to extermi- 
nate them. Some of the towns were abandoned; others had 
been secretly fortified; no provisions could be found, and as 
the Spaniards retreated^ hostilities became more active, until 



220 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



at length, being driven back on one of the deserted villages, 
and hemmed in on all sides, they abandoned themselves to 
despair. At this juncture an Indian, whose life the contador 
had saved, led them in the silence of the night by an unfre- 
quented path through the woods. Still they were pursued, 




Watch-tower on the Coast of Yucatan. 

and their progress disputed at every step. Seeing no hope of 
escape by land, the survivors were compelled to fight their way 
to the coast, where, finding some canoes, they proceeded along 
the shore, living on berries and shell-fish, until at length they 
arrived at Trujillo, on the coast of Honduras. 

Meanwhile, nothing was known by the adelantado of the 
fate of Avila's command. Surrounded bv hordes of hostile 



THE CONQUEST OF YUCATAN. 221 

Indians, he was cut off from his base of supplies. His for- 
aging parties were captured or driven back, and his men were 
seldom allowed to consume their scanty meal of roots and 
horse-flesh without being forced to exchange shots with the 
enemy. During this ceaseless warfare, many deeds of bravery 
and skill are recorded on both sides. " One of the Spanish 
archers," says the chronicler Cogolludo, who in 1688 pub- 
lished a history of Yucatan, " caused great annoyance to the 
natives, pointing his shafts with unerring aim at their leaders. 
Thereupon, an Indian, equally dexterous in the use of the bow, 
approached the marksman with seeming indifference, and with 
a well-directed shot wounded him in the arm, being hit almost 
simultaneously with a dart from the cross-bow of the Castilian. 
The Indian was severely wounded in the breast, but rather 
than have it said that he had died at the hands of a Spaniard, 
withdrew and hanged himself." Such was the patriotism of 
these peninsular warriors ; and yet Cogolludo is at a loss to 
understand why they were so relentless in their warfare upon 
the invaders. 

At length a pitchea battle was fought, one of the severest 
struggles recorded in the annals of Indian warfare. The 
Spaniards had no alternative but to meet the foe on the open 
plain, where an immense multitude had assembled, intent on 
crushing the remnant of their forces. The result was inde- 
cisive; but when the latter returned to camp, they left 150 of 
their number dead on the field, few of the survivors escaping 
unwounded. 

After this engagement, Montejo's only thought was to save 
himself and the remainder of his troops. But how, when thus 
beset, were his wounded men to be conveyed across the many 
leagues of rugged country that separated them from their ships? 
The men had wellnigh given themselves up for lost, when one of 
their number bethought himself of a ruse, which is usually 
attributed to the adelantado, but was probably the invention 
of some more ingenious brain. Tying a hungry dog to the 
tongue of a large bell suspended from the limb of a tree, they 



/ 



222 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

placed food above him, but beyond Ms reach. Then, after re- 
connoitring the enemy's camp, they crept forth stealthily, 
under cover of night, directing their march toward the sea. 




Coast op Yucatan. 

Meanwhile, the dog, as he strove to follow them, rang the 
bell; and reaching up for his food, renewed the ringing, giving 
assurance to the Indians that the foe was on the alert. Thus 
some hours were gained; and when the trick was discovered, 
the Spaniards had made good their escape. 



THE CONQUEST OF YUCATAN. 



223 



Without proceeding further with the story of Montejo's ex- 
pedition, which at this point becomes somewhat intermingled 
with the affairs of Tabasco and of Honduras, it may be said 
that before the end of 1535 not a single Spaniard was left in 
Yucatan. A few years later the conquest of the province was 
effected, with the assistance of the adelantado's son, to whom 
the former transferred most of his powers and privileges; but 
the subjugation of this sterile peninsula cost more lives than 
had been expended in wresting from the Incas and the Monte- 
zumas the wealthiest empires of the western world. 




Painted Boat in the Gymnasium at Ghichen ItzL 



224 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE, 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

THE SACK OF VERA CRUZ. 

During the administration of the viceroys, there were few 
recorded incidents worthy of mention, one vicegerent succeed- 
ing to another, as did the kings of Israel, in long, dull, and 
monotonous reign. There was little to relate, and of that little 
the most interesting portions have been suppressed. In re- 
lating this period of Mexican history, I shall present, therefore, 
only its principal features, and the reader who is curious as to 
the names of the various rulers will find a list of them, with 
dates appended, and a brief statement of the leading incidents 
of their reign, in the appendix of this work. Many of them 
were capable and upright men, better, perhaps, than were 
their sovereigns; but as with royalty, so with viceroy alty, he 
who is disposed to search out faults will not search in vain. 

Among the prominent events of this period may be men- 
tioned the sack of Vara Cruz, in the year 1683, by a party of 
filibusters, as pirates were termed in a corruption of the French 
word flibustiers, as in English, buccaneers, and as in Dutch, 
sea-rovers. The raids of Francois L'Olonnois in Honduras, 
Guatemala, and Costa Rica; of Morgan on the isthmus of 
Panama; of Dampier at Realejo and the Pearl Islands; and of 
Captain Bartholomew Sharp and others, — are well known to all 
who are acquainted with the history of the New World. Be- 
tween 1680 and 1687 the principal towns of Central America 
were continually infested by freebooters. Vera Cruz and other 
points in New Spain were also threatened, and the viceroy or- 
dered that no vessel should leave port without permission. 
This measure remedied the evil to some extent; but still the 
corsairs lurked among the innumerable islands and reefs of 
the Bahama channel, through which vessels must pass on 
their homeward voyage. 



THE SACK OF VERA CRUZ. 



225 



Toward sunset, on the 17tli of May, 1683. two large vessels, 
displaying Spanish colors, approached the city of Vera Cruz, 
crowding all sail, for a league or two farther out at sea was 




Plan of Vera Cruz. 

a strong squadron in pursuit. At nightfall, the Spaniards 
on the island of San Juan de TJlua and on the mainland 
lighted fires to guide them into harbor, for they were supposed 
to be ships laden with cacao, then due from the coast of Ca- 
racas. The pursuing squadron changed its course when the 
15 



226 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

two ships neared the island fortress, casting anchor a short 
distance from the city. Meanwhile, the townsfolk went to ves- 
pers, as was their custonij no danger being apprehended. 

About an hour after midnight, a few musket-shots were 
heard, but the inhabitants, supposing that a salute was being 
given to some prominent citizen, remained quietly in bed. 
The town was well garrisoned; the castle of San Juan de Uliia 
was the strongest fort in the New World, and a fleet laden with 
merchandise was daily expected from Seville. Never, for 
years, had the citizens been more free from alarm than when, 
at sunrise, the church bells tolled for matins and the devout 
set forth to obey the summons. But no matins were said that 
morning, for those who first appeared in the streets found them 
guarded by parties of armed men; and soon the dread news 
spread throughout the city that pirates were in possession of 
Vera Cruz. 

The filibusters had ascertained from prisoners captured off 
the coast that the two ships laden with cacao were hourly ex- 
pected at Vera Cruz, and this information had suggested the 
stratagem. On board the two vessels was the main body of 
the pirates, and during the night nearly 800 had landed within 
a league of Vera Cruz, crept stealthily on the city, surprised 
the forts, and made themselves masters of the place, with the 
loss of only four men. 

It had been suggested by Lorencillo, one of the command- 
ers, that a detachment should attempt the surprise of the fort- 
ress, and if his advice had been taken, the pirates might have 
remained masters of Vera Cruz long enough to exact an enor- 
mous ransom. 

Laurent, or as he is called by the chroniclers, Lorencillo, is 
described as a tall, well-proportioned man, light-haired, and 
comely of aspect, a generous ruffian withal, and one very 
popular among his comrades. Lie was in fact the beau-ideal 
corsair. It is not recorded that he was guilty of such diabolic 
atrocities as were ascribed to Morgan and L'Olonnois; but if 
we can believe the chroniclers, his deeds were sufficiently 



THE SACK OF VERA CRUZ. 227 

atrocious. It is related that when a boy he was severely 
punished by an alcalde of Tabasco. Vowing vengeance, he 
disappeared, and not long afterward returned with a gang of 
malefactors, and sacked the town. The story, as related by 
Esquemelin, one of the corsair fraternity, and probably the 
true version, is, that being captured by pirates, he consented 
to join the "brethren of the coast," as buccaneer, filibuster, 
and sea-rover were pleased to style each other. Esquemelin, 
who wrote a history of the corsairs, describes Laurent, his 
favorite hero, as a true gentleman, and assures us that his only 
fault was a habit of swearing a little too frequently. 

The advice of Lorencillo was deemed too hazardous, and it 
was resolved by the pirates to plunder the town, and make 
good their retreat as speedily as possible. The doors of the 
houses were battered in, and the panic-stricken inhabitants 
dragged forth, without ragard to age, sex, or condition, into the 
public square. Soon afterward they were lodged in the prin- 
cipal churches, where, before nine o'clock, more than 6,000 per- 
sons were imprisoned, most of them being placed in the parish 
church. For three days and nights they were kept without 
food or drink, while the buccaneers plundered the city, and 
when at length water was given to them, many died from 
drinking immoderately. Meanwhile the ruffians who kept 
guard over them mocked at the wailings of the women as 
they begged of them in vain to save the lives of their little 
ones. The captives were told that they were all to be burned 
alive, this threat being made for the purpose of extorting ran- 
som, and barrels of powder were placed at the doors of the 
parish church to blow up the building in case of resistance. 

A quantity of plate was found in the churches, and the 
altars and sacred images were stripped of every article of 
value; but these formed only a- portion of the spoils, for the 
pirates secured large amounts of specie, bullion, and merchan- 
dise, which had arrived at Vera Cruz in transit for Spain. 
The freebooters were not yet satisfied, however, and suspecting 
that some of the wealthier citizens had secreted their treasure. 



228 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

put several to the torture, again threatening to burn the parish 
church and its inmates unless they delivered up all their val- 
uables. Thereupon, one of the priests ascended the pulpit, and 
besought the captives to surrender their property in order to 
save their lives. Thus a further large amount was obtained, 
and for the ransom of the governor, who was found hidden 
under a grass-heap in his stable, was paid the sum of $70,000. 
Troops of mounted Spaniards now appeared on the outskirts 
of the city, and occasionally made a dash at the pirates, but 
did not venture on an organized attack. It was observed, 
however, that their numbers were constantly increasing. 
Moreover, a fleet from Spain, laden with merchandise, was 




Eakthen Vase — Isle of Sackifices. 

daily expected, and the corsairs deemed it prudent to depart. 
The spoils were therefore removed to the Isla de Sacrificios, or 
Isle of Sacrifices, off which the fleet was stationed. All the 
negroes and mulattoes of both sexes, and some of the Span- 
iards, were taken from the churches to be used as pack- 
animals. The latter were not accustomed to such work, and 
being enfeebled by fasting, could barely stagger iinder their 
burdens, though urged on by the merciless blows of their cap- 
tors. Not even yet were the pirates satisfied. About 1500 
prisoners, including the governor and the leading citizens, 
were conveyed to the island, and a ransom of $150,000 de- 
manded, under threat that twelve of the principal Spaniards, 
who meanwhile were to be held as hostages, would be put to 
death in case of non-payment. 



THE SACK OF VERA CRUZ. 229 

Haggard and gaunt with hunger after their four days' im- 
prisonment in the stifling and fetid atmosphere of the crowded 
churches, the captives were in a pitiable condition; but fur- 
ther suffering was in store for them. Before being taken to the 
island, they were stripped of everything that they possessed, 
even to the piece of straw matting which at night had served 
them for bedding. Their food was of the coarsest, and barely 
sufficient to sustain life, a supply of provisions sent to them 
from the city being appropriated by the pirates. They were con- 
stantly exposed to threats and insults, and most of them ex- 
pected only death, or, as a worse alternative, a life of hopeless 
captivity. For ten days they remained on the island, until 
the ransom was paid, about mid-day on the second Sunday 
after the capture of Vera Cruz. The Spaniards who had been 
held as hostages were then released; the negroes and mulat- 
toes were placed on board the fleet, and the buccaneers pre- 
pared to set sail. 

During the afternoon a double guard was set over the re- 
maining prisoners; the rude huts which they had erected to 
screen them from the sun and dew were destroyed; and the 
pirates, brandishing their weapons, never ceased to menace 
them, in the hope of yet extorting a further ransom. The 
threats were not executed, however, and at night all the free- 
booters withdrew, for their vessels were now ready for sea. 
The following morning, a boat's crew returned to take on board 
another load of captives, but found that they had all concealed 
themselves. The governor and two friars were captured, how- 
ever, and having no time for further search, the pirates carried 
them off to their vessels, though the former was afterward re- 
leased. 

No sooner had the ransom been paid than the fleet from 
Spain appeared in sight. Thereupon, the governor of San Juan 
de Ulua at once despatched a boat to the admiral, proposing 
to make a combined attack on the corsairs, who now put to 
sea, not waiting even to take in water, or a supply of fresh 
meat, But the Spaniards let slip their opportunity, for, like 



200 mSTORT OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE^ 

the Austrians in the days of Bonaparte, they knew not the 
value of minutes. If a prompt and vigorous attack had been 
made on the overladen ships of the freebooters, it would prob- 
ably have been successful; but instead of taking instant action, 
a council of officers was summoned, and while they were yet 
in deliberation, the pirates made good their escape. 

Before leaving the island, a partition was made of the spoils, 
which were divided into 1,200 shares, and it was found that 
each share amounted to 800 pesos, the total being valued at 
960,000 pesos. Van Horn, the commander-in-chief, demanded 
for himself 80 shares, or 64,000 pesos, whereupon a quarrel 
arose with Lorencillo, who was dissatisfied with the distribu- 
tion, and the dispute ended in a duel, in which the former was 
wounded in the wrist. He paid little attention to the hurt, for 
trifling wounds were disregarded among his fraternity; but 
this neglect cost him his life. His wrist grew worse; soon 
mortification set in, and when fifteen days out at sea, his 
corpse was thrown overboard ofi" Cape Yucatan. 

No attempt was made to pursue or punish the ma,rauders, 
the Spaniards contenting themselves with ofiering up thanks 
to the Almighty for their deliverance, while an order was 
issued that in all churches, chapels, and convents, founded by 
the crown, a solemn annual mass should be celebrated in 
token of gratitude "for the happy event of the flight of Loren- 
cillo." During the raid, there perished more than 300 of 
the inhabitants, and many of the survivors were reduced to 
beggary, the entire loss amounting to several millions of dol- 
lars. None of the buildings were destroyed, but all were more 
or less injured, and most of them were found in a filthy con- 
dition, several monks being required to purify the churches. 
The streets were choked with garbage and the air Avas poisoned 
with the stench of decomposed bodies. 

For many years piratical raids were continued in various 
portions of the New World, the name of Lorencillo being espe- 
cially remembered with terror by the people of New Spain. 
Such was the dread which he inspired that life and property 



THE SACK OF VERA CRUZ. 



231 



were no longer considered safe in Vera Cruz, and when foreign 
vessels appeared in sight, the inhabitants fled in terror to the 
woods. Many took up their abode elsewhere, and within fifty 
years after the events above recorded, the population, apart 
from the garrison, was reduced to about 3,000 persons. 

Soon, however, Vera Cruz recovered its prosperity. In 1777 
it contained not less than 7,000 inhabitants, and at the close 
of the eighteenth century, more than 35,000, of whom about 




Pkovince of Vera Cruz. 

20,000 were permanent residents, the remainder consisting of 
sailors, soldiers, muleteers, servants, passengers, and non-resi- 
dent tradesmen. The inhabitants were quiet, orderly, and 
peaceable, property of all kinds being secure, and few precau- 
tions needed for its safe-keeping. There were no beggars in 
the streets, and few criminals in the public jail. The poorer 
classes were all employed in some useful occupation, and 
among the citizens were not a few who had amassed fortunes 



232 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

in commercial pursuits. The government employees, both 
civil and military, performed their duties faithfully, and were 
accorded the consideration due to their rank. The church 
was well supported, and the religious orders were among the 
largest property holders in the province. 

Next in importance to the capital of the province was the 
town of Cordoba, founded in 1618, and containing, in 1776, 
about 700 families. Most of the houses were of stone; the 
streets were wide, regular, and well paved, and a plentiful 
supply of water was obtained from the mountain streams in 
the neighborhood. The surrounding vegetation was rich, and 
of many hues, and on its deep soil of red clay were produced 
most of the tropical and subtropical fruits. The raising of 
tobacco and sugar, of which plantations were first established 
early in the seventeenth century, was still the leading indus- 
try; but here, as elsewhere in New Spain, nature was so prodi- 
gal of her gifts that little exertion was needed on the part of 
man, and many of the Spaniards became wealthy almost with- 
out an effort. Although in 1790, an earthquake demolished 
or destroyed many of the buildings, the town appears to have 
steadily increased in prosperity, for twenty years later it con- 
tained at least 8,000 inhabitants. 

Among the most flourishing towns in the province was 
Jalapa, where, between 1720 and 1777, the annual fair was 
held on the arrival of the yearly fleet laden with merchandise 
from Spain. Before the former date, half a dozen commercial 
houses had monopolized the entire trade of the surrounding 
district, but a few years later, goods to the value of $30,000,000 
changed hands at each fair. This increased circulation of 
wealth caused the people to lay aside their simple habits, and 
to adopt the dress, amusements, and many of the vices of the 
Spaniards in the Old World. In 1794, Jalapa was declared a 
city, and together with Cordoba and Orizaba was a favorite 
summer resort for the merchants of Vera Cruz. 

Orizaba stood on the high road from Mexico to Vera Cruz, 
being distant about forty-six leagues from the former city, and 



THE SACK OF VERA CRUZ. 



233 



thirty-eight from the latter. It was situated in a beautiful 
valley, and surrounded with forest-clad mountains, high above 
which towered the snow-capped volcano of Orizaba. So luxu- 




CoAT OF Arms, Jalapa. 



riant was the surrounding vegetation, that a square league of 
land sufficed for the pasturage of about 7,000 sheep. Here 
was a halting-place for caravans laden with merchandise, and 
the point where goods in transit were appraised. In 1877, its 
population mustered about 4,500, of which it was estimated 
that nearly 3,000 were Spaniards, or of Spanish descent. 

Of the founding and progress of other settlements in various 
portions of New Spain, mention will be made in the closing 
chapters of this work. 




Ancient Tomb at Misantla, Vera Cruz. 



234 HISTOEY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



CHAPTER XXVII. 
FLOOD, FAMINE, AND RIOT. 

Many times during the viceregal period, the city of Mexico 
and its vicinity were subject to disastrous floods. In 1607 was 
begun the famous drainage-work of Huehuetoca, projected by 
Viceroy Enriquez in 1580, whereby it was hoped to obtain 
relief from such inundations as before this date had caused 
oft-repeated misery. In the autumn of 1604, excessive rains 
had caused serious damage, leaving some portions of the city 
under water for a year. So discouraged were the inhabitants 
that they seriously considered the expediency of removing the 
site of the capital to the adjacent hills of Tacubaya; but prop- 



^ Lago de Tezcuco ^^ 

Surfaces or Lakes. 

erty owners, who had more than $20,000,000 at stake, suc- 
ceeded in preventing the change. 

The valley of Mexico lies more than 7,000 feet above the 
sea-level, in a vast basin enclosed by porphyritic ranges, from 
whose slopes a number of rivers unite to form four groups of 
lakes, the Chalco-Xochimilco, Tezcuco, Cristobal, and Zum- 
pango. The first was a fresh-water body, lying two varas 
higher than Lake Tezcuco, above the level of which the two 
last rose toward the north in their terrace-beds four and ten 
feet, respectively. During the rainy season, the excess of 
water overflowed into Lake Cristobal, which again discharged 
into Lake Tezcuco, causing its waters to rise considerably. At 
certain periods, once in twenty-five years on an average, this 
overflow proved destructiA^e, especially to the capital, whose 



FLOOD, FAMINE, AND RIOT 235 

main square lay barely four feet above tbe lake. Taught by 
experience, the Aztecs had sought to control these waters by 
means of dikes, not only around the city, but on the northern 
lakes, which were also divided into sections by transverse 
causeways. Various expedients were suggested, and it was 
finally resolved to conduct, by means of a canal, a portion of 
the waters of Lake Zumpango, or rather of its principal tribu- 
tary, to the lowlands of the Huehuet'oca, about ten leagues 
distant from the capital. Thence a tunnel was to be con- 
structed, more than a league in length, four varas in height 
and five in width, connected by a canal with the Rio Tula. 

In May 1608, the first canal was compeleted, and on the 
17th of September in the same year the waters first passed 
through the tunnel amid the rejoicings of the people, who had 
reason to be proud of an engineering feat at that time deemed 
remarkable. It was not long, however, before the inefiiciency 
of the work became apparent, the conduit being too small, on 
too high a level, and so poorly vaulted and faced as frequentlj 
to choke with its own debris. 

In the year 1691, during the second term of Viceroy Ga^ve s 
administration, while the citizens of Mexico were holding fes- 
tival in honor of the marriage of Carlos II., another inunda- 
tion occurred. On the 9th of June a sudden freshet swept 
through the valley, carrying away houses and cattle, destroy- 
ing in its course the wheat crops and the flour stored in the 
mills, and inundating for a time the western portion of the 
city. Fortunately additional precautions had been taken 
against such a catastrophe by the viceroy and several of his 
predecessors, and the waters quickly subsided. 

A month later, however, a more serious flood occurred. On 
the 11th of July, heavy rains commenced, and continued 
without interruption until the 22d. The entire valley was in- 
undated, together with a large portion of the city, and commu- 
nication with the surrounding country was for several days 
interrupted, thus causing a scarcity of provisions in the capital. 

Until the 23d of August the grain crop, in the portion of the 



236 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

valley which had not been flooded, gave promise of an abun- 
dant harvest. But on that date occurred a total eclipse of the 
sun, accompanied with unusual cold; and if we can believe 
the chroniclers of this period, the ripening grain was attacked 
by a species of rust, and the greater part destroyed. The in- 
jury ascribed to the eclipse was probably occasioned by the 
flood, just as similar damage is caused in California and else- 
where by fogs or excessive rains. 

With the loss of the wheat crop, the consumption of corn 
increased, its price being further advanced by the partial fail- 
ure of the crop, due to excessive moisture and cold. The 
situation became critical. Maize was the staple food of the 
natives, and the tortilla had now taken the place of wheaten 
bread, not only among the laboring classes, but to some ex- 
tent among the rich. 

Murmurs were heard on all sides; and notwithstanding tne 
strenuous efforts of the viceroy to provide a supply of grain, 
the suspicious and unreasoning populace would not credit the 
reports as to the failure of the crops, even when a special 
commissioner was sent to verify them. From the beginning, 
Galve adopted every measure that prudence and experience 
could suggest to mitigate the suflerings incidental to a pro- 
longed famine. Ofiicials were despatched throughout the val- 
ley, and the interior districts, to purchase all surplus grain, 
and with orders to seize it if necessary. The sale in the capi- 
tal of wheat, maize, or flour by private individuals was for- 
bidden, all that could be found being collected by the 
government for distribution at the public granary. In No- 
vember 1691, the daily consumption was from 1,000 to 1,300 
fanegas, the fanega being equivalent to one bushel and a half, 
and many of the inhabitants of the valley were compelled to 
beg for food at the gates of the capital. 

In May of the following year an abundant crop was gar- 
nered from irrigated lands, and as it was supposed that the 
prevailing high prices would induce farmers to bring their 
grain into the city, permission was granted for its Aiare- 



FLOOD, FAMINE, AND RIOT 237 

stricted sale. Many, however, sold it elsewhere, and this, 
together with a partial failure in the remoter districts, occa- 
sioned by an early snow-storm, caused the stock of grain to 
run low toward the end of the month. Vigorous measures 
were now required, and commissioners were sent to and fro 
with instructions to confiscate all cereals wherever found. By 
this time the price of grain had increased so enormously that 
a load of wheat which usually sold for five dollars could not 
be purchased for less than twenty-four dollars. 

Urged by the pangs of hunger, and by real and fancied 
grievances, the people were now in a mood which boded ill for 
the peace and welfare of the capital. Yet although previous 
outbreaks had shown their turbulent nature, no precaution 
seems to have been taken to guard against an outbreak. 
Afiairs were ripe for an emeute. The city was divided into 
nine wards, of which six were inhabited entirely by natives, 
each of them having its own governor. The total population 
was more than 140,000, of which the Spaniards and mestizos, 
mixed races, or ofi'spring of Spaniards and Indian women, 
formed but a small proportion. Many of the latter were idle 
and dissolute, and among them was a large admixture of 
criminals, termed at this period leperos. 

The usual resorts of this class were the booths, where was 
retailed an intoxicating liquor called pulque, and the baratillo, 
a collection of shops in the main plaza, where cheap and sec- 
ond-class wares were sold, where stolen goods were disposed 
of, and where the natives congregated to denounce and plot 
against the government^ free from the interference of oflicers 
of justice. 

To oppose these dangerous elements, there was in the capi- 
tal but a single company of infantry, mustering less than a 
hundred men, who, though doing duty as palace guard, were 
indifferently armed and equipped. There was probably no 
artillery, no sufiicient store of small-arms and ammunition, 
and no organized militia. Most of the Spaniards possessed 
weapons of their own; but as the event proved, they would 



238 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 






g.;9<!S!g.Mggr,p'i" g.E 5" IS -nil S: i a^?E:i 5= :;i ?■ 



<?B «>-d? 




Plan of the City of Mexico. 



FLOOD, FAMINE, AND RIOT 



239 



not act together in time of need. Beyond the city the near- 
est available troops were the garrisons of Acapulco and Vera 
Cruz. There was not even an organized police force which 
could be made available for quelling an ordinary mob 

The viceregal palace, as appears in the accompanying plan, 
was provided with loop-holes for infantry and embrasures for 
cannon, though there was no artillery in position. In the 
other buildings of the capital, there was little provision for 
















^iT 



■'-' — ^L "' T **! r 1 1 "ill I 1 1"!^*^^* 1 Til i""' 







Government Palace, 1692. 

defence, except the thick walls of stone or adobe, heavily 
barred doors, and iron-barred windows, common to most Span- 
ish houses. 

In the baratillo were 280 light wooden structures, callea 
cajones, in which native and foreign wares of all descriptions 
were sold. Among them and scattered over other portions of 
the public square were numberless booths built of canes and 
rushes, for the sale of fruit, vegetables, and provisions, giving 
to this plaza, which was one of the finest in the world, the 
appearance of an irregular village of huts. 

Such was the condition of the capital at the beginning of 
June 1692. Though the scarcity of grain still continued, a 
careful distribution of the supply daily received at the granary 



240 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



sufficed to keep starvation from the city. The rabble, however, 
became each hour more insolent, and waited only for a pretext 
to revolt, encouraged, as they were, by the inaction of the 
authorities, which they construed into fear. 

On Friday, the 7th of June, the corn at the public granary 
was all distributed before six o'clock in the evening, whereupon 
a crowd of native women who had not yet been served gave vent 




Government Palace, 1887. 

to their disappointment in shrill outcries and insulting epithets. 
On the following day, they were still more disorderly, shouting, 
jostling, and crowding each other so as to make it impossible 
to proceed with the distribution. Taking advantage of the 
confusion, several attempted to help themselves; whereupon 
one of the officials, finding peaceful measures ineffectual, seized 
a whip, and laying it on right and left, drove them back. In a 
few minutes, however, the throng surged forward again, headed 
by one more daring than the rest. The official again made 



FLOOD, FAMINE, AND RIOT. 241 

use of his whip, and grasping a cane, rained a shower of blowa 
on the head and shoulders of the leader and her companions. 
Exasperated by this treatment, some 200 of the women rushed 
across the plaza to the apartments of the archbishop, and 
thence to the palace of the viceroy, where they were pushed 
back by the guards. As yet not a single man had joined the 
multitude, and after some further clamor the tumult ended 
for the moment. 

On the following day, the throng appeared as usual at the 
granary, and during the early hours there was no disturbance. 
Orders had been given to the captain of the palace guard to 
take all needful precautions. Pikes were to be sharpened, 
ammunition distributed among the troops, and fire-arms kept 
loaded. Not apprehending danger, the authorities took no 
further precautions. 

The viceroy, however, was ill at ease. Leaving his break- 
fast untouched, he repaired to the convent of Santo Domingo 
to hear mass, and his appearance was greeted with a murmur 
of disapprobation by the assembled worshippers, who regarded 
him as the cause of all their suflferings. About four o'clock in 
the afternoon he attended service at the Augustine convent, 
and thence proceeded, as was his custom, to the convent of 
San Francisco. After the usual procession, he entered the 
latter building to converse with the friars, when suddenly the 
noise of tumult was heard, accompanied with the report of 
fire-arms. The viceroy arose and stepped forward in the direc- 
tion of the palace, but was held back by his attendants and by 
the friars, who, gathering around him, represented the danger 
of such an attempt, the streets being thronged by frenzied 
beings hurrying from all quarters to the plaza. 

But 500 fanegas of corn had been received this day at the 
public granary, and about five o'clock in the afternoon the sup- 
ply was exhausted, though many still remained to be served. 
While the last of the grain was being measured out, a struggle 
occurred among the native women for the foremost place, dur- 
16 



242 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

ing which one of them fell to the ground, and was trampled 
under foot. 

The role of the previous day was again enacted, but with 
fatal results. The injured woman was carried to the baratillo, 
and thence to the palace of the archbishop, followed by a 
howling and exasperated mob of drunken and riotous men. 
A demand was made to see the prelate, and denied, whereupon 
his attendants were assailed with the vilest abuse. Growing 
impatient at his non-appearance, the constantly increasing 
multitude rushed across the plaza to the viceregal palace, the 
women taking up a position at the corners of the streets. Then 
they began to abuse the viceroy in round terms, throwing 
stones at his apartments, and threatening to burn it down. 
After some delay, a detachment of the guard, supported by a 
few volunteers, charged the rioters, driving them toward the 
stalls and the cathedral cemetery; but being re-enforced, they 
rallied and drove back their assailants. A few of the guard 
then ascended to the roof and fired blank cartridges; but this 
only emboldened the insurgents, who answered with shouts of 
derision and volleys of stones. 

At the moment when the first party was being driven back 
by weight of numbers, another company of troops came up; 
but the rioters were now in such force that; they were com- 
pelled to retire. It was then decided to close the palace doors, 
which was done in such haste that two or three of the palace 
guard were shut out, and were seized and torn in pieces. A 
shout of triumph then arose from the crowd, numbering by this 
time 10,000 persons. " Death to the viceroy and corregidor! " 
they cried; "death to those who have all the corn and are 
killing us with hunger! " 

At this juncture, the archbishop approached on foot with 
uplifted cross, and surrounded by the priests. Little regard 
was shown for them, however, and missiles fell thick and fast, 
the prelate and his attendants being finally compelled to with- 
draw. The guards made no further efifort. After some thirty 



FLOOD, FAMINE, AND RIOT. 243 

shots from the roof, finng ceased, many of the soldiers being 
disabled, arid their ammunition exhausted. 

The mob now resolved to burn down the palace, no longer 
fearing those within. Kushes and reeds from the booths in 
the plaza were heaped against the wooden doors and the torch 
applied. The city hall was also set on fire, and while some 
were thus engaged, others seized the coach of the corregidor, 
or magistrate, whose residence formed a portion of the build- 
ing, set it ablaze, and with the mules in harness, drove it in 
triumph round the plaza, finally killing the affrighted ani- 
mals. 

Then followed a scene which no pen can picture. Darkness 
was creeping over the city, and in the glare of the conflagra- 
tion, the spacious plaza, thronged but a few hours ago with 
the wealth and beauty of New Spain, appeared like a hall in 
Tophet. Filling the square and the adjacent streets, the mad- 
dened populace might be seen surging to and fro in dense 
masses like an angry sea, and above the roar of the flames 
arose hoarse shouts of exultation as the work of destruction 
went bravely on. From the palace corridors, the archbishop 
and his attendants gazed in the silence of despair, while in its 
neighborhood groups of citizens watched in speechless terror 
the progress of the flames. 

Suddenly the cry was raised, ^'To the stalls!" "To the 
stalls!" and instantly the crowd surged in that direction, arm- 
ing themselves with knives, machetes, and iron bars. And 
now the rabble became raving maniacs. Houses were broken 
open and plundered, and the torch applied to the dwellings of 
friend and foe alike, while rape and massacre spread almost 
unchecked throughout the city. Gradually the infuriated 
yells of the mob sunk to a low murderous roar of voices, inter- 
rupted only by the crash of falling buildings. Still the flames 
increased, and by their lurid hght could be seen the dusky 
forms of the rioters flitting to and fro among the buildings, 
or, laden with plunder, disappearing in the darkness. 

A singular phase of riot and robbery is now presented. 



244 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

Among the rabble are many owners of booths who dare not 
openly protect their property, but of course cannot witness its 
destruction with indifference. Merchants yesterday are rob- 
bers to-day, and may as well rob each other as be robbed by 
their comrades. Joining in the attack on their own stalls, 
they are the first to enter them, and if possible, to seize and 
carry to a place of safety some of their own effects. Others, 
pretending an air of resignation, encourage the pillage of their 
stalls, and then stealthily follow the plunderer and relieve him 
of his load by a blow or deadly thrust. Many of the rioters 
are run through, at the junction of the streets with the plaza, 
by groups of exasperated Spaniards, who are defied with 
taunts by the passing rabble, and not a few perish in the 
flames. 

It was not yet nine o'clock, and the plaza, which for the 
last three hours had been thronged with the canaille of the 
capital, was now almost deserted. Most of the rioters had re- 
tired with their spoils, and among those who remained the 
priests still continued their fruitless exhortations. Despite 
the efforts of the guard, and of the citizens who had ventured 
to show themselves, the viceregal palace and city hall were 
still on fire, and the stalls and booths were one mass of flames. 

At this juncture, the count of Santiago, with a number of 
armed citizens collected by order of the viceroy, appeared in 
the plaza and opened fire on the remnant of the mob, but de- 
sisted at the request of the priests, lest innocent lives should 
be sacrificed. The riot was now virtually at an end; but on 
the morrow the sun rose on a mass of smouldering ruins, 
while the bodies of the dead lay scattered throughout the pub- 
lic square, among the various articles of plunder dropped by 
the rabble in their flight. The greater portion of the viceregal 
palace was destroyed, as were the halls of the audiencia, the 
j ail, and several government offices, containing many valuable 
documents. The city hall was in ruins, and with it perished 
the greater portion of the public archives. The granary and 
the adjoining buildings also suffered; and but for the timely 



FLOOD, FAMINE, AND RIOT. 



245 



efforts of the cathedral treasurer, the fire would probably have 
extended to the cathedral and the palace of the archbishop. 

But let it not be supposed that because freebooters some- 
times came to the coast of Mexico, and there was an occasional 
flood, famine, and riot, such were the normal conditions of af- 
fairs through the long viceregal period. The three centuries 
of colonial rule in New Spain were marked by a monotony so 
dead, a society so stagnant, as almost to bring about a lapse 
into barbarism of the Europeans here vegetating. The rule of 
the Spanish sovereigns was for the most part so complete that 
the inhabitants hardly knew by what omnipotent influence 
they were held in position. 




Mexican Beggar, 



246 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 
SOCIETY DURING THE VICEREGAL PERIOD. 

In closing this brief sketch of the viceregal period, a few 
statements as to the condition and customs of the people at 
the opening of the nineteenth century, the classes and castes 
into which they were divided, and the effect of some three cen- 
turies of Spanish domination may not be without interest. 

About the year 1810, the population of Mexico, as we will 
henceforth term New Spain, was estimated at 6,122,354; but 
these figures included the inhabitants of Upper and Lower 
California, and of portions of Texas. The domain of the 
Spaniards in North America consisted of the intendencias of 
Mexico, Guadalajara, Puebla, Vera Cruz, Merida, Oajaca, 
Guanajuato, Valladolid, San Luis Potosi, and Zacatecas, the 
word 'intendencia' signifying a district under the charge of an 
intendant, or manager. There were also the provinces of Nuevo 
Leon, Nuevo Santander, Coahuila, Durango, Arizpe, Nuevo 
Mexico, the two Californias, the two Floridas, Texas, and the 
islands of Cuba and Portorico. Thus it will be seen that, 
including their possessions in Central America, extending 
from the isthmus of Panama to the southern boundary of Mex- 
ico, the Spaniards held at least nominal sway over nearly 
all the best portions of the Pacific coast of North America. 
Not satisfied with this vast extent of territory, they claimed 
even a part of Russian America, or Alaska, as this region 
was termed after its purchase by the United States, near the 
coast of which is an island named Revilla Gigedo, so called 
after one of the Spanish viceroys. 

The population of Mexico averaged, at this date, about fifty 
to the square league, the number varying from 633 in Guana- 
juato to 6 in Nuevo Mexico. The entire number of Spaniards 
was computed at about 1,100,000; of aboriginals, or Americans, 



SOCIETY DURING THE VICEREGAL PERIOD. 247 







248 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



at nearly 8,400,000; and of those of mixed castes, at a little 
over 1,300,000. There were in the entire territory 30 cities, 95 
villas, or towns, and 4,682 pueblos, or villages. 

Spanish- Americans form what may be classed as a new race, 
sprung from the union of the proudest of European peoples 
and the most advanced of the native races of America. The 




-^ 



Mestiza. 



former was itself somewhat of an anomaly, containing, as it 
did, the physical and mental characteristics of half a dozen 
nations, from the sturdy Goth to the lithe and fiery Arab; the 
latter was evolved amid the rise and fall of mighty empires, 
whose records are entombed in the most imposing monuments 
of the continent. 

While the latter may be divided, as will be remembered, 
into two great branches, the Maya and the Nahua, yet it con- 



SOCIETY DURING THE VICEREGAL PERIOD. 249 

sists of a large number of nations, distinct in language, differ- 
ing greatly" in culture, and forming a larger variety even than 
was found on the Spanish peninsula, at the opening of the 
conquest. Not alone from the nations of Europe and Asia 
were drawn the elements of which the Spanish- American race 
is composed; for during its earlier development, and after the 
partial substitution of negro for native labor, the Africans 
intermarried with the aboriginals, their offspring being termed 
zambos. 

Of the three original races, — the American, the Spaniard, 
and the negro, — the first compares somewhat unfavorably with 




Zambo Mother and Child. 

the symmetrical and bright-eyed Castilian, and the tall and 
muscular negro, possessing neither their strength nor adapta- 
bility. The long, dark hair of the aboriginal is thick and glossy, 
and the beard so scant as to render still more marked the uni- 
formity of type in the large black eyes, set widely apart, the 
oval face, with its long, narrow forehead, the prominent cheek- 
bones, and the thick lips. The complexion varies in the sev- 
eral districts from olive to brown, or copper-color, and becomes 
darkest as we approach the torrid region. The mestizo, or 



•250 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

half-breed, is of a different type, with a more pleasing and 
intelligent countenance, but usually small of stature, inclined 
to corpulence, and somewhat lacking in energy. The zambo is 
ill-looking, fiery, and turbulent. Indeed, it may be said that 
gentleness, symmetry, and beauty of form and feature, increase 
with the proportion of the admixture of Spanish blood. 

If to the last remark exception be taken on the ground of 
the cruelty of the Spaniards in the years succeeding the con- 
quest, the answer is, that the Castilians were not, considering 
the age, more cruel than were the English in Hindostan some 
two centuries later, or are the people of the United States 
at the present day. At least the Spaniards fed, and clothed, 
and even paid those who worked for them, leaving to the rest 
an opportunity of providing for their own food and clothing. 
But while the Indian tribes, which are compelled in the 
United States to live on reservations, have been deprived of 
their usual means of earning a livelihood, the money appro- 
priated for them by congress feeds and clothes any one rather 
than those for whom it is voted. 

Among the misfortunes incidental to the progress of civiliza- 
tion is the introduction of diseases common to civilized races. 
As epidemics were brought upon the natives of their colonies 
by the English and Dutch, so were they introduced by the 
Spaniards into the New World. From monumental and docu- 
mentary evidence, Mexico appears to have been at several 
epochs more populous than toward the close of the colonial or 
viceregal period. Franciscan missionaries alone claim to 
have baptized six millions of the natives between the years 
1524 and 1540; and though the Dominicans and Augustini- 
ans labored earnestly to swell the number, vast fields remained 
unoccupied by missionary effort. These statements are not, 
however, reliable, nor are the estimates of deaths caused by 
epidemic diseases. In 1576, for instance, about two million 
persons are said to have died of small-pox in the central prov- 
inces alone, and at other times it is related that entire districts 
were almost depopulated. 



SOCIETY DURING THE VICEREGAL PERIOD. 251 

Notwithstanding the ills brought on the New World by the 
Spaniards, in Mexico at least, men in whose veins was the 
largest admixture of Spanish blood were held in most esteem. 
Class distinctions have ever been jealously guarded in Spain; 
and proud of his race and country, the Spaniard in early 
days looked on the foreigner somewhat with the contempt of a 
Greek for those whom he termed barbarians. Such ideas 
could not fail to be intensified in the New World, where the 
Castilian trod the soil as conqueror of dusky and half-naked 
races of Americans, to whom even the possession of a soul was, 
at first denied. Under such conditions it is not surprising 
that, even in framing the most benevolent of their laws, the 
pre-eminence of the superior race was sustained to the dis- 
advantage of the others. 

The education, wealth, and honors of the country centred 
almost exclusively in the Spaniards. They held the civil and 
military and the highest ecclesiastical offices; they filled the 
professions, controlled all the leading branches of trade and 
manufacture, and owned the richest mines and the largest 
plantations. Between them and the castes lay an immense 
gulf. To be of the former was to be of a noble race; to be of 
the latter was to be branded. 

Another discrimination, even yet more dangerous to the 
people, was made by the government in granting the higher 
offices in the state, army, and church almost exclusively to 
native-born Castilians. The result of such injustice was a 
bitterness of feeling which manifested itself as early as the 
first decade after the conquest, when the soldiers of Cortes saw 
the most lucrative positions and the choicest grants of land 
bestowed on men who had done nothing toward acquiring this 
rich domain for the Spaniards, and who proved themselves 
unworthy and dishonest. 

The term 'creoles,' or native-born Americans of European 
parentage, acquired a tinge of reproach on account of their 
indolent habits, whereby they were prevented from competing 
with immigrants in trade or industries. Climate had much 



252 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 




Spanish OfiEOLE. 



SOCIETY DURING THE VICEREGAL PERIOD. 



253 



to do with this faihng; but the cause must be ascribed in part 
to their training and their superficial education, which served 
only to raise their pretensions above those of the toiler for 
fortune. They were spoiled by home indulgence. The frugality 
of the father disappeared; forethought and prudence were 
thrown to the winds, and the saying, " The father a trader, the 




A Stage Station. 
son a gentleman, and the grandson a beggar,'^ became general 
in application. 

In the sunny climate of Mexico, little eflFort was needed to 
sustain life, the masses being content to subsist, almost as 
before the conquest, mainly on frijoles and tortillas, seasoned 
with a pepper-sauce of chile, and varied occasionally with 
atoUi, or maize porridge. These dishes appeared also on the 
tables of the rich, though merely as adjuncts, for with them 
both meals and dishes were numerous. They began the day 



254 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

with chocolate, thin, foaming, and flavored with vanilla, or 
other ingredients, served with cake or fruit, such refreshments 
being taken by the women at frequent intervals. The regular 
breakfast with meats and other substantial dishes came a little 
later. The noon meal included soup, rice cooked in melted 
fat, and an olla podrida of various meats and vegetables, sup- 
ported by plainer dishes, and followed by preserves and con- 
fectionery. Hot tortillas were eaten in place of bread, although 
the latter was on the table, and wine or water was seldom 
taken until after eating. After this repast came the siesta, 
which lasted till four o'clock. Toward dusk a lighter meal 
was laid, and for supper there were tamales, or meat pies, with 
chocolate or other drinks. 

At the beginning of the nineteenth century, the various 
classes, trades, and professions were distinguished by the 
quality and character of their dress. Thus the official, the 
judge, the doctor, the barber, could be recognized by their hats, 
capes, collars, cuffs, and swords. So with the lower classes, 
some of whom were compelled to wear costumes similar to 
those in use immediately after the conquest. 

All who had the means were impelled by vanity to distin- 
guish themselves from the poor by extravagant display. 
Though held in check by the decrees of the first audiencias, 
the love of finery could not be altogether repressed, and was 
displayed even by the clergy as they set forth in state to re- 
prove sinners. The traveller Gage, who after a tour through 
Mexico wrote an account of his journey in 1677, thus describes 
one of the ecclesiastics, as he terms the religious orders: " I 
saw a frier of the cloister riding with his lackey-boy by his 
side, upon a good gelding, with his long habit tucked up to 
his girdle, making shew of a fine silk orange-color stockin 
upon his legs, and a neat Cordovan shoe upon his foot, with a 
fine Holland pair of drawers, with a lace three inches broad 
at knee." Of other friars he also makes mention, "under 
whose broad sleeves we could perceive their doublets, quilted 
with silk, and at their wrists the laces of their Holland shirts." 



SOCIETY DURING THE VICEREGAL PERIOD. 255 

The dwelling-houses on the plateau were usually of adobes, 
with a flat cement roof, and contained one large room called 
the sala, which was the general reception and living apart- 
ment, a bedroom, and a kitchen. The sala had probably 
more than one window, though, as a rule, not overlooking the 
public thoroughfare, and this was usually closed with a shut- 
ter, so that light came from the door, which opened directly on 
the street. While the walls shone with lustrous whiteness, the 
ceiling disclosed the bare beams, and the floor consisted only 
of cement or brick. At one end of the sala was a rough car- 
pet, on which were low cushioned benches, and elsewhere were 
a few chairs. In some of the corners were placed small gilded 
tables, supporting candlesticks and porcelain figures, and the 
bareness of the walls was relieved with a few gaudy pictures, 
or images of saints, the figure of the Madonna, with a light 
burning in front, being accorded the place of honor. 

The dwellings of the lower classes descended in the scale, 
until, in the hot region, we find them to be merely cane huts, 
thatched with palm-leaves, and provided with a portico, but 
without windows, the spaces between the canes admitting both 
light and air. Its one room, usually without partition, served 
for the entire family, together with the pigs and poultry. The 
bed consisted of a rush or palm-leaf mat, sometimes raised on 
a framework, on which the women sat cross-legged during the 
leisure moments of the day. This couch, together with the 
earthen-ware, the stone for grinding maize, and the images of 
the saints, was the only furniture, not even a bench being con- 
sidered necessary. Yet even in the poorest households, hospi- 
tality was extended with a profusion and good-will that were 
almost universal. 

■ The light-hearted disposition of the people was manifested 
at their numerous festivities, connected principally with the 
church, but multiplted by other holidays, as on the birthdays 
of the royal family. Most of them were celebrated with pro- 
cessions, bell-ringing, bull-fights, balls, fireworks, and general 
merriment. On royal birthdays, the ceremonies began with a 



256 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

solemn mass, at which were present the various bodies of offi- 
cials, and were followed by a public reception at the viceroy's 
palace, where those who attended kissed the hand of the ruler 
in prescribed order of precedence. Meanwhile were heard 
salvos of artillery; and during the afternoon prominent citizens 




OlD-TIM: < COCHEEO. 



appeared on horseback or in carriage on the alameda of 
Mexico. 

The afternoon drive was a favorite feature, which gave the 
best opportunity for a display of toilets and jewelry. Hun- 
dreds of the heavy, springless coaches of the period, covered 
and embellished with designs, rolled slowly down the avenue, 
drawn by four horses or mules, and with servants dressed in 



SOCIETY DUB.ING THE VICEREGAL PERIOD. 



257 



livery. Within were women ir evening dress, without veil or 
head-covering, exchanging glances and greetings with passing 
acquaintances. Between the lines of carriages were prancing 
steeds, their riders being seated in saddles stamped, gilded, 
or embossed in gold or silver. The leather or fur covering of 
the horse was embellished like the saddle, and fringed with 
dangling pieces of precious metal which jingled at every step. 




PULQUEKOS. 



The rider was attired in broad-brimmed hat, edged with gold 
or silver lace, fur-trimmed and embroidered jacket, silver-but- 
toned pantaloons, and leather leggings, with immense silver 
spurs and inlaid whip. Very frequently the outfit of the cava- 
lier formed his only wealth, and his sole ambition in life was 
to display his gaudy attire, his trappings, and his horseman- 
ship at the afternoon parade on the alameda. 
17 



258 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

Compared with, a people so appreciative of dramatic art as 
were the Spaniards, who could boast such names as Lope de 
Vega and Calderon, it must be confessed that the efforts of 
their American descendants were somewhat meagre in result. 
Within a few years after the conquest comedies were presented 
at the palace of Mexico, and sacred pieces at the convents. 
Toward the close of the seventeenth century a theatre was 
probably erected, and at the close of the eighteenth there was 
but one temple of the drama worthy of the name, that one 
being supplied only with mediocre performers from Spain. 
Nevertheless the actor could not complain of want of encour- 
agement, and favorites often received liberal presents from 
the audience, which showered on the stage gold, silver, and 
even valuable jewelry. 

The tertulia, or social party, lasting from about six till nine 
in the evening, was a pleasant gathering, with its exuberant 
fun and freedom from restraint. A trifle sufficed to provoke 
merriment, and conversation flowed with remarkable volubil- 
ity of -tongue. Parlor games with forfeits were among the 
pastimes, but singing and dancing were the favorite amuse- 
ments. Words were readily improvised for the simple melody, 
and all joined in the refrain. The dancers also took part in 
the song, while the spectators kept time to the music of guitars, 
with occasional clapping of hands. The favorite dances were 
the minuet, the waltz, bolero, and fandango, all executed with 
the grace of movement native to Spaniards, though sometimes 
not without a savor of indelicacy. 

While the Spanish Americans were thus fond of pleasure, 
it must not be supposed that they were altogether neglectful 
of their business interests. Although mining, agriculture, 
manufactures, and commerce had fallen somewhat into de- 
cadence, these interests were still far from inconsiderable. 
Between 1521 and 1808 the total yield of the precious metals 
amounted to nearly $2,000,000,000, the revenue derived by the 
crown from this flood of wealth being sixteen per cent on silver 
and nineteen per cent on gold. The value of agricultural 



SOCIETY DURING THE VICEREGAL PERIOD. 



259 



products averaged, during the eighteenth century, perhaps 
$40,000,000, while manufactures represented about $7,000,000, 
most of the latter being articles of prime necessity. As to the 
volume of trade and commerce, there are no reliable data. 

Thus passed away nearly three centuries of viceregal sway; 
so quietly they passed as to cause, save the incidents related, 
scarcely a ripple in the smooth current of events. If we still 
hear occasionally the din of conflict, it is but a skirmish with 
the rude tribes of the north, turning at bay against the en- 
croachments of civilization on which they retaliated in or- 
ganized descents from mountain fastnesses; or flitting like 
shadows along the outskirts of settlements. The conqueror 
had followed the deceitful mirage of newer, richer lands, which 
lured him onward until repeated disappointment shattered 
his hopes. Military operations were narrowed to a cordon of 
outposts, and were guided by a temporizing policy that savored 
little of the spirit which impelled a handful of men to over- 
throw an empire, and disclose a southern sea. In their place 
we have now a condition of peace and prosperity, the val- 
ley of Mexico being filled once more with thriving farms, 
orchards, and pasture-lands, though in the regions of the 
north the mines still held forth attractions to those who were 
willing to face isolation and danger 




MEXicAif Landscape. 



PAKT IV.— THE REVOLUTION. 

CHAPTER XXIX. 

OUTLINE OP EUROPEAN HISTORY AT THE CLOSE OF THE 
VICEREGAL PERIOD. 

During the latter portion of the eighteenth century, and the 
opening years of the nineteenth, the thrones of Europe were 
profoundly shaken. The declaration of independence by the 
United States in 1776, the recognition of the American republic 
by France after the disaster to the British arms at Saratoga, 
the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown in 1782, the outbreak 
of the French revolution, the storming of the Bastile, the exe- 
cution of Louis XVI. in 1793, and the reign of terror, ending 
with the death of Maximilian, Robespierre, — all these startling 
events, following in quick succession, had aroused throughout 
the Old World monarchies a feeling of intense unrest. 

A few months after the decapitation of Louis XVI., a French 
army laid siege to the city of Toulon, which had been deliv- 
ered by the royalists into the hands of the English. After 
several failures, a young lieutenant of artillery, a Corsican by 
birth, suggested to his superior officers the operations whereby 
this naval station in the south of France was recaptured with 
little difficulty. Of him the commander-in-chief writes in his 
official despatch, copied in the Moniteur of December 7, 1793: 
"Among those who distinguished themselves most, and who 
most aided me to rally my troops, are citizens Buona Parte, 
commanding the artillery, and adjutants-general Arena and 
Cervoni." 

In October 1795, citizen Buona Parte, better known to fame 
as Napoleon Bonaparte, was called upon by the national con- 
vention to suppress the revolt of the revolutionary wards or 



OUTLINE OF EUROPEAN HISTORY. 261 

sections. This accomplished, he was appointed in February 
of the following year to the command of the army of Italy. 
Leading across the Alps an army of some 20,000 ragged and 
almost barefooted veterans, he defeated the Austrians in sev- 
eral engagements, concluding with the decisive battle of Rivoli, 
and in May 1787 took possession of Venice, a cisalpine repub- 
lic being formed from the Milanese and Mantuan states. 

Then followed the campaign in Egypt, and the departure of 
Bonaparte for the east, in command of 30,000 men, aided by 
such generals as Murat, Desaix, Lannes, and Marmont, but 
with Nelson at the head of a British fleet in his front, and be- 
hind him a European war, forming perhaps one of the most 
critical periods in the modern history of Europe. After de- 
feating the Mamelukes at the battle of the Pyramids, his fleet 
was destroyed by Nelson at Aboukir Bay, and soon afterward 
he was himself defeated by Sir Sidney Smith before St. Jean 
d'Acre. This disaster, said Bonaparte, changed the destiny 
of the world, for the downfall of Acre would have been fol- 
lowed by an alliance with the subject tribes, from which he 
would have collected an army for the conquest of Asia. 

Returning to Paris in October 1799, his reappearance was 
hailed by the French nation with delight, being regarded as 
almost providential. During his absence, the war had been 
grossly mismanaged. Armies and generals were not wanting; 
but there was needed in camp and council a presiding genius, 
one in whom were combined the highest qualities of the strate- 
gist and the statesman. Such a man was Napoleon Bona- 
parte. Clearing at the point of the bayonet — as Cromwell put 
an end to his refractory parliament — the council-chamber of 
the five hundred, then the stronghold of jacobinism, he was ap- 
pointed soon afterward First Consul of France, with almost 
unlimited power. 

By the victory of Marengo, in June 1800, French supremacy 
was re-established in Italy, and about two years later Bona- 
parte was proclaimed by the senate First Consul for life. In 
1804, he was enthroned as emperor of the French, under the 



262 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

title of Napoleon I., and in the following year received at 
Milan the iron crown of the Lombard kings. 

Meanwhile England had again declared war against France, 
and at her instance, in the summer of 1805, Russia and Aus- 
tria joined in a coalition against the emperor. The capture 
of Ulm, and the crushing defeat at Austerlitz, laid the greater 
portion of Europe at the feet of the conqueror; though the 
victory of Trafalgar, in which the combined fleets of France 
and Spain were almost destroyed, was some compensation for 
these disasters. In 1806, the Prussians were overthrown at 
Jena and Auerstadt, and after some further wars, interrupted 
by no interval of peace, -in the spring of 1812 Napoleon set 
forth with an army of nearly 500,000 men for the invasion of 
Russia. 

The decisive battle was fought at the village of Borodino, 
almost within sight of Moscow, then the capital of the tzars. 
The Russians, being defeated, set fire to the city, first remov- 
ing all the provisions which it contained; and on the verge of 
winter, a season which proved unusually severe, the French 
and their allies were compelled to begin their retreat through 
the bleak plains of central Russia. Of the immense host 
which accompanied the emperor, 125,000 were slain, 132,000 
died of hunger, cold, and disease, 193,000 were made prisoners, 
and only 30,000 returned to their native land. 

Undaunted by this disaster. Napoleon at once gave orders 
that fresh conscriptions should be levied, for already a new 
and more powerful coalition had been formed, the sixth one 
combined against the French, and including Russia, England, 
Spain, Prussia, and Sweden, Austria soon afterward joining 
the allies. In October 1813, the emperor met with a decisive 
overthrow at Leipsic, and the campaign of the following year 
was fought on the soil of France, the Russians, Austrians, and 
Prussians having crossed the eastern border, while Wellington, 
at the head of an Anglo-Spanish army, had driven the French 
across the Pyrenees, and was now laying siege to Bayonne. 
Hemmed in on all sides, Paris was at length compelled to 



OUTLINE OF EUROPE^iN HISTORY. ^ 263 

capitulate, and the emperor signed his abdication, retiring into 
exile at the island of Elba. Escaping thence, on the 1st of 
March, 1815, he landed in the south of France, accompanied 
by an escort of his imperial guard. 

Instantly Europe rose once more in arms against the em- 
peror, the allied powers putting their forces in motion toward 
the French frontier. About the middle of June 1815, two 
armies were stationed in Belgium, one consisting of Prussians 
commanded by Marshal BlUcher, and the other, under Wel- 
lington, composed of British, Germans, Hanoverians, and troops 
of other nationalities. With his usual rapidity, and with a 
secrecy that defied detection. Napoleon threw himself between 
them, attacking the Prussians at Ligny, and the British at 
Quatrebras. Against the former he won his last victory; but 
at the hands of the latter his marshal received a check, though 
on the following day Wellington retired to a more favorable 
position at the plateau of St. Jean, near Brussels, where he 
could also reopen communications with the Prussians. On the 
18th of June was fought the decisive battle which the French 
term Mont St. Jean, and the English Waterloo, so called from 
the name of a village four miles distant, where the British 
commander wrote his official despatch. After a desperate con- 
flict, the result was a total rout of the French, with the loss of 
about 30,000 men, and nearly all their artillery and baggage. 

On the 22d of June, exactly 100 days after he had resumed 
the sceptre. Napoleon signed his second abdication, and having 
vainly attempted to escape to the United States, placed him- 
self under the protection of the British nation. Detained as a 
prisoner of war, he was finally banished to the island of St. 
Helena, where, on the 5th of May, 1821, he breathed his last. 

Thus the history of Europe during the last years of the 
eighteenth century and the first portion 'of the nineteenth 
consists mainly of the history of Napoleon and the Napoleonic 
wars. At their conclusion, the nations of Europe were drained 
of their resources, England alone having expended several 
hundred millions of pounds, while others of the great powers 
were reduced almost to bankruptcy. 



264 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

Let us now turn to Spain, of which country, it will be re- 
membered, a brief historical sketch has already been given, 
closing with the reign of Philip II., a monarch of whom there 
is little to be said, except that, to no purpose, he wasted more 
human lives and squandered more wealth than any of the 
sovereigns who have filled the Spanish throne. During the 
seventeenth century, the army became demoralized; the navy 
was destroyed, and the country was left defenceless. The 
merchant marine had almost ceased to exist, even the carry- 
ing trade falling into the hands of foreigners; while pirates 
infested the colonies, and trade and industries retained none 
of their former vitality. Yet during the reigns of Philip III., 
Philip IV., and of Charles II., which complete the century, 
was continued for a brief period the brilliant era of literature 
and art which commenced in the days of their predecessor. 
Among men of letters may be mentioned Luis de Leon, Cas- 
tilian Cervantes, Lope de Vega, and Quevedo; among artists, 
such names as Eivera, Velazquez, and Murillo. 

The eighteenth century opens with the war of the succes- 
sion, in which the house of Bourbon overthrew the Hapsburg 
dynasty. The Bourbon monarchs, before the reign of Joseph 
Bonaparte, were Philip V., who ruled from 1700 to 1746; 
Ferdinand VI., 1746-1759; Charles III., 1759-1788; Charles 
IV., 1788-1808, and his son Ferdinand VII. The overthrow 
of Joseph Bonaparte, in 1813, was again followed by the reign 
of Ferdinand VII., which lasted without interruption until 
1833, his successor, Isabel IL, remaining in power until 1868. 
After a brief period of republican government, Amadeo, of the 
house of Savoy, occupied the throne, between 1871 and 1873. 
Then came more republican dictatorships, and finally, the 
house of Bourbon was restored in the person of Alfonso XII. 

After the war of the succession, there was some improvement 
in the affairs of Spain. Agriculture and manufactures were 
in a more flourishing condition; the legislature was purified, 
and the church stripped of much of its property and influence. 
Under Ferdinand VI., though a man of weakly frame and 



OUTLINE OF EUROPEAN HISTORY. 265 

feeble mind, a timid but benevolent ruler, the country recu- 
perated somewhat; retrenchments were made; the power of 
the inquisition was restrained; defences were restored; com- 
merce and industries began to thrive, and reforms were insti- 
tuted. 

During the reign of Charles III., a more able monarch, 
church and inquisition were still further held in check, and 
the Jesuits were expelled. Between 1779 and 1783 there was 
war with England. In 1781-82 was quelled an insurrection 
of the inca of Peru, and in 1786, the thousand years' war with 
the Mahometans was terminated by the peace of Algiers. 

With the accession of Charles IV. ends the epoch of reform; 
and dismal indeed are the annals of the next thirty years, 
during which occurred dire humiliation at the hands of Bona- 
parte, and the loss of nearly all the transatlantic colonies. 
The king was little better than an imbecile, his wife, Maria 
Luisa, an ambitious and disreputable woman, being virtually 
ruler of the people. The queen's favorite adviser was a young 
oflficer named Manuel Godoy, an impudent, incapable, and 
thoroughly immoral minister, who, when tired of war, intrigue, 
and politics, sought refuge in dissipation. Under such bane- 
ful influences, Spain, which in the days of Ferdinand and 
Isabella had been the proudest of European monarchies, be- 
came the by-word of all the nations. The finances of the 
country were wrecked; the army and navy rendered almost 
worthless, for though there were ships and regiments, there 
were neither sailors nor soldiers; Galicia and other provinces 
were in revolt, and presently the French were upon them, the 
proud Spaniard becoming merely the vassal of a foreign power. 

By the treaty of Basle, in 1795, a nominal alliance was 
formed with the French republic, but one which in reality 
placed the peninsula still more in the power of France, and 
prepared the way for a general revolt of the colonies. For his 
services on this occasion, Godoy received the title of Prince of 
Peace, together with rich domains and other substantial gifts. 
After the defeat of the Spaniards by the British fleet off Cape 



266 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

Finisterre, in 1797, the English swept the Mediterranean and 
Carribean seas, sowing discord among the Spanish settlements. 
In 1801, peace was again signed between France and Spain, 
with Godoy as the creature of Napoleon. Then once more 
came wars in quick succession, followed by ignominious 
treaties. In 1808, the French were again in Spain; Charles 
IV. signed his abdication; Godoy fled before the fury of the 
populace, and Ferdinand VII.j who iS described by the histo- 
rians of his time as an incompetent and faithless ruler, a 
hypocrite, a coward, a debauchee, and a trickster, was named 
his successor. 

After a royal puppet-show, with Murat as manager, during 
which Charles was for a moment recalled and Ferdinand ab- 
dicated, the British armies landed in the peninsula. Then 
came Napoleon into Spain, and until 1813 his brother Joseph 
Bonaparte held the reins of government. The disastrous 
expedition under Sir John Moore, and the battle of Corunna 
in 1809, were followed by Wellesley's victory at Talavera in 
July of the same year, and after being defeated at Salamanca 
in 1812 and at Vitoria in 1813, the French were finally driven 
across the Pyrenees. 

In 1810, Caracas in Venezuela having broken out into revolt, 
followed shortly afterward by Buenos Ayres, the cortes as- 
sembled at Cadiz. In 1812, a constitution was framed, whereby 
seignorial rights, the inquisition, and most of the convents 
were abolished. This measure, which was almost republican 
in its tenor, was, however, too liberal for the time and place. 
Soon it became inoperative, and agairi the people labored 
under the burden of absolute monarchy. 

Reinstated in 1813, Ferdinand swore to carry out the pro- 
visions of the constitution, though never intending to keep his 
vow. No sooner was he seated on the throne than he annulled 
the proceedings of the cortes, and brought before courts-mar- 
tial all who had assisted in framing the constitution, or had 
adhered to it. Many perished on the scaffold, and hundreds 
of nobles were imprisoned in dungeons, while the more fortu- 



OUTLINE OF EUROPEAN HISTORY, 



267 



nate were sent into exile. For several years Spain was gov- 
erned by this ruthless tyrant, whose disgusting appearance 
and habits made him the scorn of his people. Then followed 
the rebellion of 1820, after which came riots and civil war. 
The constitution of 1812 was restored in 1820, and Ferdinand, 
though against his will, took the oath to support it, and actu- 
ally begged the nation's pardon for his act in having abolished 
it in 1814. But with his usual faithlessness he resolved to set 
it aside as soon as he could. At length, the absolute sovereigns 
of Europe having decided to reinstate him in his former un- 
limited authority, a powerful French army under the due 
d'Angouleme entered Spain to effect that purpose; the con- 
stitutional regime was overthrown, and the cold-blooded Fer- 
dinand was again enabled to increase the number of his 
victims. Finally, there was another decade during which des- 
potism knew no limit, commerce and industries languished, 
and the public exchequer was depleted, the expenses of the 
government being 700,000,000 reals a year, with an income of 
only 400,000,000. The ties of allegiance which bound America 
to Europe had been sundered, never again to be united. 




268 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



CHAPTER XXX. 

CAUSES OF DISAFFECTION m MEXICO. 

At the opening of the nineteenth century, the subjects oi' 
Spain in the New World found ample reasons for revolt. 
They had endured at the hands of depotism almost every 
form of oppression that a people could undergo; the worst 
that had happened to England's colonies were among the 
mildest wrongs of the inhabitants of Mexico. If, among the 
latter, there had been no more serious grounds of complaint 
than were alleged by the English settlers in America, if they 
had suffered only the interference of royal or viceregal au- 
thority between the people and the laws of their making, the 
dissolution of representative assemblies, a corrupt administra- 
tion of justice, the maintenance of standing armies, commer- 
cial restrictions, and evils of like nature, there might not have 
been ' to this day any separation from the mother country, 
unless indeed it had come to pass through natural decay. 
But looking well into the causes of the Mexican revolt, we 
find, in addition to this catalogue of wrongs, some of the black- 
est crimes which it is within the power of tyranny to perpe- 
trate; such as the enforcement of superstitious observances, 
intellectual slavery, the subordination of soul, the degradation 
of the mental and spiritual faculties of man. 

One of the most intolerable grievances was that which de- 
naturalized the son of a Spaniard born in America. At first 
the Creole was esteemed as one with the native-born Castilian; 
and for several generations the ties of parentage prevailed 
over the distinctions of nationality. Even when these bonds, 
were loosened by divergence of interests, and the ever-increas- 
ing numbers of the Creole population, the union between the two 
classes was still maintained as a protection against revolt 
among the native tribes. 



CAUSES OF DISAFFECTION IN MEXICO. 269 

But the distinction thus made oetween the Creole and the 
native-born Spaniard was not the only reason, nor in fact the 
main reason, for the disruption which ensued. The divine 
right of kings, and implicit obedience to rulers, were doctrines 
so strongly ingrained in the nature of the people, that to 
repudiate them was considered as almost equivalent to defy- 
ing the power of the Almighty; and it was this feeling which 
held the inhabitants of Mexico so long in a state of vassalage. 
While such a condition of affairs prevailed, the Spaniards of 
Castile could deprive the Spanish Americans of their political 
status, and assail their rights with impunity; but none the less, 
in due time, did European pride and disdain provoke irrita- 
tion and bitter jealousy. Thus was gradually developed a 
mutual antipathy, which was fostered by the policy of the 
home government; for though by law and theory the privileges 
of all subjects of the crown were equal, in practice it was far 
otherwise. 

Three prominent causes were ever actively at work, engen- 
dering hatred and an intense longing for freedom. These 
were social restrictions, exclusion from preferments, and the 
commerciar~inonopolies enjoyed by the Spaniards. With 
regard to the two first, it is unnecessary to add to what has 
already been said, for to the last of these reasons may be 
chiefly attributed the wide-spread discontent. The entire con- 
trol of trade by Spanish merchants, the exorbitant prices 
charged for all commodities, and the grinding restrictions on 
industries that interfered with the commerce of the mother 
country, were most disastrous in effect, since thereby all classes 
suffered, and the poor the most severely. A bond of union 
was thus formed between the Creoles, mestizos, and native 
races, all of whom manifested an eager desire for independence. 

But apart from these main causes of discontent, other 
sources of provocation, permanent or periodical, aroused a 
spirit of antagonism. Excessive taxation galled and irritated; 
the venality of officials and the corruptness of the judiciary 
excited indignation; while, in the year 1767, the expulsion of 



270 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

the Jesuits, who had ingratiated themselves with the lower 
orders, wounded the religious sensibilities of the people. From 
that time conspiracies became wide-spread, and though at first 
abortive, served to bring home to the Spanish rulers the fact 
that disloyalty was rapidly spreading throughout the provinces. 
Disdaining the support of the church, the government deter- 
mined to rely only on force of a/rms; and organizing the troops 
on a larger scale, omitted no opportunity of humiliating the 
clergy, who, being thus alienated, became a powerful element 
in shaping the political destinies of the nation. 

During this period, so fraught with danger to the fairest 
portion of Spain's dominion in the New World, there was no 
viceroy in Mexico who was capable of appreciating the true 
condition of affairs, or who possessed the courage and ability 
needed to avert revolution. Their incompetence and vacillation 
hastened the progress of revolt, and during 1809 and 1810 dis- 
affection spread far and fast throughout the land. In Septem- 
ber of the latter year the strife began, and was marked with 
reprisals as vindictive and cold-blooded as any recorded in the 
annals of Christian nations. With these preliminary remarks, 
let us now consider the historical events which preceded the 
final rupture. 

In January 1803, Jose de Iturrigaray assumed the duties of 
viceroy, being appointed through the influence of Godoy. A 
native of Cadiz, and of patrician birth, a veteran soldier, and a 
sexagenarian, he still retained his energy and vigor, though 
his reputation as a military commander was none of the best. 
ffis reception at the capital was most flattering, and the privi- 
leges accorded to the inhabitants gained for him at first the 
favor of all classes, though soon it was discovered that his 
condescension was but a cloak for less worthy traits of char- 
acter. 

The family of Iturrigaray consisted of his wife, the Doha Inez, 
a grown-up son, and several younger children, attended by a 
numerous train of relatives, all bent on amassing fortunes. Be- 



CAUSES OF DISAFFECTION IN MEXICO. 271 

fore his departure from the peninsula he had obtained a royal 
decree, permitting him to introduce into New Spain, free of duty, 
unfinished family apparel. Under this pretence he landed at 
Vera Cruz a cargo of merchandise, which he sold at an enor- 
mous profit. Then by the sale of offices and employments, 
and by placing an impost on quicksilver, he secured for him- 
self a considerable revenue. Other frauds were committed 
in the contracts for paper used at the government cigar fac- 
tories, the contractors charging fictitious prices, and paying a 
bonus to the Dona Inez. In brief, the administration of the 
viceroy was modelled after the example of his patron Godoy, 
who, it was believed, shared in the illicit gains of his protege. 

Sumptuous entertainments were given at the palace with the 
twofold object of pleasure and profit, and there assembled 
oidores, inquisitors, prelates, and members of the most dis- 
tinguished families, who, to win the favor of the hostess, vied 
with each other in their efforts to please, and in the costliness 
of their gifts. Soon the capital was given up to pleasure, dissi- 
pation, and intrigue; and to the discredit caused by the venality 
of the viceroy were added the profligacy and vulgar passion 
for play of his son, who was a constant visitor to the cock-pit. 
Such conduct could not fail to produce its effect. The halo of 
royalty, which for centuries had surrounded the viceregal 
authority, was dimmed, and the respect formerly accorded to 
the representatives of the sovereign was gradually withheld. 
Meanwhile, Iturrigaray accumulated a large fortune, consist- 
ing of coin, jewels, and plate; and this, notwithstanding his 
extravagance and the enormous expenses of court, which far 
exceeded his stipend of $60,000 a year. 

It was now the period when Spain was being invaded by the 
armies of Napoleon I., and during each year of this protracted 
war, the appeals for money, in the shape of forced loans, and 
the increase of taxation, became more burdensome. Among 
other means adopted for raising funds was the sequestration 
of estates in the hands of benevolent institutions, a measure 
which not only touched the public sympathy, but also the 



272 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

pockets of a host of land-owners; for to hypothecate with them 
their real estate was a favorite resource among those who 
needed money. The seizures, which amounted to no less than 
144,000,000, affected nearly every interest in the country, so 
that only a percentage of the value of the lands could be real- 
ized; and this was greatly decreased by passing through the 
hands of the viceroy and his minions. 

In addition to these troubles came a rupture with England, 
and the consequent fear of invasion and piratical raids, while 
toward the north the people of the United States were encroach- 
ing on Spanish territory. Special levies of troops and appro- 
priations of money must therefore be made for the defence of 
Mexico, all these causes tending to increase the prevailing 
discontent. In the mean time, Charles IV. had abdicated in 
favor of his son Ferdinand VII.; and although this change, 
tvhich involved the fall of Godoy, could not have been accept- 
able to the viceroy, he displayed such indifference in proclaim- 
ing the new monarch that to many his conduct appeared 
almost treasonable. 

Soon afterward followed the news of Joseph Bonaparte's 
usurpation of the throne of Spain; and now those who nursed 
dreams of independence during the absence of a lawful sover- 
eign, proclaimed their views in anonymous placards, among 
them being some which even proposed a crown for Iturnscaray. 
Doubtless the viceroy was flattered; but whatever his views, 
he lacked the resolution to place himself at the head of the 
movement, preferring to await the progress of events. Never- 
theless, he was eager for power, and when the town council of 
Mexico proposed that he should assume the government on 
behalf of the lawful sovereign, and surrender it not even to 
Spain herself so long as she remained under foreign rule, he 
at once accepted their offer. This proceeding aroused the 
indignation of the members of the audiencia, and the more so 
because the town council was composed entirely of Creoles. 
When, therefore, the viceroy presented to the oidores the 
address drawn up by the latter, it was rejected as contrary to 
law and the public welfare. 



CAUSES OF DISAFFECTION IN MEXICO. 273 

In the midst of the dispute, intelligence arrived of an upris- 
ing of the Spaniards against the French; and fired with a mo- 
mentary patriotism, the people seized with acclamation the 
opportunity of afl&rming their loyalty hy formally proclaiming 
Ferdinand VII. Despatches from Joseph Bonaparte were 
soon afterward publicly burned at Vera Cruz, amid some riot- 
ing. Then came orders from two different juntas in Spain 
demanding submission. The viceroy declared that since 
anarchy prevailed in the peninsula, no recognition of the au- 
thority of the juntas could for the time be accorded. Against 
the wishes of the audiencia, he now summoned a congress rep- 
resenting the town councils of the entire country, all of them 
consisting largely of Creoles. This assumption of independent 
power, together with the massing of troops, gave rise to the 
belief that Iturrigaray purposed to sever himself from the home 
government, and thereupon the party opposed to him resolved 
on his overthrow. 

The conspirators, 800 in number, styled themselves Volun- 
teers of Ferdinand VII., though afterward better known as 
Chaquetas, from the jackets of their uniform. At midnight, 
on the 15th of September, 1808, the leaders silently approached 
the palace gates. The guard had been locked up in their 
quarters, the officer of the day being in collusion, and the sen- 
tinels at the entrance stood mute and motionless. Connected 
on the north side with the palace was the court prison, and 
there the sentry, not being in the secret, challenged the intrud- 
ers. Keceiving no reply, he fired on them; but was himself 
shot down while reloading his musket. Recovering from this 
mishap, the conspirators entered the palace without further 
opposition; and notwithstanding the shots which had been 
fired without, they found the viceroy asleep in his chamber. 
Aroused from his slumbers, he found himself a prisoner, and 
after giving up the keys of his cabinet, was conducted with his 
two eldest sons to the inquisition. The following day he was 
formally deposed, and soon afterward was sent to Spain, to 
linger in prison or in exile, harassed by legal proceedings, 
18 



274 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

and deprived of the greater portion of his property, although 
after the close of the revolution much of the estate was recov- 
ered by his family, under the plea that he had struggled only 
for liberty, and had fallen a victim to his inordinate zeal. 

As successor to Iturrigaray, the audiencia appointed one 
Pedro Garibay, a retired brigadier-general in the Spanish 
army, an octogenarian, broken down by infirmity and poverty, 
and a man of feeble will and mediocre ability. During his 
reign, revolutionary doctrines made rapid progress; secret 
meetings were held at private houses; societies known as the 
Racionales Caballeros, which, by their machinations, aided in 
no small degree the cause of independence, were organized at 
Vera Cruz, at Jalapa, and in Mexico; finally the secret agents 
of Joseph Bonaparte were actively at work, inciting the peo- 
ple to rebellion. 

Lampoons and scurrilous pasquinades were posted on the 
walls of the capital; insulting caricatures of the leading mem- 
bers of the government and of the loyalist party disfigured 
the public builings; seditious publications were scattered over 
the floors of the cathedral and the churches; the image of the 
Spanish monarch was grossly disfigured on the coinage; and 
the supreme junta of Spain was openly ridiculed. All these 
seeds of insurrection were so secretly and warily sown that the 
efforts of the government were ineffectual to suppress them. 
In vain were the use and sale of hand printing-presses pro- 
hibited, and in vain were rewards offered for the detection of 
the authors of these treasonable demonstrations. 

Day by day the government was losing its influence over 
the people, and becoming more and more an object of ridicule 
to the disaffected. In the hope of stemming the rising torrent, 
Garibay, or rather his advisers, established a junta in the 
capital, composed of three oidores, before whom all cases of 
treason were to be tried. This tribunal was organized in June 
1809, and a few arrests were made; but instead of tending to 
suppress sedition, the measure was turned to advantage by the 
revolutionary party, and supplied additional means of foment- 



CAUSES OF DISAFFECTION IN 3IEXIC0. 275 

ing discontent. A rumor was spread abroad that the prisons 
were crowded with innocent victims, and the citizens were 
taught to believe that the mere avowal of liberal opinions was 
sufficient to cause them to be sent prisoners to Spain. 

Meanwhile, the several juntas in various portions of the 
peninsula had coalesced in a junta central, and in March 
1809 this body was formally recognized in Mexico. But mis- 
rule continued, and with it grew the hostility of the people, 
until the volunteers of Ferdinand, at the hea;d of whom was 
Gabriel de Yermo, a wealthy land-owner, made an earnest 
appeal to the home government, urging the selection of a more 
capable and energetic viceroy. Among their reasons were the 
demand of the sister of Ferdinand VII. for the appointment of 
her son as regent; the rumor that Napoleon intended to nomi- 
nate Charles IV. as ruler of Mexico, and thus dismember the 
imonarchy, and the pretensions of other claimants, among 
whom was a descendant of Montezuma II. The result was 
the removal of Garibay, in July 1809, his successor being 
Archbishop Lizana y Beaumont. 

But the new viceroy was not the man for the occasion. 
Like Garibay, he was aged, infirm, and as feeble in mind as 
in body; he was a more fitting inmate for a hospital than for 
the viceregal palace. Though passably honest, and of benign 
disposition, he lacked altogether the force of will needed to 
curb insubordination and regulate contending factions. Pas- 
torals were issued where viceregal orders should have been 
presented; and during his brief reign he allowed himself to be 
entirely swayed by favorites, to whom he intrusted the afifairs 
of government. 

Prompted by such advisers, Lizana's measures created wide- 
spread dissatisfaction, even among the stanchest loyalists, 
and the mere rumor of a conspiracy to seize or assassinate him 
resulted in the dismissal and persecution of the very men who 
formed the sole bulwark of sovereignty. Such policy could 
only result in disaster to the crown, and in December a plot 
was arranged at Valladolid to secure the leading officials and 



276 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

proclaim the revolution. The indiscretion of certain of the 
conspirators led to disclosure, and the ringleaders were ar- 
rested, but escaped with slight punishment, probably through 
apprehension that severe measures might at once lead to overt 
treason 

Now came vague rumor of a projected French invasion, and 
with self-sacrificing generosity Lizana made preparations for 
defence, besides adding several millions of forced contributions 
to the nine millions already collected by Garibay. At the 
very time when Mexico was cheerfully responding to these 
exactions, an order came from the viceroy to raise a further 
loan of twenty millions. This last demand exhausted the 
patience of the people; and finding that their generosity only 
exposed them to further extortion, they closed against him, 
not only their purses, but their hearts. 

Sorely disgusted with the prelate's administration, the Span- 
iards had already caused representations to be made to the 
home authorities, and as a result Lizana was relieved from 
oflice, ostensibly on the ground of his extreme age and fail- 
ing health, the audiencia assuming temporary control. In 
August 1810, a new viceroy arrived in the person of Francisco 
Javier de Venegas, who had held the rank of lieutenant-gen- 
eral during the wars with Napoleon I He is thus described 
by the chronicler Bustamante: ''Tall and robust of frame, the 
expression of his countenance was sour, and his glance angry 
and threatening; his lips were thick, and his head, which he 
held inclined over the left shoulder, was of enormous size. 
His whiskers were of the same cut and shape as those of exe- 
cutioners, desperadoes, and bull-fighters; and his impetuous 
gait was similar to that of an ill-tempered corporal." 

As was the custom with all the viceroys at this period, one 
of the first acts of Venegas was to demand more money, in re- 
turn for which he distributed titles and other honors among 
the more prominent loyalists, both of these measures being 
extremely distasteful to the Creoles. 

Among the concessions recently granted by the home gov- 



CAUSES OF DISAFFECTION IN MEXICO. 277 

ernment was a decree whereby its American possessions were 
no longer to be regarded as mere colonies, but as integral por- 
tions of the Spanish dominion, with representation in the cortes. 
This body, repressed for centuries, had been re-established at 
the beginning of the year 1810, the junta central being then 
dissolved and a regency appointed. The representation was 
at first limited to one deputy from each colony, but later was 
increased to twenty-six for all the colonies, though without 
designating the number to be chosen from the several provinces. 
The result was that in some districts no vote was cast, and in 
others the members elect declined to proceed to Spain, fearing 
that on their arrival some new order would exclude them from 
their seats. Meanwhile the number of Spanish deputies had 
been proportionately increased by allowing one for every 
50,000 persons; and consequently the so-called concession be- 
came another cause of grievance. 

Thus it will be seen that the people of Mexico did not lack 
provocation for revolt. By judicious treatment the Creole 
party, which formed the strongest element among the malcon- 
tents, might yet have been restrained for at least another 
generation. But the French invasion, disclosing the weakness 
of Spain, and dispelling the illusions that for centuries had 
surrounded her monarchs, the dangerous precedents afforded 
by the revolutions in France and in the United States, coupled 
with the misrule of Spanish juntas and Spanish viceroys, — all 
these causes had tended to foster the spirit of disloyalty among 
the nation, which became each year more ripe for rebellion. 
Though the hour had not yet come, the long term of Castilian 
domination in the New World was wellnigh accomplished; its 
days were numbered; already the handwriting was on the 
wall. 



278 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



CHAPTER XXXI. 

OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 

After the failure of the plot at Valladolid, meetings of the 
leading revolutionists were held at Queretaro, the capital of 
the province of that name, and then one of the most flourish- 
ing cities in central Mexico. The name of the curate of 




Qubk:6taeo in 1796. 

Dolores in Guanajuato, Miguel Hidalgo j Costilla, who fig- 
ured so prominently in the coming events, will be forever 
honored as that of a man who gave his life for his country, 
sacrificing himself in the struggle against injustice and op- 
pression. He was now in his fifty -eighth year, having reached 
an age at which most men are ready to lay aside some por- 
tion of life's burdens; yet he did not hesitate to accept the 
leadership at this most critical juncture in the nation's his- 
tory, although he well knew that the people were not yet pre- 
pared fully to respond to his efforts. 



OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 



279 



Of medium height and goodly proportions, large Ox limb, 
and with ruddy-brown complexion, he was still almost in the 
vigor of manhood. His head, bald and shining at the crown, 
though at the sides were straggling white locks, was large and 
well modelled, with massive features, thin lips, and prominent 
eyebrows, while the full, round chin, clean shaven, as was 




the custom with his cloth, betokened unyielding power of will. 
He was a man of kindly and sympathetic heart; in manner 
gentle and winning, in deportment natural and graceful, and 
not least among his gifts was a sonorous and musical voice, 
whose accents vibrated in the ear with pleasing effect. He 
had the true scholarly stoop, and in his mien and features was 
a profoundly meditative expression, — a fitting incarnation fol 
the great soul that reposed in settled calm beneath. 

Heroes of different type among the leading spirits in the 



280 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



revolutionary movement were such men as captains AUende 
and Aldama, and though the fame of all others was eclipsed 
by that of Hidalgo, it is but just that their merits and patriot- 
ism should be fully recognized. 

Ignacio de AUende, the son of a Spanish merchant, was 
from early youth fond of dangerous sports and martial exer- 




Ignacio de Allende. 



cises, being conspicuous for his skill in horsemanship, and 
often distinguishing himself at the bull-fights held in the capi- 
tal, from which he did not always escape unhurt. He was an 
extremely powerful man, strong enough, it is related, to hold 
back a bull by the horns, and was ever ready to exert his 
strength for the protection of the weak. When in his seven- 
teenth year, he was appointed a lieutenant in the Queen's 
dragoons, and a few years later, being stationed at the military 



OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 281 

encampment established by Iturrigaray at Jalapa, won for 
himself the approbation of the viceroy by his soldierly quali- 
ties. Allende was a fine looking and gallant soldier, of pleas- 
ing address and polished manners, one whose resolution and 
perseverance never yielded to obstacles, and whose daring in 
the field had often exposed him to unnecessary danger. 

The general plan of the revolutionists was to seize almost 
simultaneously the richer Spaniards and the auth9riiies of 
the more important towns, and then to raise the standard of 
rebellion. This was to be accomplished with as Mtle violence 
as possible, and the captives were to be allowed the privilege 
of remaining with their families or of returning to the penin- 
sula, though in the latter case their property was to be con- 
fiscated for the benefit of the public treasury. If after this 
coup de main the government should be in a position to offer 
resistance, Allende, as generalissimo, was to organize the revo- 
lutionary forces, while Hidalgo endeavored to enlist in his 
cause the sympathies of the clergy, and of those among the 
Spanish Americans who were not already disaffected. 

In order to accomplish their designs, Allende and Aldama 
visited Mexico, Puebla, and other leading cities, while Hidalgo 
rendered good service at Valladolid and Guanajuato, some 
twenty leagues north-westward from Queretaro. Several 
months had passed, and now the plans of the revolutionists 
were almost matured. There were as yet no signs of treach- 
ery, and the day was appointed on which independence was 
to be proclaimed. The great fair at San Juan de los Lagos 
in Jalisco, commencing on the 8th of December, afforded an 
excellent opportunity, for there, amid the gathering crowds, 
the leaders could escape observation, and concentrate their 
forces without detection. 

But the government was already apprised of these events, 
for one of the revolutionary captains had turned traitor. The 
measures taken, however, were not very energetic, and Hidalgo 
and his associates received timely warning. On the night of 
September ISth, Allende and his comrades joined the curate 



282 



HISTOBY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



at the town of Dolores, in northern Guanajuato, where the 
latter now combined with his clerical duties a variety of occu- 
pations, among them the management of a porcelain factory, 
and informed him of certain arrests that had been made, and 
of the discovery of their plans. ' After listening to their state- 
ments without the least sign of emotion, he exclaimed: "Action 




Pbovince of Guanajuato. 



must be taken at once; there is no time to be lost." He then 
ordered the street watchmen to be called in, and bade them 
summon a party of workmen from the factory, to whom he 
communicated his intention of raising at once the standard of 
liberty. The party then sallied forth, and liberating the pris- 
oners in the public jail, took captives the principal Spaniards. 
Daybreak was now approaching; it was the dawn of the 
sabbath, and Hidalgo caused the church bell to be rung at 
an earlier hour than usual. The townsfolk gathered in front 



OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE 283 

of the door, and from the neighboring haciendas, farmers and 
herdsmen, mounted or on foot, assembled in crowds at the 
sanctuary. But it was the affairs of this world, rather than 
of the next, that claimed their attention. 

No mass was said that morning, and the curate, as he entered 
his pulpit, gazed on the sea of upturned faces with deep and 
yearning solicitude. " My children," he said, " this day comes 
to us as a new dispensation. Are you ready to receive it ? 
Will you be free ? Will you make the effort to recover from 
the hated Spaniards the lands stolen from your forefathera 
three hundred years ago?" For the last time Hidalgo ad- 
dressed his flock as their pastor. Henceforth he would be 
their guide to liberty, and would lead them in person to battle 
and to victory. " To-day," he continued, "we must act. The 
Spaniards are bad enough themselves, but now they are about 
to surrender us and our country to the French. Danger 
threatens our religion, and oppression our homes. Will you 
become Napoleon's slaves, or will you as patriots defend your 
religion and your rights ?" "We will defend them !" shouted 
the people. "Viva nuestra Senora de Guadalupe; muera el 
mal gobierno; mueran los gachupines !" Long live Our Lady 
of Guadalupe; perish the bad government; perish the gachu- 
pines; the last word being a term of contempt applied to the 
Spaniards. " Live, then," was Hidalgo's reply, "and follow 
your curate, who has ever watched over your welfare." The 
cry had gone forth, the Grito de Dolores, which became the 
watchword of the revolutionists. Thus did the poor and down- 
trodden of this little Indian town proclaim the future inde- 
pendence of a great nation. 

To provide their followers with arms was the great difiSculty 
of the leaders. The houses of the Spaniards were searched; 
the lances, made by the curate's order, were brought forth; 
the Indians seized their machetes, and those who had no other 
weapons supplied themselves with clubs and slings, or bows 
and arrows. Of fire-armg tJjere were few; but at San Miguel 



284 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

el Grande munitions of war could be obtained, and tbither 
Hidalgo and Allende marched at the head of the multitude, 
which soon numbered about 4,000 men. Some attempt was 
made at military organization. The mounted herdsmen carry- 
ing lances were formed into troops of cavalry; the Indians 
who were suitably armed represented the infantry, and in the 
rear was a miscellaneous gathering, including many women 
and children. 

The die was cast; the revolutionists marched onward with- 
out sign of fear or hesitation. There was no lack of food, and 
each one took what he wanted. The maize was in full ear, 
and haciendas well stocked with cattle lay on the line of route. 
As they passed through the villages, volunteers swelled their 
ranks, and many Spaniards were added to the number of the 
captives. Approaching San Miguel, Hidalgo halted, in order 
to surprise the town, at nightfall. A picture of the virgin of 
Guadalupe was obtained, and raised on high above the throng, 
amid shouts of "Viva nuestra Seiiora de Guadalupe, y mueran 
los gachupines ! " Henceforth this painting became the banner 
of the crusade, and while it waved on high, emblem of peace 
and intercession, many a brave deed and many a deed of 
blood was committed in defence of those rights and liberties 
which otherwise might never have been vouchsafed to the 
people of Mexico. 

Meanwhile, intelligence of the uprising had reached San 
Miguel; and the Spanish residents, aware that no reliance 
could be placed in the garrison, assembled in arms at the 
municipal buildings for self-defence. At dusk, the revolu- 
tionists entered the town, and were received with deafening 
cheers by the inhabitants, while bitter denunciations were 
hurled against the Spaniards. After some parley, the latter 
were induced to deliver up their arms, Allende assuring them 
that they should be protected. During the night, however, 
and on the following morning, the populace began to show 
symptoms of violence, and soon became uncontrollable. After 



OPENING OF' TEE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 285 

liberating the prisoners in the jail, they gathered in dense 
throngs before the houses in the Spanish quarter, with much 
uproar and cries of Death to the gachupines!" Doors were 
battered in, dwellings and shops were plundered; and the dis- 
order continued until AUende rode, sword in hand, through 
the crowd, threatening the offenders with death. Later a con- 
ference was held, to which the principal citizens were invited, 
for the purpose of restoring tranquillity. 

On the 18th of September, Hidalgo led his forces out of San 
Miguel, having first appropriated the money in the public 
treasury, and all that could be found on the persons of the 
Spanish captives. Marching through Chamacuero, and San 
Juan de la Vega, on the 21st they entered the city of Celaya, 
where the revolutionists, joined by the populace, rushed 
through the streets and broke into the dwellings of the Eu- 
ropeans, casting their furniture into the streets, carrying off 
all articles of value, and wantonly destroying the remainder. 
Remonstrances were made to Hidalgo, but without effect, for 
he declared that such license was needed to weaken his foes, 
and attract partisans to the revolutionary cause. 

In taking this ground, Hidalgo has been severely censured; 
but there is much to be said in extenuation. He claimed 
that, in the first instance, the natives had been unjustly de- 
prived of their lands, property, and rights, and that the wealth 
acquired by the Spaniards belonged to the descendants of the 
original owners of the soil. Robbery had been committed by 
the Castilians in wresting their domain from the Mexicans, 
and to win back their possessions the latter must adopt simi- 
lar measures. Moreover, such was their only resource, for 
there was no money wherewith to pay the troops, except what 
could be taken from the enemy. Again, the customs of the 
times, which were more barbarous then than now, should be 
considered. These views, although they may have been no 
justification for pillage and slaughter, were put in practice by 
the revolutionists throughout the War of Independence. 



286 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



Before Hidalgo's entrance into Celaya, Ms foUoweis, num- 
bering 50,000 men, proclaimed him captain-general of America, 
and on Allende was conferred the rank of lieutenant-general. 

The authority of the former was recognized by the muni- 
cipality; and on the morning of the 23d of September, the 
forces of the revolutionists set forth toward the city of Guana- 
juato. 




FALL OF GUANAJUATO. 287 



CHAPTER XXXII. 

FALL OF GUANAJUATO. 



The province of Guanajuato was the theatre of the first 
tragic events of the revolution, and no city in Mexico suffered 
more severely than did its capital. At the time of the con- 
quest of Mexico, this territory was inhabited by barbarous 
tribes, living on the produce of the chase; and here for seventy 
years the Chichimecs maintained with persistent bravery their 
right to the soil, until peace was concluded, on condition that 
the natives should be supplied with food and clothing, and 
that in return their chieftains should keep in subjection the 
refractory. 

After the discovery of valuable mines, about the middle of 
the sixteenth century, Guanajuato prospered rapidly, and in 
1786, when intendencias were first estabhshed, became one of 
the • principal divisions. Meanwhile, the leading town had 
been raised to the dignity of a city, and presented with a 
coat of arms, its progress being somewhat remarkable. At 
the opening of the nineteenth century, more than 1,800 mines 
were being worked, or had been exhausted; there were 116 
mills and 366 other buildings, where 11,500 quintales of ore 
were treated daily, the total number of miners and operatives 
being estimated at 9,000, and of inhabitants at 66,000. Nor 
were the agricultural industries of the district in a less flour- 
ishing condition; thriving settlements being surrounded by 
rich pastures and fields of grain, extending over hundreds of 
square leagues; but now, like the flail of destruction, war fell 
on the devoted city, and at its conclusion the population was 
diminished to 6,000 souls, while grass grew in the unfrequented 
streets, and houses were offered, free of rent, to all who would 
consent to occupy them. 

When news was received of the outbreak of the revolution, 



288 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

the intendente, Riano, summoned the people to arms; the 
troops were mustered, and the leading citizens, seizing their 
weapons, rushed to the buildings of the intendencia. All was 
confusion and terror; the stores were closed; the house-doors 
barred; the plazas deserted; frightened women hurried along 
the thoroughfares; and horsemen, galloping at full speed 
through the streets with orders from headquarters, served to 
increase the consternation. 

A meeting was summoned, consisting of the members of the 
town council, the prelates of the religious orders, and the prin- 




CoAT OF Arms — Guanajuato. 

cipal inhabitants. After some consultation, it was determined 
to defend the city, and barricades were erected at the entrances 
of the principal streets. Spaniards and Creoles assembled in 
arms; detachments were posted on the highways leading to 
Dolores and San Miguel, and an appeal for aid was sent to 
Brigadier Felix Calleja, in command of the troops at San 
Luis Potosi. For six days defensive measures were continued, 
and still no enemy appeared. Meanwhile, however, the energy 



FALL OF GUANAJUATO. 289 

and endurance of the intendente were taxed to the uttermost, 
for the disaflfection of the lower classes was becoming con- 
stantly more apparent. "The seeds of rebellion spread," he 
writes to Calleja on the 26th; '' security and confidence are 
gone. I have neither rested nor undressed myself since the 
17th, and for the last three days have not slept an hour at a 
time." The task of saving, if possible, the royal treasury and 
archives increased Riano's anxiety, and deeming his present 
arrangements defective, he decided to retire to the alhondiga 
de granaditas, or public granary, a building possessing almost 
the strength of a fortification. 

The alhondiga de granaditas, which became no less famous 
in the annals of Mexico than did the Bastile in the history of 
France, was built by Riano for the storage of corn sufiicient 
for one year's consumption in case of a failure of the crops. 
A massive, oblong, two-story structure, its exterior being void 
of ornament, and its lofty solid walls pierced with windows 
opening into the numerous storerooms, it was the only strong- 
hold in which the intendente could hope to maintain his posi- 
tion until the arrival of Calleja, which was expected within a 
week. On the night of the 24th were secretly conveyed to 
this building the royal and municipal treasures and the 
archives of the government and town council, to which were 
added a large quantity of merchandise and valuables belong- 
ing to private individuals, the entire amount of property 
stored in the alhondiga being estimated at $5,000,000. The 
troops, with their arms and ammunition, were then removed 
from the barracks and outlying posts; the barricades were 
torn down, and a number of Europeans took refuge within the 
walls of the building. 

When morning dawned, the unguarded streets, the disap- 
pearance of the barricades, and the unoccupied barracks gave 
warning to the populace that they were now left to protect 
themselves. Fear fell on all; but in vain did the people en- 
deavor to induce Riano to change his purpose. He bluntly 
declared that, in the interest of the king, he should remain 
19 



290 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

with the troops where he was, while as for the city, it must 
defend itself as best it could. During the two following days 
the alhondiga was thoroughly provisioned; strong barricades 
were thrown up at points where it was open to attack from the 
streets; the principal gateway was closed with solid masonry; 
iron quicksilver flasks were charged with gun -powder, and 
converted into grenades, and messengers were again de- 
spatched to Calleja informing him of the scarcity of arms, and 
the doubtful fidelity of the troops. 

In order that Riano's position, and the mode of attack 
adopted by the revolutionists, may be clearly understood, a 
brief description of Guanajuato will be necessary. Situated 
in a deep and narrow hollow, and surrounded on all sides by 
lofty mountains, its location, in a military point of view, was 
of the worst. On the south side rose the hill of San Miguel, 
while toward the north the Cerro del Cuarto extended like a 
wedge into the city. Even in the plaza there were few level 
spots, and most of the houses were built on slopes so steep 
that the floor of one was often on a level with the roof of an- 
other. This rugged hollow extended in a south-westerly direc- 
tion to the village of Marfil, a league distant, the entire length 
being occupied by workshops, mills, and other buildings con- 
nected with mining. To the east was the River Guanajuato, 
at this point a mere mountain torrent, sweeping in a winding 
course through the city, and uniting with the Rio de la Cata 
from the north-west. Although situated on a rising ground, 
the alhondiga was so close to the Cerro del Cuarto that the 
houses built on the latter were only separated by a narrow 
street and a plaza not more than twenty-five yards in width. 
South-east of the alhondiga was the convent of Belen, between 
them being the declivity of the hill of Mendizabal; on the 
south and west were the extensive workshops and premises of 
the hacienda de Dolores. On the north was the street of Los 
Pozitos, in a straight line with the descent to the Rio de la 
Cata, which was spanned by a wooden bridge. Subjoined is 
a plan of the alhondiga and its vicinity, accompanied with 
explanations. 



FALL OF GUANAJUATO. 



291 



An assault could be made from tne street of Los Pozitos, the 
hill of Mendizabal, or the ascent from the Rio de la Cata, all 
these approaches being protected by barricades, ■ Riano did 
not, however, confine his operations to the alhondiga, but in- 
cluded in his line of defence the principal buildings on the 
hill of Mendizabal and the hacienda de Dolores, which were 
protected by strong walls and separated from the government 
granary by narrow streets. 

On the morning of the 28th of September, Hidalgo ap- 
proached Guanajuato, and being well informed of the condi- 




Plan of Alh6ndiga. 



tion of affairs in the city, he sent a message to the intendente 
urging a peaceable surrender, but threatening war to the knife 
in case of refusal. After consulting with his officers and men, 
Riano determined to fight, and at once made disposition of his 
forces, which consisted only of four companies of the provin- 
cial battalion, and one of civilians, in all some 500 strong, to- 
gether with two troops of dragoons, mustering about seventy 
sabres. Detachments of infantry were stationed on the roof 
of the alhondiga, a body of reserves being posted within the 



292 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

building, while the cavalry were drawn up inside the barrier, 
at the descent to the Rio de la Cata, and the defence of the 
hacienda de Dolores was intrusted to a party of civilians. 
During these preparations, it was observed that the surround- 
ing heights were occupied by crowds of the populace, who 
seated themselves on the ground and looked calmly on as if 
at a bull-fight. 

Shortly before midday Hidalgo's army appeared in sight, 
approaching by the Marfil road. The van was composed of a 
strong body of Indians, who, armed with lances and clubs, 
bows and arrows, advanced along the causeway of Our Lady 
of Guanajuato, and crossing the bridge, arrived in front of the 
barricade at the foot of the hill of Mendizabal. Driven back 
at the first fire, however, they took up a position on the Cerro 
del Cuarto. Meanwhile the main body formed in two divisions, 
one of which scaled the heights of San Miguel, and entering 
the city, liberated the prisoners in the public jail, and the 
other was drawn up in support of the van on the Cerro del 
Cuarto. 

The city was now in possession of the revolutionists, and as ' 
they marched through the streets the battle-cry was raised by 
thousands of voices, while above them waved the banners of 
the virgin of Guadalupe. The miners and the remainder of 
the populace joined the followers of Hidalgo, and soon all the 
heights which commanded the alhondiga were completely oc- 
cupied, the houses in its front being filled with sharpshooters. 
Pistol in hand, the captain-general rode at the head of 2,000 
mounted men, and hastening from point to point, made his 
dispositions for the attack. 

At length the assault began in earnest. A fire of musketry 
was opened on the besieged, and from the house roofs missiles 
were rained on the alhondiga. Dense masses of Indians at- 
tacked the barricades, and though volleys, fired at close range 
into their serried ranks, caused fearful carnage, the assailants 
did not yield an inch. As those in front were mown down, 
their places were supplied by others, pressed forward by the 



FALL OF GUANAJUATO. 293 

weight of the column, and thus over the bodies of the dead 
and dying the contest raged without intermission. Mean- 
while a party stationed at the barrier in the street of Los 
Pozitos was hard pressed, and Riafio, at the head of twenty 
men, sallied forth to their support. Returning, he escaped 
unhurt through a storm of missiles, but as he mounted the 
steps of the alhondiga, was pierced by a bullet through the 
brain, and his body dragged lifeless within. 

The death of the commander spread confusion in the ranks 
of the besieged, and soon all discipline was lost. The defend- 
ers at the barricades, no longer able to hold their position, 
were ordered to retire to the alhondiga, and its ponderous 
gates were hastily closed, leaving outside the cavalry and the 
detachment stationed at the hacienda de Dolores. The former 
were instantly surrounded, and the captain and many others 
were slain; of the rest a few escaped in the crowd, and others 
joined the ranks of the revolutionists. The roof of the alhon- 
diga was no longer tenable, and those who held it were driven 
below. As yet, however, there was no thought of surrender, 
and the crowded ranks of the assailants, who thronged the 
front of the building, were constantly thinned by the fire of 
the besieged. Presently a number of miners, protected by 
huge earthen vessels, crept up to the building, and with the 
use of crow-bars, attempted to make a breach in the walls. 
Failing in this endeavor, one of the party set fire to the gates, 
and as they gradually yielded to the flames, Major Berzabal, 
who was now in command, drew up such forces as he could 
muster to resist the final assault. 

While the fire was eating its way into the gates, the be- 
siegers rushed madly against them, only to be driven back by 
grenades^ hurled rapidly upon them from the windows, each 
bomb, as it exploded, covering the ground with dead and 
mangled bodies. 

But the civilians were now in a state of panic fear. Some 
scattered their gold among the raging multitude. As well 
might they haye thrown crumbs to famished wolves; for were 



294 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

not all the treasures of the alhondiga about to fall into their 
hands? Some threw aside their arms in despair, and sought 
to disguise themselves; some cried piteously for quarter, and 
others betook themselves to prayer. A few only held out till 
the last, resolved to die rather than yield. Finally, all hope 
being abandoned, and further resistance deemed useless, one 
of the officers caused a white flag to be hoisted in token of 
surrender. In dense crowds the revolutionists again surged 
forward, but the intendente's son, Gilberto Kiano, ignorant of 
what had been done, still plied them with the deadly grenades. 
Thereupon the assailants were beside themselves with fury; all 
over the city was heard the roar of the frenzied multitude as 
they raised the cry of Treachery! treachery! and orders were 
given to kill, and spare not. Against the still burning gates 
they threw themselves, overturning them, and swarming across 
the blazing debris at the entrance. They were received with 
a deadly volley, fired at point-blank range by Berzabal's mus- 
keteers, strewing the ground with their dead; but surging 
onward, the human wave overwhelmed this feeble band, and 
the major, with a few survivors, made his last stand in a cor- 
ner of the court-yard. 

The struggle was brief. Officers and men were soon stretched 
lifeless on the pavement; the standard-bearers fell, and Berza- 
bal, grasping the colors in his left hand, faced his assailants 
alone, parrying their lance thrusts with his sword. At length, 
pierced with a dozen weapons, he sank exhausted to the 
ground, still clasping with his dying clutch the royal stan- 
dard. The victors then rushed forward through all parts of 
the building, slaughtering without mercy or discrimination. 
Even those who had surrendered were put to the sword, and 
civilians who had taken refuge in their own dwelUngs were 
dragged forth and ruthlessly butchered. Above the din, shots 
were still heard in the alhondiga, as here and there some vic- 
tim dearly sold his life; but fainter and fainter grew these 
sounds, until presently they ceased. Then, for a brief space, 
was heard the dull, heavy thud of the death-blow; and then 
all was still; resistance was at an end 



FALL OF GUANAJUATO. 295 

The carnage over, the alhondiga was given up to pillage. 
From the dead and dying were torn their clothes and valua- 
bles; the storerooms were ransacked and the treasures carried 
off, the spoilers fighting among themselves for the spoils. In 
all parts of the court-yard, singly or in heaps, lay human 
bodies, some of them horribly mangled. Nude, distorted 
forms lay stretched on heaps of maize, saturated with blood, 
and on piles of silver bars dyed crimson; over pavements slip- 
pery with gore, blood-stained rufi&ans staggered under the 
weight of their plunder, and from all quarters were heard the 
hoarse shouts and savage oaths of the multitude, whose grati- 
fication resembled that of a beast of prey as it tears its victim 
limb from limb, and scatters around the quivering fragments. 

When the combat ceased, orders were given to conduct to 
the public jail the few prisoners whose lives had been spared. 
Naked, wounded, and bound with cords, they were dragged 
or driven through the streets, with insults, blows, and threats 
of death, some of them dying on the way and others perish- 
ing in prison. Gilberto Riano was permitted to retire to a pri- 
vate dwelling, where a few days later he died of his wounds. 
Among the slain were most of the principal citizens, and 
youths belonging to the first families of Guanajuato, As to 
the number of victims, there are no reliable data, but it proba- 
bly exceeded 600, including soldiers and civilians, while of 
the revolutionists, there fell not less than 2,500, of whom many 
were trampled to death. 

In the capture of the alhondiga, no military tactics were dis- 
played. Hidalgo's dispositions consisted merely of general di- 
rections to occupy the commanding heights, and after the first 
attack the leaders had little control over their followers, who 
were, in fact, little better than an armed mob. Yet, though most 
of them fought for the first time in their lives, they displayed 
all the valor of veteran troops, and notwithstanding their ex- 
cesses, there were not wanting instances of self-sacrifice and 
true heroism. If, at the sight of blood, — their own blood and 
that of their comrades, — they became for the moment demons 



296 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

incarnate, this is no more than has happened to other in- 
furiated multitudes, even within the life-time of the present 
generation. As an instance of the recklessness displayed by 
the revolutionists, it is related that one of them seized a 
grenade thrown down from the alhondiga, and attempted 
to tear out the lighted fuse with his teeth. The bomb ex- 
ploded, blowing him to pieces. " It matters not," exclaimed 
his comrades; "there are thousands more at his back !" 

When victory declared for the assailants, those who had 
passively looked on from the surrounding heights swarmed 
into the city to join in the plunder. No sooner had the al- 
hondiga been stripped of its treasures than a general on- 
slaught was made on the European quarter. During the 
night, and for several succeeding days, pillage, riot, and dev- 
astation were unchecked. Above the roar of human voices 
were heard the blows of axes and crowbars, the rending of 
timbers, and the crash of falling houses. In the mills and 
workshops the precious metals, quicksilver, and implements 
were seized and the machinery destroyed, while merchan- 
dise of every description was carried away from the stores. 
Bales of cambric and of cloth, sacks of cacao, and barrels 
of spirituous liquor were rolled into the streets, and sold to 
any who would purchase them for whatever they would bring, 
some of the Indians bartering ounces of gold for a few reales 
to the men of Guanajuato, who declared them to be merely 
copper medals. 

Drunken men arrayed themselves in the stolen garb of their 
victims, and staggered along the streets barefooted, though ar- 
rayed in bright uniforms and with embroidered coats. The iron 
railings of the balconies were torn from houses and the gratings 
from windows. At night the streets were lighted with smoking 
torches, around which human beings yelled and gesticulated 
in every stage of intoxication. In vain did Hidalgo attempt 
to stay the disorder. His proclamations were unheeded, and 
the rioters ceased only when nothing remained to be plun- 
dered. Then, indeed, the scene was pitiful. The streets were 



FALL OF GUANAJUATO. 



297 



covered with debris, — with the wreck of furniture and dam- 
aged merchandise; thousands of families were hopelessly- 
ruined; silence reigned within the bare walls of the deserted 
houses, and the curse of the destroying angel seemed to have 
fallen on the fair city of Guanajuato. 




Alh6ndiga db Geanaditas. 



298 HIS TORT OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



CHAPTER XXXIII. 

HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD MEXICO. 

At the first outbreak of the rebellion, the viceroy gave little 
heed to the matter, believing it to be nothing more than a 
passing tumult; but when, day by day, he was informed of 
Hidalgo's progress, and of the defection of the provincial 
troops, he began to realize the serious nature of the insurrec- 
tion. His position was in truth a difficult one; but he now 
applied himself with all his energy to the task of holding the 
country to its allegiance. At this date there were no European 
troops in Mexico, the combatants on either side being sons of 
the soil; and it is necessary to bear this in mind, in order to 
appreciate the difiiculties with which the government was con- 
fronted. 

The total number of men at the disposal of Venegas did not 
exceed 10,000 or 12,000, and the rank and file were composed 
almost exclusively of mestizos, mulattoes, and other castes. 
These troops, forming the regiments of the line and the pro- 
vincial militia, though commanded mainly by Spaniards, 
were to a great extent ofiicered by Creoles. It is not, therefore, 
a matter for surprise that, considering the smallness of their 
numbers and their doubtful loyalty, the viceroy was somewhat 
anxious as to the issue of the campaign. 

His first measure was to despatch to Queretaro a force suffi- 
cient for its protection; but in doing so he was compelled to 
leave the capital almost without garrison. To provide for the 
safety of the latter, regiments of infantry were withdrawn 
from other towns; two battalions were formed from the sailors 
and marines on board the men-of-war lying at Vera Cruz; the 
volunteers of Ferdinand VII. were mustered into service, and 
a corps of 500 lancers was raised by Yermo from the laborers 
on his estates. Meanwhile the commandants at the cities 



HIDALGO'S MARGH TOWARD MEXIGO, 299 

of Guadalajara and San Luis Potosi were organizing addi- 
tional brigades. 

But military operations were not the only means to be em- 
ployed in crushing the rebellion. Rewards were offered by 
the government for the death or capture of Hidalgo, Allende, 
and Aldama, all of whom were excommunicated by the church 
with the usual anathemas. Hidalgo was cited to appear be- 
fore the inquisition, and charged with heresy and apostasy; 
from the pulpit he was denounced as a monster of evil, while 
the royal university of Mexico gloried in the fact that he had 
never yet received the degree of doctor from that institution. 

No means were spared that would tend to prejudice the 
cause of the revolutionists. The bishops and the higher 
orders of the clergy issued exhortations, representing in the 
darkest colors their deeds and purpose. The archbishop pub- 
lished edicts and pastorals; officials and politicians, learned 
doctors of the law and learned doctors of theology, poured 
forth on them the bitterest denunciations, and the press teemed 
with abuse in prose and doggerel verse. At the same time 
the governors of provinces and other authorities were urged to 
express their loyalty, and to denounce the revolt, while the 
Indians were conciliated by a remission of tribute, and by 
measures for the improvement of their condition. 

These proceedings were not without effect; the heaviest 
blow sustained by the revolutionists being dealt by the inqui- 
sition and the church. The brand of heresy stamped on 
their leaders, the ban of the greater excommunication, and 
the dread that the same appalling fate might overtake them- 
selves, all working on the minds of a people devoutly attached 
to their faith, deterred for a time the disaffected. Hidalgo fully 
recognized that he must fight with other weapons than those 
used on the battle-field, and a few weeks later he caused to 
be published in the city of Guadalajara, which had then fallen 
into his power, a reply to the citation of the inquisition. He 
solemnly declared that he had never departed from the doc- 
trines of the Catholic faith; he rebutted the accusation of 



300 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



heresy; pointed out tlie evils which oppressed the people of 
Mexico; and called on them to shake off their fetters, and 
appoint a congress which should dictate to all beneficent and 
discriminating laws. He ordered the emancipation of slaves 
under penalty of death to their owners; released the people, of 
whatever caste, from the payment of tribute, and thus by his 
policy succeeded in counteracting to a great extent the meas- 
ures to which his opponents had resorted. 

After restoring order at Guanajuato, and providing for the 
wants of his prisoners, most of whom were afterward released, 
the captain-general turned his attention to the organization 





Arms of Valladolid, 1810. 



Arms of Valladolid, 1803. 



and equipment of his army. As yet his troops were armed 
only with the rudest weapons. Attempts at the manufacture 
of hand-mortars from quicksilver flasks had failed, as had 
also experiments in the casting of cannon and the fabrication 
of cannon from wood. Although Hidalgo's treasury now con- 
tained more than half a million of dollars, most of it was in 
silver bars, and it became necessary to establish a mint. The 
work of constructing the machinery and preparing the dies 



HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD MEXICO. 301 

was completed on the 25th of November, almost the very- 
day on which, as will presently appear, the royalists under 
Calleja recaptured the city. 

Fully aware of the preparations being made by Calleja for 
the suppression of the rebellion, and of the fact that Queretaro 
was prepared to resist attack, Hidalgo resolved to march on 
Valladolid, and on the 10th of October set forth in that direc- 
tion with the main body of his forces. When the authorities 
heard of the danger which threatened their city, they were 
undecided as to their course of action, and the more so because 
they found themselves without a governor, or even a military 
leader. At first some show was made of preparation for de- 
fence; but on the approach of Hidalgo all thought of resist- 
ance vanished, and many of the Europeans departed at once 
for the capital. 

The vanguard of the revolutionists reached the suburbs of 
Valladolid without opposition, and two days later the captain- 
general came up in person at the head of 60,000 men. Here 
he was joined by several well armed and disciplined battalions, 
and to his supply of cannon, consisting of two bronze and two 
wooden guns, more dangerous probably to his followers than 
to the foe, were added several pieces of artillery. Already he 
had decided to march on the capital, and at once, for Calleja's 
preparations were almost completed. On the 20th of October 
he put his men in motion toward Mexico. Near the town of 
Acambaro he held a review of his forces and divided them 
into regiments of infantry and cavalry, each 1,000 strong. 
At a council of the principal officers, he was proclaimed gen- 
eralissimo, while on Allende was conferred the rank of 
captain-general, and Aldama and others were appointed lieu- 
tenants-general . 

To oppose Hidalgo's hosts, Venegas had about 7,000 men at 
his disposal; and when news was received of his advance, he 
placed Lieutenant-Colonel Trujillo in charge of a strong corps 
of observation, with orders if possible to arrest the advance of 
the revolutionists. The choice was a most unfortunate one. 



302 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



for the colonel possessed neither the respect nor esteem of 
those around him. As a man his followers hated him; as a 
soldier they held him in contempt; and as a military com- 
mander his career was marked with cruelty and treachery. 

At this time there was in Mexico a young lieutenant who 
had recently arrived from the capital of Michoacan, driven 
thence by the approach of the revolutionists. His name was 
Agustin Iturbide, a man destined hereafter to play a promi- 
nent part in the revolutionary drama. A native of Valladolid 




Hidalgo's March toward Mexico. 

and of distinguished parentage, he was intrusted, when only 
fifteen years of age, with the management of one of his father's 
haciendas; but soon afterward was appointed ensign in a pro- 
vincial battalion of infantry, and thenceforth adopted the 
military profession. The first historical mention of him occurs 
in the official journal of September 21, 1808, where he is com- 
mended for his zeal in ofiering support to the government after 
the deposal of Iturrigaray. Before taking the field, Hidalgo 
invited Iturbide to join his cause, promising to promote him 
to high command. The offer was refused; and when the for- 
mer drew near to Valladolid, the lieutenant, seeing no pros- 



HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD MEXICO. 



303 



pect of a successful defence, set fortli for Mexico with seventy- 
men of his regiment whose loyalty remained unshaken. Ob- 
taining permission to join Trujillo's command, he entered 
upon a career which in some respects was the most remarkable 
in the annals of the revolution. 

Arriving at Toluca, Trujillo sent forward a detachment to 
seize the bridge of San Bernabe, and operate between it and 
Ixtlahuaca, where Hidalgo had arrived. On the 27th of Octo- 
ber, the royalist leader advanced with the main body for the 




Field of Operations. 



purpose of attacking the revolutionists at the latter point; but 
meeting his advanced guard in full flight, and hearing that the 
generalissimo was approaching with all his forces, he fell back 
on the town of Lerma. On the following day no enemy ap- 
peared in sight, and Trujillo, suspecting that his opponent was 
marching toward the bridge of Atengo, with a view to occupy- 
ing the Santiago road, and thus cutting off his retreat, gave 
instructions to guard that point and destroy the bridge. The 
order was not carried out, however, and on the 29th Allen de 
carried the position and gained possession of the road. 

Meanwhile Hidalgo was marching on Lerma, and, threatened 



304 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



in flank and rear, Trujillo was compelled to retreat toward the 
capital. Reaching the Monte de las Graces only half an hour 
in advance of the revolutionists, he was joined by a consider- 
able re-enforcement, among them being a party of Yermo's 
lancers; and though his entire force mustered less than 3,000 
men, he resolved to accept battle. The position was a strong 




Battle-field op Las Crttces. 



A. Infantry of the royal army. 

B. Infantry of the insurgents. 

C. Cavalry of the royal army. 



D. Cavalry of the insurgents. 

E. Royal troops on the march. 

F. Insurgent troops on the march. 



one, but had the disadvantage of being commanded on the 
south by thickly wooded hills, and by the heights skirting the 
Toluca road. 

At eight o'clock on the morning of the 80th the action 
commenced with skirmishing between the royalist cavalry and 
guerilla bands in advance of the main body of the revolu- 
tionists. At eleven the column of attack, flanked and sup- 
ported by cavalry, and with the artillery in front, appeared in 
sight on the Toluca road. Trujillo placed his field-pieces in 
such a position as to enfilade the approach, but screened from 



HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD MEXICO. 305 

sight by branches of trees; while Yermo's lancers, under Cap- 
tain Antonio Bringas, supported by two companies of infantry, 
were placed in ambush on a wooded height at some distance 
from the left flank. The centre he held under his own com- 
mand, with Jose de Mendivil in front, covering his position. 

Hidalgo had left the dispositions for battle in the hands of 
Allende, who made preparations to surround Trujillo, while 
his attention was diverted by the attack on his centre. For 
this purpose, strong detachments of the best armed Indians, 
both foot and horse, were sent by long detours to take posses- 
sion of the heights commanding Trujillo's flanks, and a force 
of 8,000 men occupied the road to Mexico in the enemy's rear. 
A select body of 1,200 of the best disciplined troops, in charge 
of Aldama, was also deployed on the right flank, out of range 
of Trujillo's artillery, and opposite the point where Bringas 
lay in ambush. 

When the attacking column came within close range, Tru- 
jillo opened on them with grape and canister from his masked 
batteries, and with such deadly effect that the undisciplined 
masses in front were driven back in confusion on the regulars. 
The latter, however, held their ground and replied with artil- 
lery, a brisk fire being maintained along the front of both 
armies, from which the assailants suffered considerable loss. 
Perceiving that he could hold the enemy's centre in check, the 
royalist commander ordered Bringas to attack them in flank, 
while Iturbide was sent with a force of infantry to occupy a 
steep wooded height at some distance from Trujillo's right. 

Bringas charged with great impetuosity; but after a fierce 
struggle his men were repulsed, their commander falling 
mortally wounded. Nor was Trujillo more successful in his 
manoeuvre on the right. Allende had already marked the 
importance of the position on which Iturbide was marching, 
and unnoticed by the royalists had taken possession of it in 
person with a force of infantry and one piece of ordnance. 
Thus when the latter had almost reached the summit, he sud- 
denly found himself confronted by the enemy, and a brisk 
20 



306 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

encounter followed, resulting in the defeat of the revolutionists. 
The repulse of Bringas' forces, however, caused the royalist 
commander to recall Iturbide, whereupon Allende rallied his 
men and took possession of the height. 

Trujillo was now completly surrounded, and his position was 
becoming hopeless. On his right was Allende; on his left was 
Aldama, now strongly re-enforced, and with two pieces of artil- 
lery placed in a commanding position; in rear, a large body 
of troops was posted on his line of retreat, and in front Men- 
df vil, who was severely wounded, could no longer maintain his 
post. It was three o'clock in the afternoon, and the enemy 
had approached so near to Trujillo's left that the com'batants 
were within speaking distance. At this juncture the royalist 
commander was guilty of an act which has forever branded 
his name with infamy. Believing themselves masters of the 
field, the victors invited the foe to join their cause; and so 
favorably were they heard that Trujillo was thrice induced by 
his officers to hold parley with them in front of his line of 
infantry. Meanwhile hostilities ceased. Friendly and spe- 
cious were the words used by the leader, and at each confer- 
ence the revolutionists, gathering in crowded ranks around 
their spokesman, drew nearer and nearer. 

Now did the fate of Mexico hang in the balance, for if 
Hidalgo had received an accession to his ranks of nearly 3,000 
disciplined troops, with their arms and ammunition, it is prob- 
able that his cause would have been successful. But at the 
third parley, Trujillo, having enticed the unsuspecting foe close 
up to the points of his bayonets, threw off the mask, and ordered 
his men to fire. In an instant sixty of the revolutionists lay 
stretched on the ground, the victims of his perfidy; and infu- 
riated by this act of treachery, their comrades at once renewed 
the conflict. 

The royalists held their ground for two hours longer, when, 
after losing one third of his force in killed and wounded, in- 
cluding many of his best officers, Trujillo resolved to force a 
passage through the enemy posted in his rear. There was, 



HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD MEXICO. 307 

indeed, no other alternative except to surrender, and under the 
circumstances, capitulation would probably have been followed 
by a general butchery. Abandoning his cannon, he put him- 
self at the head of his choicest regiment, and followed by the 
remainder in close column, regained the Santiago road at the 
point of the bayonet, on the following day arriving at the capi- 
tal. Here, as there were none to contradict him, his defeat 
was made to appear a victory, and a medal was issued in com- 
memoration of his glorious achievements, and of the success of 
the royal arms. 

Although Hidalgo remained master of the field, the victory 
was dearly purchased. For the first time the revolutionists 
had confronted any considerable force of royalists, and the 
result was far from encouraging. Their losses amounted, ac- 
cording to Trujillo's estimate, to 2,000 in killed and wounded, 
and including deserters, were estimated by other authorities 
at a much higher figure. The Indians were terror-stricken at 
the havoc wrought by the enemy's artillery, the deadly efiect 
of which they witnessed for the first time; and even disciplined 
regiments were dismayed at the stubborn resistance offered by 
a handful of men against overwhelming numbers. Thus, when 
on the morning after the victory Hidalgo arrived at the village 
of Cuajimalpa, where during the retreat the rear guard of the 
royalists had repulsed his cavalry almost without effort, there 
he halted, and for three days remained inactive, though urged 
by AUende to march at once on Mexico. 

Meanwhile, throughout the capital forebodings of evil were 
not diminished by the reappearance of the royalist commander, 
who, with all his braggadocio, had returned with but a rem- 
nant of his forces. Quanajuato had fallen, Valladolid had 
surrendered, and now Mexico was threatened. On the last 
day of October the excitement was intense, and every cloud 
of dust was thought to herald the coming of the foe. Treasure 
and jewelry were concealed; men were panic-stricken and 
amazed; women begged for asylum in the nunneries, and even 
the viceroy proposed to seek refuge in Vera Cruz. But the 
hours passed, and no enemy appeared. 



308 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



Now surely the opportunity had come; but where was the 
man? Hidalgo was not a professional soldier: he was not even 
Sii soldier at all; nor did he pretend to be. He was not even a 
man of the world. He worked neither for fame, nor power, 
nor money, but merely to aid his country in its progress 
toward independence, though the full glory of the triumph he 
never expected to see. Yet he would do what he could, and 
for his cause would cheerfully give up his life. More than 
once had he offered to surrender his command in favor of 
Allende; but in the curate of Dolores and in no other would 
the multitude trust. 

Mexico lay at his feet, the city of the Montezumas, the city 
of Cortes, a prize that would, perhaps, have tempted a more 
ambitious or resolute commander; but in the capital were men, 
money, arms, ammunition, while in the ranks of the revolu- 
tionists were few disciplined regiments. To win the battle of 
Las Cruces against a mere handful of royalists had cost him 
2,000 liveSj and what would be the sacrifice should he attempt 
to follow up his hard-won victory? Moreover, at this juncture 
a despatch from the viceroy was intercepted, in which were 
instructions to Calleja to put his troops at once in motion; and 
Calleja, a veteran officer, who had served as lieutenant-colonel 
under Revilla Gigedo, was already on his march from San 
Luis Potosi. Thus it was that no enemy appeared in sight of 
the capital, and after three days' inaction at Cuajimalpa, the 
generalissimo gave orders to retreat. 




PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION. 309 



CHAPTER XXXIV. 
PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION. 

Felix Calleja del Rey, the future viceroy of Mexico, 
had served as an ensign during the disastrous expedition 
against Algiers, in the reign of Charles III. Accompanying 
Revilla Gigedo to New Spain in 1789, his ability and faithful 
services had already won for him the approbation of the six 
viceroys who preceded Venegas. 

Breaking camp on the 24th of October, he set forward for 
Dolores, where, being joined by the forces of Colonel Flon, he 
found at his disposal about 7,000 men, with eight pieces of 
artillery. His intention was to march on the capital by way 
of Acambaro and Toluca, following in the track of the revolu- 
tionists; but being diverted by a rumored insurgent attack on 
Queretaro, he reached that city on the very day of the battle 
of Las Cruces. 

Again changing his route, he arrived at Arroyo Zarco on the 
6th of November; meanwhile Hidalgo's forces, following the 
line of route by which they had advanced, were now at Ixtla- 
huaca. Thence Hidalgo, not being informed as to Calleja's 
movements, turned aside toward Queretaro, expecting to 
capture that city almost without resistance; and now the 
royalist and revolutionary forces were converging toward the 
same point without each other's knowledge. 

The retreat from Mexico fell like a chill on Hidalgo's army, 
which had been kept together partly by hope of plunder, and 
was already thinned by desertion to some 30,000 or 40,000 
men. Moreover, AUende and Aldama were distrustful of their 
colleague, or perhaps objected, as military men, to be led by 
a priest. 

On the 6th of November, Calleja's advanced guard en- 
countered a detachment of the revolutionists at Arroyo Zarco, 



310 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



and after a sharp skirmish put them to flight. From the 
prisoners it was ascertained that the main body was posted at 
the neighboring town of Aculco, and Calleja at once made 
dispositions for battle. 

Hidalgo's forces were drawn up in two lines on the summit 
of a rectangular hill overlooking the town and surrounded by 
ravines and gullies. The encounter or skirmish which fol- 
lowed was merely a feint on the part of the revolutionary 











"^s^^ 



Acuuqo 



' ■■■ ^^ 3^ i \\ i y i \\B ^ or i^ 









The Affair at Aculco. 



lea-ders, for the purpose of covering their retreat. Pushing 
forward in three columns, the royalist infantry were met only 
with a sluggish fire of artillery, the cannon-balls passing high 
overhead; and on scaling the height, found the position aban- 
doned. Later, the cavalry came into action, and though they 
did little execution, succeeded in capturing all of the enemy's 
cannon, baggage, and ammunition, together with a quantity 
of valuable merchandise. 

For this so-called victory, a solemn thanksgiving was pro- 
claimed, and for a time it was supposed that the rebellion had 
come to an end; but the royalists were soon undeceived. The 
Cry of Dolores had struck deep into the hearts of the people, 



PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



311 



and tidings of the battle of Las Cruces had spread far and 
wide throughout the land. Everywhere were gathered bands 
of insurgents, some intent only on plunder, while others har- 
assed the enemy in ceaseless guerilla warfare. In the south 
the curate Morelos was commencing his glorious career; in 




Feeld of Revolutionary Movements. 



central Mexico a vast extent of territory, from San Luis Potosi 
westward to the ocean, was overrun by the revolutionists. In 
New Galicia, Torres and Mercado captured San Bias and 
Guadalajara, Hidalgo establishing in the latter city his base 
of operations. Zacatecas came forward with one accord, the 
leading spirit in this district being a man* styling himself 
Lieutenant-General Iriarte. No sooner had Calleja set forth 



312 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

from San Luis Potosi than a plot was formed to gain possession 
of the city; and this the friar Herrera carried into execution 
with remarkable neatness and despatch. Soon afterward, 
however, Herrera was entrapped and thrown into prison by 
Iriarte, who had turned royalist, apparently for the purpose 
of helping himself to the royal treasury. 

As to the movements of the revolutionary chieftains im- 
mediately after the affair at Aculco, the chroniclers are ex- 
tremely reticent, little being known except that they made 
good their retreat to Celaya without further loss. In a circular 
issued by Hidalgo in that city, dated the 13th of November, 
he states that his forces had been reunited, and that he had 
at his command more than forty pieces of artillery, with an 
ample stock of ammunition. 

Arriving about this date at Guanajuato, which was now 
threatened by the royalists, AUende posted batteries on ten 
different heights commanding the Marfil road, and also at a 
point known as the Rancho Seco. In the narrowest part of 
the road, no less than 1,500 holes were drilled for blasting, 
and connected with a single fuse, the intention being to set 
fire to it during the passage of Calleja's forces. Meanwhile, 
the captain-general strongly urged Hidalgo to come to his sup- 
port; but the appeal was disregarded. 

On the 23d of November, Calleja arrived at the Rancho de 
Molineros, distant some four leagues from Guanajuato, and at 
once determined to carry the enemy's position by storm. His 
plan was to attack in detail the ten batteries which flanked 
the Marfil road on either side; and for this purpose he formed 
his troops in two divisions, leading one of them in person 
against the batteries on the right, while Flon, at the head of 
the other column, dislodged the insurgents on the left. Both 
commanders were successful, the enemy's positions being cap- 
tured in succession almost without loss. While Flon drew up 
his forces on the hill of San Miguel and the heights of Las 
Carreras, Calleja advanced along the Marfil road, and by a 
detour to the left avoided the defile where the mine had been 



PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



313 



prepared. Meanwhile, the cavalry scoured the glens and the 
level ground, cutting off the retreat of the insurgents, and 




Royalist Operations against Guanajuato. 

A. Positions occupied by the insurgents. March of column led by Calleja. 

B. The royalist army before the attack. March of column led by Flon. 

slaughtering them without mercy. The conflict lasted for six 
hours, the difiiculties encountered by the royalists being rather 



314 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

from the steepness of the heights than from the opposition of 
the enemy, whose gmis were so poorly served and mounted 
that they could be pointed only in one direction, while their 
want of small-arms prevented their infantry from making a 
stand. 

The results of the day's operations were the capture of 
twenty-two pieces of artillery, the dispersion of a large body 
of Indians, and the investment of the city on the north and 
. south. The losses on the side of the royalists were trifling, 
while of the revolutionists probably not less than 1,500 were 
slain. 

And now the alhondiga de granaditas again became the 
scene of an appalling massacre. No longer restrained by the 
interference of the revolutionary leaders, the people thronged 
the streets, amid demonstrations of fear and anger. They col- 
lected in dense crowds around the building, and with threat- 
; ening gestures and angry look pointed to the quarters in which 
I certain of the Spaniards captured by Hidalgo were still im- 
; prisoned. For a time they were restrained by the presence of 
'the guard, but it chanced that Allende passed in that direc- 
[Jtion, and one of his party cried out, "Why do you not finish 
•them?" pointing toward the captives. The words acted on 
the mob like a spark on a train of gunpowder, and now, intent 
on vengeance, they rushed with clubs and brandished knives 
toward the gateway. The work of massacre began, and soon 
the alhondiga was heaped with mutilated corpses, stripped of 
every shred of clothing. A few only of the prisoners escaped 
by barricading themselves in the storerooms, whence they is- 
sued forth, while a cry was raised that the royalists were at 
hand. 

So enraged was Calleja at this barbarous treatment of the 
Spaniards, that he gave instructions to his troops to put the in- * 
habitants of the city to the sword, and numbers were butch- 
ered in the streets. Soon, however, he countermanded the 
order, intending to proceed with the work of slaughter in a 
more deliberate manner. On the morning of the 26th, the 



PHOGBMSS OF THE REVOLUTION. 315 

carpenters of Guanajuato were employed in erecting gallows 
in all the principal thoroughfares of the city and in the plazas 
of the neighboring towns. While this was being done, sixty 
or seventy of those who had been arrested the previous day 
were put on their trial, and about one third of them were con- 
demned to death. Their examination was of the briefest, and 
execution immediately followed, the place selected being 
within the walls of the alhondiga. After sentence had been 
passed, the condemned were hurriedly shrived by a priest in 
one of the storerooms, and then led to the doorway, where 
they were blindfolded and shot. 

The gallows came next into play, and at nightfall eighteen 
prominent men were dragged forth and hanged by torchlight 
in the plaza, around which the houses rose tier above tier on 
the surrounding hills, so that their occupants could gaze upon 
the tragedy as from the benches of an amphitheatre. At 
length the ringing of bells announced that Calleja had pro- 
claimed a general pardon, two of those who had last been con- 
demned being released while taking, as they supposed, their 
last look on earth and sky, and with halters around their necks. 

Except that Hidalgo reached Celaya, nothing is known of 
his movements after the flight from Aculco, until, on the 14th 
or 15th of the same month, we find him at Valladolid. Not- 
withstanding his recent reverses, he was everywhere enthusi- 
astically received, and at each town the people sallied forth to 
welcome the apostle of independence and do him honor. Or- 
ganizing at Valladolid a force of 7,000 cavalry and 250 infan- 
try, he set forth for Guadalajara, where he was met with a 
tumultuous ovation. As the cortege entered the city, and 
passed between dense lines of citizens drawn up on either side, 
from thousands of voices rang the welcoming viva ! mingled 
with salvos of artillery, firing of rockets, and ringing of bells. 
At the door of the cathedral an altar had been placed, beside 
which stood the dean in canonical robes and presented Hidalgo 
with holy water. After this ceremony he proceeded to the 



316 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

presbytery, where a te deum was chanted, and thence to the 
palace, where, in the grand saloon, beneath a richly orna- 
mented canopy, he received the members of the audiencia, the 
civil corporations, and the ecclesiastical authorities. 

Thus installed in office, Hidalgo proceeded to adjust exist- 
ing diiferences between the military leaders, and to organize a 
formal government. For the latter purpose, he appointed two 




Ignacio Lopez Raton. 

persons to take charge of public afifairs, one of them being 
Ignacio Lopez Rayon, with the title of secretary-general. 

Rayon, who later became a prominent leader in the revolu- 
tion, was a native of Tlalpujahua, a mining town in Michoa- 
can, where he was born in 1773. At an early age he displayed 
a studious turn, and after receiving his early education at 
Valladolid, removed to the city of Mexico, where he studied 
jurisprudence and took his degree. When Hidalgo entered 
Michoacan, in October 1810, Rayon declared in favor of the 



PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION. 317 

revolutionary cause, and issued a proclamation in Tlalpu- 
jahua, inviting the people to join him. Later he accompanied 
the former to the Monte de las Cruces, Aculco, and Guadala- 
jara. 

While Hidalgo remained at Guadalajara he issued several 
edicts which he deemed essential to his cause, among them 
being proclamations for the emancipation of slaves, the restora- 
tion of their lands to the Indians, and the prohibition of pillage 
and other excesses on the part of his followers. Meanwhile, he 
pushed forward with all possible despatch his military prepa- 
rations. The arsenal at San Bias supplied him with cannon 
and munitions of war, and no less than forty-four pieces of 
artillery were conveyed thence over a most difficult road. 
Large numbers of recruits were enlisted; and to supply the 
want of small-arms, grenades and iron-pointed rockets were 
manufactured. No means were spared that would enable the 
revolutionists to meet Calleja in the field; but there was still 
wanting in their ranks the one great element of success in all 
military operations, and that was discipline. 

On receiving intelligence of the capture of Guanajuato, 
Venegas again supposed that the rebellion was crushed, while, 
in reality, it was more widely spread than ever. The provinces 
of Nueva Galicia, Zacatecas, and San Luis Potosi were com- 
pletely in the power of the insurgents, who at this junc- 
ture were not disposed to relax their efforts. An expedition to 
the provinces of Sinaloa and Sonora ended somewhat disas- 
trously, its commander being surprised, and his followers 
slain or scattered; but in other directions the revolutionists 
were for a time successful. The district of Nuevo Santander 
declared in their favor. In Coahuila, a force of 2,000 royalists 
deserted to the enemy. Nuevo Leon joined in the movement, 
and even in Texas the royalist party was compelled to suc- 
cumb. Thus the whole of that portion of Mexico which 
extends from San Luis Potosi to the United States had de- 
clared for independence. 

But the revolutionists were now destined to suffer a series of 



318 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

reverses, wliich shattered the hopes of all its friends. On 
the 16th of November, 1810, General Jose de la Cruz set forth 
from the capital at the head of a small detachment, after- 
ward re-enforced to 2,000 men, directing his march against 
the insurgent leader Villagran, who was stationed at Hui- 
chapan, and had proved extremely troublesome to the roy- 
alists by interrupting their communications between Mexico 
and Queretaro. Warned of his danger, however, the latter 
retreated with all his followers to a strong position on the 
heights of a neighboring sierra. Entering Huichapan, Cruz 
met with a hearty welcome from the few royalists who re- 
mained in the town; but in order to prevent further mis- 
chief, he seized all articles of daily use that could possibly 
be converted into weapons, sparing neither the housewife's 
scissors, the laborer's implements, nor the artisan's tools. To 
the commander of a force sent in quest of other revolutionary 
captains, he gave orders to reduce to ashes every town and 
hacienda where insurgents were found, and to put the in- 
habitants to the sword. On the 14th of December, according 
to a plan of operations arranged by Calleja, he put his forces 
in motion toward Valladolid. 

Calleja was now at Leon, where he arranged the coming cam- 
paign with a view of confining the main body of the enemy to 
the province of Nueva Galicia. While Cruz marched on Va- 
lladolid, reducing to obedience the disaffected towns, he so 
timed his movements as to arrive in the neighborhood of 
Guadalajara on the 15th of January; Calleja, approaching by 
way of Lagos, expected to reach that point at the same date. 
Meanwhile, the governor of Coahuila, after restoring order in 
San Luis Potosi, was to operate with his troops between Guana- 
juato and Queretaro, while another force was to enter Zacate- 
cas and keep in subjection the territory extending southward 
as far as Leon. The design was well conceived; but the de- 
sertion of the royalists in Coahuila prevented the cordon being 
thus drawn around Hidalgo. 

It had been arranged that Cruz should set forth from Va- 



PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION. 319 

lladolid on the 1st of January, but he was detained in that 
city until the 7th, and thus Calleja's dispositions were further 
deranged. Moreover, Hidalgo had resolved to prevent, if pos- 
sible, a junction between the two armies, and had instructed 
Colonel Mier, who was then stationed at Zamora, to oppose 
the advance of the former. At the head of more than 10,000 
men, with twenty-seven pieces of artillery, Mier took up a 
strong position commanding a mountain gorge, about four 
leagues south-east of Zamora, through which lay the route of 
the royalists. But in an action fought on the 14th, he was 
totally defeated, with the loss of his cannon and ammunition.- 
The delay thus caused served, however, to prevent his oppo- 
nent from taking part in the decisive battle which occurred 
three days later at the bridge of Calderon. 

The force now under Hidalgo's command was far superior 
to any that the revolutionists had thus far brought into the 
field, mustering no less than 80,000 men, of whom 20,000 were 
cavalry, and with 95 pieces of artillery, many of them of heavy 
calibre. No exertion was spared by the leaders to render this; 
huge army as efficient as possible. The enthusiasm of the; 
troops was stimulated by encouraging addresses, and each da/ 
they were drilled and practised in manoeuvres on the plains 
adjoining the city of Guadalajara. Most of them were still 
armed only with the sling and bow; but their weapons were 
better than those with which they had fought at Las Cruces, 
and a large supply of grenades had been distributed among 
the infantry. 

On the 13th of January, Hidalgo received information that 
Calleja was advancing by forced marches toward Guadalajara, 
and immediately made preparations to occupy the bridge of 
Calderon, which spanned a small affluent of the Rio Grande 
de Lerma, eleven or twelve leagues distant from the city. On 
the following day he led forth his host, and as he compared it 
with the rabble which he had lately commanded, felt confident 
of victory. On the morning of the 15th he drew up in a strong 
position commanding the approaches to Guadalajara, planting 



320 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



a battery of sixty-seven guns on a steep height on the left 
bank of the river. The latter point, almost inaccessihle in 
front, was protected in rear by a deep ravine, and almost sm:- 
rounded the open ground through which lay Calleja's line of 
advance. Flanking the main battery were smaller ones on 
the heights toward the right and left. 

On the 16th the royalist array appeared in sight; but ob- 
serving the almost impregnable position occupied by the 




TXOmS ATTACK 



Battle-field neak the Bridge of Caldekon. 



enemy, Calleja at first sent forward merely a reconnoitring 
party, which, however, becoming engaged with their outposts, 
succeeded in gaining possession of the bridge. Thereupon 
re-enforcements were ordered up, and the bridge held until 
nightfall, when both armies bivouacked, the camp-fires of the 
revolutionists extending over a line three quarters of a league 
in length. 

Calleja's force consisted of 6,000 men, of whom one half 
were cavalry, and all were thoroughly equipped and disci- 
plined. He had also ten pieces of artillery, admirably served. 



PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION. 321 

and an abundant supply of war material, while the revolution- 
ists had but few muskets, and many of their cannon were 
worse than useless, some being carried in wagons, and others 
fashioned merely of wood, bound with hoops of iron. 

On the morning of the 17th the royalist commander drew 
up his army in two divisions, with one of which he proposed 
to assail the enemy's right, while Flon, in charge of the other, 
attacked their left. The assault was to be made simultane- 
ously, so that the two commands might fall, almost at the 
same moment, on the revolutionists' centre. At some little 
distance above the bridge a ford had been discovered, and 
leading his men across it, Flon at once began to scale the 
heights without even waiting for his artillery, which on ac- 
count of the ruggedness of the ground must be dragged up by 
hand. Leading his troops against the first battery, he cap- 
tured it at the point of the bayonet, and following up his ad- 
vantage, drove the revolutionists from all their positions on the 
right, forcing them to fall back on the centre. 

Meanwhile, Calleja advanced with his division toward the 
bridge, supporting Flon's movement with the fire of his artil- 
lery, and sending him a re-enforcement of grenadiers. Sur- 
veying the enemy's position, he recognized the danger of 
attempting an assault in that direction, and wheeling farther 
toward the right, occupied, with a considerable portion of his 
command, supported by four pieces of artillery, a small emi- 
nence, from which he opened fire on the enemy's nearest bat- 
tery. At the same time he pushed forward on the right of the 
stream a detachment of his cavalry, under Emparan, for the 
purpose of taking the enemy in rear, while Colonel Jalon was 
ordered to assault a battery of seven guns situated lower on 
the river. 

While these movements were in progress, Flon, eager to 
carry off the honors of the day, exceeded his instructions, and 
without waiting until Calleja's operations were sufiiciently 
developed, attacked with his division the main battery of the 
insurgents. Here the foe was concentrated in overwhelming 
£1 



322 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

numbers, and twice his troops were repulsed; ammunition 
gave out, and the men, losing confidence, began to retreat in 
great disorder. Emparan's detachment also suffered defeat, 
the commander being severely wounded, and victory appeared 
to be in the hands of the revolutionists. 

At this juncture, the coolness, promptitude, and military 
skill of Calleja alone saved the royalists from total rout. 
Ordering Jalon, who had captured the opposing battery, to 
cover Emparan's retreat, and rally his men, he at once sent 
a strong column to the aid of Flon's division, and crossing the 
bridge with the remainder of his forces, deployed them into 
line, and followed in support. The artillery, concentrated at 
one point, then opened within half musket-shot of the enemy's 
principal battery, and a general charge was ordered along the 
royalist line. 

And now occurred an incident which at once decided the 
issue of the battle, and probably retarded for eleven tedious 
years the victorious career of the revolutionists. The ammu- 
nition-wagon of the insurgents was struck by a shell from the 
enemy's cannon, and a terrific explosion followed, which 
wrought havoc in their ranks. But this was the smallest part 
of the disaster. The ground was covered with a thick matting 
of dry grass, which instantly took fire, and the flames and 
smoke were blown full in the faces of Hidalgo's foremost bat- 
talions; Before the blast no living creature could stand. 
Some were choked to death; others were horribly burned, and 
instant flight became inevitable. Meanwhile, along the royal- 
ist line, the troops pressed forward, and with insignificant loss, 
cavalry, infantry, and artillery gained the height together. 
When the flames subsided the enemy was observed in full 
retreat, and their abandoned guns were found to be still loaded 
with grape-shot. A single battery on the insurgent's left still 
maintained its fire, and there the last stand was made by a 
remnant of the defeated army. 

Then followed pursuit; and as the horsemen urged their 
steeds over the charred ground, foremost among them was 



mOGRESS OF THE DEVOLUTION. 



323 



General Flon. Mortified at the failure caused by his own 
rashness, and determined not to survive the disgrace, he 
charged alone into the midst of the foe, and fell covered with 
wounds. At night his abf^ence was noticed, and a party was 
sent in search of him; but \t was not until the following day 
that his mangled corpse was discovered. 

The losses on the side of the revolutionists cannot be ascer- 
tained; but that they were very severe may be inferred from 
the fact that more than 1,200 fell in the part of the field alone 
where Emparan's command was engaged. Of the royalists, 
49 were killed, 134 wounded, and 10 were missing. The in- 
surgent leaders fled by different routes to the city of Zacatecas, 
Rayon saving the treasure-chests, containing some $800,000, 
while most of their followers were dispersed after losing all 
their artillery and the greater portion of their baggage. 

Thus for the time the strength of the revolution was broken; 
but the Cry of Dolores was still heard throughout the land, 
and the sacred image of liberty was now too deeply graven on 
the people's hearts ever again to be entirely eradicated. 







!^i;iVi'n^iyirii'iTi'ViV/i'avi'[Vn'jyi'vriViVn\iiViTmii iiiii\\,u\ 



324 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



CHAPTER XXXV. 

CAPTURE AND DEATH OF HIDALGO. 

The reception accorded to Calleja, when, on the 21st of Janu- 
ary, 1811, he entered Guadalajara, was similar to that with which 
Hidalgo had been greeted a few weeks before. With commend- 
able versatility the inhabitants of this city could turn royalists 
or revolutionists as occasion demanded. And fortunate for 
them that it was so; else by this time there had been few of 
their number left. Yet here as elsewhere in Mexico there were 
many who adhered firmly to the cause, pledging themselves to 
support it with their lives and property, though aware that 
such a course was attended with imminent peril. 

The action taken by the audiencia and the clergy, on the 
occasion of Hidalgo's entry, was not likely to win for them 
the favor of the viceroy; and now they hastened to send ex- 
planations of their conduct, mingled with assurances of fidel- 
ity. The oidores expressed unbounded joy at the recent victory, 
and the restitution of their functions, which had been inter- 
rupted during the occupation of the city by the " insurgent 
monster, Miguel Hidalgo"; while the ecclesiastical chapter 
deeply regretted that its members should have been exposed 
to the bitter humiliation of being prevented by the insurgent 
leader from giving utterance to their feelings of loyalty and 
fidelity. In reply, Venegas said that he hoped the time would 
come when the very high opinion which he had formed of all 
these functionaries would be fully justified. 

Before reaching Zacatecas, Hidalgo was overtaken by others 
of the insurgent chieftains, and compelled to resign the chief 
command in favor of AUende. From the first, the two leaders 
had not been fully in accord, and had frequently disagreed as 
to the conduct of the war. On the eve of the battle at the 
bridge of Calderon, Allende had in vain urged the generalis- 



CAPTURE AND DEATH OF HIDALGO. 325 

simo to divide his unwieldy force into several divisions instead 
of risking the campaign on the issue of a single combat. Doubt- 
less the former was a better soldier than the aged representa- 
tive of the church militant; but Hidalgo, and he alone, could 
again rally the people around the standard of the revolution- 
ists. His presence with the remnant of the army was therefore 
still deemed necessary; but after the surrender of his author- 
ity he was treated almost as a prisoner; his advice was ignored, 
his movements watched, and orders were given to slay him if 
he attempted to escape. For all this, Hidalgo cared less than 
for the cause. Personal fame had never been his object; and 
if those who now assumed control could better carry out the 
revolution alone, he was content. But from the sequel it ap- 
pears that they could not; for destruction quickly overtook 
them. 

From Zacatecas Allende decided to retreat on Saltillo, 
where, joining his forces with those of Jimenez, he would oc- 
cupy a more secure position; but both points were threatened 
by the royalists, who captured the former city without diffi- 
culty, though repulsed by Jimenez before Saltillo. Soon after- 
ward Calleja entered San Luis Potosi, the situation of the 
revolutionary leaders became each day more hopeless, the 
number of their followers being reduced to some 4,000 or 
5,000 men, undisciplined, discouraged, and poorly armed and 
equipped. Nevertheless, they would not abandon the struggle. 
The northern provinces were still, as they believed, devoted to 
their cause; and they would proceed to the United States, 
and there purchase arms, and enlist the sympathies of that 
young and rising republic. Then they would return and 
again meet the enemy in the field, with equal Aveapons and 
superior numbers. Such were their dreams; but far different 
was the fate in store for them. 

About this time Hidalgo received from General Cruz a copy 
of the pardon extended to the insurgents by the Spanish 
cortes, and was exhorted to accept their clemency, and thus 
avoid the further shedding of blood. But this offer he could 



326 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



not for a moment entertain: first, because he had no faith in 
royaHst promises; and second, because he would never for- 




SCENE OP THE REVOLUTIONISTS' MOVEMENTS. 



sake his sacred cause. Perhaps his death would better serve 
the interests of the revolution; if so, he would cheerfully die. 
What was life or death in comparison? He had soon to die 



CAPTURE AND DEATH OF HIDALOO. 827 

in any event; but the liberty lie hoped to establish for his 
country, that would never die! He therefore kept the matter 
a secret, and to General Cruz he answered: "Pardon, your 
excellency, is for criminals, and not for defenders of their 
country." 

In San Luis Potosl and Nuevo Santander, the revolution was 
for the moment ended by the defeat and execution of the lay- 
friar Herrera, and others of the insurgent chieftains. Mean- 
while in Texas and Coahuila, events were occurring which 
boded ill for the cause of freedom. At the beginning of Feb- 
ruary 1811, Aldama had been appointed by the revolution- 
ary leaders minister plenipotentiary to the United States. 
Taking with him a large sum of money for the purchase of 
arms, and for procuring there, as is related, the services of 
30,000 auxiliaries, he reached the town of Bejar, within the 
modern state of Texas, where a counter-revolution was secretly 
in progress, headed by the deacon Zambrano. The deacon and 
his confederates began to cast suspicion on Aldama and his 
motives, representing him to be an emissary of Napoleon, and 
pointing to his uniform, which resembled those of French 
officers. If he brought with him so large a body of volun- 
teers, would they not seize the opportunity of gaining posses- 
sion of a province already regarded with covetous eyes 
throughout the American republic? Finally, when on the 
1st of March Aldama was prepared to set forth, he was de- 
tained with his escort, under the pretence that their passports 
were not in order. A new government was then formed, with 
Zambrano as president; troops were organized; the partisans 
of the revolutionists deposed from office, and Aldama was 
afterward conveyed to Monclova, in northern Coahuila, where 
he was executed by sentence of court-martial. 

At Saltillo, where Allende and Jimenez were still encamped, 
these incidents were unknown. Among their officers at Mon- 
clova was a lieutenant-colonel named Ignacio Elizondo, who, 
being refused promotion, had become secretly disaffected, and 



328 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

now cast about him for means of revenge. After gaining con- 
trol at Bejar, Zambrano sent to Calleja and the viceroy two 
commissioners, who, on reaching Monclova, revealed to the 
lieutenant-colonel Allende's designs, probably disclosed by 
Aldama's confederates. Thereupon Elizondo determined to 
surprise the revolutionary leaders on their way toward the 
United States. Ascertaining that they would arrive at Bajan 
on the morning of the 21st, he set forth with a guard of honor 
to bid them welcome, as he had written to Jimenez. The 
utniost precaution was taken lest Allende should be informed 
of what had occurred at Monclova, and remarkable as it may 
appear, the insurgent captain had not the slightest suspicion of 
the trap that was being laid for him. Before starting on their 
journey, a council was held to determine who should take 
charge during the absence of the principal chieftains, and the 
choice fell on Ignacio Lopez Rayon, with the licentiate Arri- 
eta as second in command. 

All was now in readiness for their departure from Saltillo. 
The road lay through a rugged desert, in which water could be 
obtained only in small quantities and at long intervals. At 
the wells near Bajan, men and animals would stop to drink, 
and there Elizondo, with 240 picked soldiers, awaited the 
arrival of the revolutionists. The ground was favorable for 
his design, and two parties, each of 50 men, were placed in 
ambush. On the morning of the 21st Allende appeared in 
sight. Accompanied by all the principal leaders, he had left 
Saltillo with a force of nearly 2,000 troops, 24 pieces of artil- 
lery, and more than half a million of money. The march 
across the desert had been most toilsome, and no military 
order was preserved, the carriages and horsemen approaching 
in scattering groups far in advance of the main body, while 
the artillery was slowly dragged along in the rear. This 
seeming carelessness was due to a suggestion made by the 
colonel, who said that, on account of the scarcity of water, it 
would be better for the carriages and the leading officers to 
proceed well in advance. If all journeyed together, the wells 



CAPTURE AND DEATH OF HIDALGO. 329 

would be quickly exhausted, while with this arrangement 
they could be replenished as rapidly as might be needed. 

The first one to approach was Friar Pedro Bustamante, 
accompanied by five soldiers. Passing between files of men 
drawn up as a guard of honor, he was respectfully saluted, 
and without the least suspicion, continued on his way until 
he suddenly found himself in the midst of an ambush and 
was compelled to surrender. Then followed a troop of sixty 
men, who were also made captives and securely bound. Pres- 
ently the carriages arrived, and one after another fell into 
Elizondo's hands almost without resistance. Allende, how- 
ever, did not yield until his son was shot dead by his side; 
Arias, one of the insurgent leaders who occupied the same 
vehicle, being mortally wounded. Last of all the chieftains 
came Hidalgo, who might still have escaped if he had received 
the least intimation of the colonel's treachery. But even the 
sound of firing created no alarm. When called upon to sur- 
render, he prepared to defend himself, pistol in hand; but his 
escort intervening, and refusing to support him, he threw aside 
his weapon. Thus at one fell stroke all the revolutionary 
leaders became victims to the perfidy of a traitor; and never 
was plot more cunningly planned or more successfully accom- 
plished. 

Leaving his prisoners in charge of a slender escort, Elizondo 
marched with only 150 men against the main body of the in- 
surgents, some 1,500 strong, and still about a league distant. 
The combat was of the briefest; for in less than an hour forty 
of the revolutionists were slain, 893 were captured, many 
joined the ranks of the enemy, and the remainder were dis- 
persed, leaving all their cannon, equipage, and treasure in the 
hands of the assailants. 

Five days later the principal captives, among wnom were 
Hidalgo, Allende, and Jimenez, were sent for trial to the city 
of Chihuahua. Bound hand and foot, mounted on mules, and 
escorted by a strong guard, they travelled painfully over 200 
leagues of difficult road, and not even at night were their 



330 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

fetters removed. The day on which they reached their desti- 
nation was proclaimed a public holiday, and permission was 
given to the inhabitants to witness the humiliation of the pris- 
oners, though all expressions of hate or sympathy were for- 
bidden. After undergoing this ordeal, they were lodged in 
prison, the three principal leaders being placed in a deserted 
college of the Jesuits. 

On the 6th of May a military coiirt was organized, consist- 
ing ,of a president, auditor, secretary, and four voting members. 
The prosecution rested entirely on the statements of the pris- 
oners, special judges being appointed to take their depositions, 
on which the tribunal pronounced its verdict and sentence. 
The trials were conducted with all possible despatch, and 
within a few days several of the captives were led forth to exe- 
cution. Allende suffered on the 26th of May in company with 
Jimenez and two others, all of them being shot as traitors, 
with their backs to the firing platoons. 

The execution of Hidalgo was delayed by ecclesiastical for- 
malities; for before sentence could either be proDounced or 
carried into effect, civil and canonical law required that the 
prisoner should be degraded from his priestly office, and for- 
mally handed over by the ecclesiastical judge to the secular 
authorities. When conducted into the presence of the former, 
his fetters being for the first time removed, he was arrayed in 
the sacred vestments of his order, and on his knees listened to 
the cause of his degradation, and to his death sentence. He 
was then stripped of his robes and delivered to the guard, an 
earnest but vain appeal being made for a mitigation of his 
punishment. Then his fetters were replaced, and he was con- 
ducted to his cell. 

While at breakfast, before daybreak, on the 31st of July, 
Hidalgo received with his usual tranquillity the officers ap- 
pointed to conduct him to the place of execution. Finishing 
his repast, he arose and calmly remarked in a low voice that 
he was prepared to accompany them. The spot selected was 
an enclosed court adjoining the hospital, and as he stepped. 



. CAPTURE AND DEATH OF HIDALGO. 331 

slowly forward, encumbered by chains, his fortitude and seren- 
ity never for a moment deserted him. Remembering that he 
had left some sweet-meats under his pillow, he requested that 
they might be brought to him, and distributed them among 
the firing platoons, at the same time assuring them of his for- 
giveness. It was yet early dawn, and in order to guide their 
aim he placed his hand upon his heart, bidding them fire at . 
this mark. The signal was then given; but though one of the 
bullets pierced his hand, it failed to reach his heart, and Hi- 
dalgo remained erect in his seat uttering words of prayer. At 
the second volley, as though in premonition of his soul's re- 
lease, the cords which bound him to the chair of execution 
were severed, and he fell to the ground; but not until three 
more shots were fired from muskets held close to his breast 
did life become extinct. 

The heads of Hidalgo, Allende, Aldama, and Jimenez were 
sent to Guanajuato, and suspended in iron cages at the four 
corners of the alhondiga, their bodies being interred in a 
Franciscan chapel at Chihuahua. There they remained until 
1823, when they were transferred to the cathedral of Mexico, 
and deposited with befitting ceremonies amid the tombs of 
the viceroys, — the future burial-place of the presidents of the 
republic. 

Rebellion is justified only by success, in which event it is 
not rebellion, but revolution. But though unsuccessful as it 
would seem upon the surface, Hidalgo's fame will never die. 
His failure was due in part to misfortune, but more to the 
fact that he was not by training a soldier, or 6ven a man of 
the world. By his admirers, Hidalgo has been termed an 
angel of light; by his enemies, a bloodthirsty rebel whose sole 
delight was in revenge and cruelty. But this question is now 
seldom raised. He permitted some excesses, — it was the age 
of excesses; his enemies did the same. But for all that, and 
much more, he was a great and good man, calm and firm in 
the right, exalted in all his ideas and purposes, unselfish, 



332 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

seeking not his own but his country's good. We must look far 
among the patriots of the world to find a purer or a better 
man. His cause was just and his impulses were noble; nor 
is it necessary to say that he who strives, even in vain, to de- 
liver his country from oppression, and cheerfully lays down 
his life in so doing, is entitled to the same praise as if his 
efforts had been crowned with success. ■ Almost without know- 
ing it, and surely before he intended it, the curate of Dolores 
found himself at the head of a people crying to heaven for 
liberty, and swearing before heaven that their homes and 
altars should be free. For many years the Grito de Dolores 
resounded throughout the land, and long before the imprints 
of viceregal domination had been effaced by the healing touch 
of time, the name of Miguel Hidalgo was enrolled among the 
world's champions of liberty. 




Bridge at Htjejtjtla. 



MORELOS AND HIS CAMPAIGNS. 333 



CHAPTER XXXVI. 

MORELOS AND HIS CAMPMONS. 

Thus somewhat minutely have we followed the career of 
Hidalgo, and the early struggles of the revolutionists. Of the 
strife which continued during the long years preceding the 
triumph of their cause, it will suffice to relate briefly the lead- 
ing incidents. 

With the execution of the principal leaders, it was thought 
that the revolution had come to an end; and so it might have 
been had the movement originated with a single man, or with a 
single clique, or had it depended for success on anything but 
the resistless power of progress. The cause of freedom had 
long been predetermined, and though myriads should be 
butchered, other myriads would take their places, until the 
dragon of oppression were slain. 

At this juncture, there remained only one man who stood 
forth prominently among the revolutionists as an admitted 
chieftain, a leader around whom they could rally with some 
degree of confidence. This man was also a priest, and a friend 
and disciple of Hidalgo. His name was Jose Maria Morelos y 
Pavon. After receiving a limited education, he began life as 
a muleteer in the service of his uncle, being compelled, by the 
death of his father, to earn his bread. His ambition had ever 
been to enter the profession of the church. By great effort 
and self-denial he succeeded in gaining admission as a sizar, or 
servitor, in the college of San Nicolas. Here he studied natu- 
ral and moral philosophy, under the guidance of Hidalgo, who 
was then the rector, and for whom he ever afterward enter- 
tained the warmest regard and veneration. 

When first the Cry of I^olores was raised, Morelos was 
about forty-five years of age. He was a man of powerful 
physique, and of considerable brain-power; not above medium 



334 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



height, and capable of great endurance. Of dun complexion, 
and with dark, brilliant eyes, his glance was quick, searching, 
and magnetic, though often stern and meditative, and again 
lapsing into profound reverie. Yet he was no dreamer, being 




J M U MOBELOS. 



far more a man of the world than Hidalgo, though in point of 
learning he might almost be termed illiterate, when compared 
with the sage of Dolores. Nevertheless, he had sufficient edu- 
cation for the development of his genius, which must be 
regarded as among the brightest of his age. 

Morelos was a man of such astonishing energy that the very 



MORELOS AND HIS CAMPAIGNS. 335 

atmosphere which surrounded him seemed to vibrate with 
latent force emanating from his presence. His eyebrows were 
heavy and met together, giving to his countenance the expres- 
sion of a resolute and quick-tempered man. Around the mouth 
and lower jaw the character lines were deeply traced, and re- 
markable among his features was the well-rounded chin, 
resembling somewhat that of Julius Caesar on a Roman medal. 
In battle his eyes flashed with a sinister light, and his deep 
angry voice pealed forth like the roar of thunder. Of danger 
he thought no more than of repeating his prayers in a cloister; 
and notwithstanding these traits of character, in the ordinary 
affairs of life his manner and countenance were impassive and 
serene, and he never betrayed the inner workings of his mind. 

By his originality and soundness of judgment, he won the 
admiration and esteem of his followers; and his combinations, 
both as a military commander and a political leader, have 
seldom been surpassed. He knew, moreover, how to select his 
officers and his agents, and he fully recognized the importance 
of giving attention to details. A rigid Catholic, he always 
made confession on the eve of battle; and such were his re- 
ligious scruples, that after his first engagement with the enemy 
he never in person celebrated mass. But conspicious among 
all his qualities was his perfect disinterestedness, no personal 
motive guiding him in his valiant struggle for liberty; and to 
the distinctions and decorations earned by his victories he was 
quite indifierent, preferring to all others. the title of Servant of 
the Nation. 

Bidding adieu to Hidalgo, as it chanced forever, after his 
capture of Guanajuato, he raised and armed a band of 25 fol- 
lowers, and set forth for the port of Zacatula, where he was 
joined by a militia captain with fifty others. From this small 
beginning arose momentous results, and Morelos was soon in 
command of a considerable force. On the 11th of January, 
1811, his lieutenant, Miguel de Avila, with 600 men, defeated 
with trifling loss nearly 1,000 of the royalists, capturing six 
pieces of cannon and a large quantity of stores and ammuni- 



336 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



tion. After several victories gained by Morelos, Rayon, Torres, 
and other revolutionary leaders, though with some reverses, at 
the close of the year we find the rebellion still widely spread, 
and despite his utmost efforts the viceroy was unable to arrest 
its progress. Moreover, the cause was steadily gaining ground 
in the capital and other large cities in the possession of the 
Spaniards. 

About the middle of November, Morelos entered upon his 
second campaign, and in February 1812 was stationed with 
5,550 men, of whom the greater portion were cavalry, in the 
city which now bears his name, but was then called Cuautla, 




CtTAUTLA AND ITS VlCINn'Y. 



distant only some twenty leagues from the capital. Here he 
resolved to make a stand against Calleja, who was approach- 
ing with a strong force from the direction of Chalco, and was 
afterward joined by 2,500 men under the command of General 
Llano. 

At this date Cuautla was an unfortified town, situated on a 
rising ground amid a level plain, its main street connecting 
the plazas of the convents of San Diego and Santo Domingo. 



MORELOS AND HIS CAMPAIGNS 337 

At the northern extremity was the chapel of the Calvario; 
toward the east rose the hills of Zacatepec, between them 
being a river with banks 200 varas apart, but with a bed only 
12 or 15 varas in width. Morelos fortified the two convents 
with their plazas, surrounding them with ramparts. Deep 
trenches were also cut across the streets, batteries placed in 
suitable positions, and the doors and lower windows of the 
houses on the line of defence walled up, their partitions being 
broken through in order to establish a line of communication. 

At daylight on the 19th of February, the royalists advanced 
in four columns to the assault, directed mainly against the 
intrenchments at the plaza of San Diego. When the foremost 
division approached the parapets, so deadly a fire was opened 
on them that they were forced to retreat; but elsewhere the 
enemy fought their way close up to the ramparts, causing 
some confusion among the ranks of the revolutionists. Con- 
fidence was soon restored, however, and the enemy was 
repulsed, though returning again and again to the charge. At 
the final effort, Calleja led the attack in person; but his 
troops, though accustomed to victory, quailed before the 
incessant and well-directed volleys of the defenders. For 
the first time in his career, the Spanish general was defeated, 
and after holding a council of war, decided to lay regular siege 
to the town, sending to the capital for heavy artillery, mortars, 
and munitions of war. 

On the 10th of March the bombardment began, and for 
four days the iron shower fell upon the city. But though shot 
and shell tore through houses and parapets, the spirit of the 
defenders remained unbroken. The breaches made by day 
were repaired at night, and each morning the attack must 
commence anew. As the water supply had been cut off, wells 
were sunk, and all privations were borne with such cheerful 
fortitude that Calleja at length began to recognize the diffi- 
culty of his task. Finding that he could make little impres- 
sion on the fortifications, even with the cannon sent to him 
from Mexico, he resolved to turn the siege into a blockade. 
22 



338 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

Week after week passed by, and at last hunger, a foe more 
terrible than sword or musket, began to assail the revolution- 
ists. Still the inhabitants bore their sufferings without a mur- 
mur, and with every manifestation of unyielding purpose. 
On returning from their frequent sallies, the soldiers were 
greeted with deafening cheers; those who fell were buried to 
the solemn sound of bells, and death was declared the penalty 
of him who should talk of surrender. Even Calleja could not 
repress his admiration for such high-souled fortitude. "These 
people are heroes," he writes to the viceroy, "and if their cause 
were just, they would merit a worthy record in the page of 
history." 

Meanwhile, the situation of the royalists was by no means 
an enviable one. Transferred from the temperate regions of 
the table-land, they suffered severely from their incessant toil 
beneath the fervid skies of the tierra caliente. Sickness was 
upon them, and toward the end of April 800 were in hospital. 
The rainy season was near, when fever would strike them down 
by scores, and the enemy, inured to this deadly climate, would 
fall on them and complete their ruin. Thus it was merely a 
question between time and nature which side should win. 
But on this occasion nature declared for the cause of oppres- 
sion. The rains were unusually late, and as day after day the 
fiery sun arose and set, no cloud appeared to the wistful eyes 
of the thirsty and famished crowds within the beleaguered 
city. Their sufferings were appalling, and such was the scar- 
city, that lizards, rats, and vermin were the only remaining 
food. A few head of cattle straying in between the Spanish 
camp and the town were almost sufficient to bring on a general 
engagement. When all else was consumed, decayed and 
weather-beaten hides were stripped from doors to which they 
had been nailed for years, and after being soaked and scraped, 
were swallowed in fragments with gulps of water, while foul 
grubs and crawling insects were eagerly devoured. Pestilence, 
the companion of famine, followed in her footsteps. The 
church of San Diego was converted into a hospital, where 



MORELOS AND HIS CAMPAIGNS. 339 

twenty or thirty perished daily; gaunt spectral figures moved 
wearily along the streets, and no longer did children, as here- 
tofore, marshal their bands in mimic warfare. Still Morelos 
yielded not, and still Calleja dared not risk another assault. 

In vain did the revolutionists attempt to break through the 
enemy's lines to obtain provisions, for on the open plain the 
latter were vastly superior. On the 27th of April a desperate 
effort was made, but without success, and now no hope re- 
mained but to force their way out of the town. On the 1st of 
May, Calleja sent to the besieged a copy of a general pardon, 
proclaimed by the viceroy for all who consented to lay down 
their arms. This offer of mercy was received with apparent 
joy, and at once hostilities ceased. It was but a ruse, however, 
for Morelos had already determined to cut his way out, — or at 
least he would make the attempt. His influence over his fol- 
lowers was supreme; wherever he went, or whatever his fate, 
they were ready to accompany him, and if need be to die with 
him. That night the troops were assembled in the plaza of 
San Diego, and at two o'clock on the morning of the 2d were 
marched in silence out of the city, the lights being left burn- 
ing on the ramparts. 

The van consisted of about 1,000 infantry, armed with mus- 
kets, and supported by 250 cavalry; then came a large number 
of troops whose weapons were slings and lances, followed by a 
miscellaneous crowd of both sexes and of all ages. The rear 
guard was composed of a second body of infantry, with the 
baggage and two field-pieces in its centre. So skilfully were 
the arrangements made that Calleja, with all his vigilance, 
was deceived, and for more than two hours afterward did not 
know what Morelos was doing. Directing its course toward 
the river, so noiselessly did the column move that, unperceived, 
it approached the earthworks of the royalists, drove back the 
guard, and demolishing the intrenchments, advanced toward 
the river, which was crossed on hurdles provided for the pur- 
pose. 

But now the enemy was upon them, and assailed in flank 



340 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

and rear, after 800 had fallen, the leader gave orders that his 
men should disperse. So rapidly was this accomplished that 
the royalist troops, advancing from opposite directions, fired 
upon each other before discovering their mistake. Morelos, 
after having two of his ribs crushed by a fall from his horse, 
fled by way of Zacatepec, and there the foe overtook him. His 
escort was cut down almost to a man, but the commander 
escaped and made his way to the town of Cuautla, where he 
at once began to collect his scattered troops and to prepare for 
a new campaign. 

Among the crowd of civilians who set forth from Cuautla, 
the slaughter was hideous; men, women, and children being 
butchered without regard to age, sex, or condition, and their 
corpses strewn for leagues along the road. Of the dire ven- 
geance with which Calleja visited the defenceless people of this 
city no further details need be given. Let a veil be drawn 
over one of the most dastardly deeds of the revolutionary war, 
of which, even ten years afterward, royalist officers could not 
speak without a blush of shame. 

Having destroyed the fortifications of Cuautla, the royalist 
commander returned to the capital, with his military reputa- 
tion impaired and his troops in miserable plight. There, 
notwithstanding his glowing reports, he became the laughing- 
stock of the populace, all of whom well knew that he had been 
outwitted. A few nights after his arrival a comedy was 
acted, in which was introduced a soldier, who, on his return 
from battle, presented his general with a head-dress, exclaim- 
ing pompously: "Here is the turban of a Moor whom I took 
prisoner." — "And the Moor himself?" — " 0, unfortunately he 
escaped ! " The allusion was readily understood, and the pas- 
sage received with roars of laughter. 



FURTHER PROGRESS OF THE WAR. 341 



CHAPTER XXXVII. 
FURTHER PROGRESS OF THE WAR. 

During the year 1812 military operations resulted more 
favorably for the royalist arms in the interior than in the 
eastern and southern provinces, since in the former the revo- 
lutionist forces were divided into numerous bands, which 
seldom acted in concert, and while obstructing the public 
highways, interrupting trafl&c, and living by plunder, rarely 
attempted the capture of fortified towns, or confronted the 
foe in the open field. Toward the end of May, Orizaba was 
captured by the insurgents, but retaken a few days later by 
Llano's command; and in several minor engagements their 
forces were defeated, though elsewhere in the province of Vera 
Cruz, and also in Puebla, they were more successful. In 
Oajaca, Trujano, besieged at Huajuapan by 1,000 of the 
enemy well supplied with artillery and ammunition, was re- 
lieved by Morelos, after a protracted defence. The royalists 
here sufiered defeat, with the loss of half their men and all 
their cannon and baggage. 

With 3,600 troops, including the garrison of Huajuapan, 
Morelos then marched on Tehuacan, where, on the 10th of 
August, he established his headquarters, and whence he could 
send forth expeditions against Oajaca, Orizaba, and Vera 
Cruz, without losing sight of Mexico. From this point also, 
being well supplied with provisions and ammunition, he could 
best support his cause in those provinces which had repeat- 
edly shown a disposition to throw ofi" the Spanish yoke. 
Moreover, in the event of a large force being sent against him, 
a road lay open to the interior. 

The comandante of Oajaca, fearing that Morelos' objective 
point would be the capital of that province, appealed to the 
viceroy for re-enforcements. But Venegas had all that he 



342 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



could attend to attend to at home; meanwhile Puebla, Ori- 
zaba, and the road to Vera Cruz were also threatened, and it 
was in the power of the insurgents to intercept the trains laden 




Campaigns in Puebla and Vera Cbuz. 



with tobacco and other merchandise, then the only means of 
raising money. 

It was indeed a time of tribulation for the viceroy. More- 
los' daring and energetic efforts were again being partially 
crowned with success, and there were no funds wherewith to 
pay the royalist troops or keep them together. The revenue 
from custom dues was inconsiderable; the treasures of private 
individuals had been wellnigh exhausted; the church had 
contributed largely of its substance, and other sources of in- 



FURTHER PROGRESS OF THE WAR. 343 

come were entirely insufficient. Venegas must have money; 
not in driblets, but in large amounts, and at once. He there- 
fore called a meeting of officials and merchants, and as all 
other means were rejected, — among them being propositions to 
reduce the salaries of the former, and to levy a tax on staple 
commodities, — he was compelled to resort to the old expedient 
of a forced loan. Here was further ground for dissatisfaction; 
and to counteract the ill feeling, several measures were passed, 
one of them allowing to persons of African descent admission 
into the universities and religious organizations, and another, 
substituting the garrote for hanging, the latter being a "spec- 
tacle repugnant te humanity and to the generous character of 
the Spanish nation," — a refreshing sentiment truly, in these 
days of wholesale slaughter and spoliation 

Thus the cause of the royalists was not improving in Mexico. 
True, the revolution now possessed only one powerful leader, 
and only one small army; but in scattered troops they over- 
ran almost the entire country. The highways of commerce 
were infested with guerillas, and in every district some chief- 
tain had become notorious. If the forces of the revolutionists 
had been united, the reverses which they had already sus- 
tained might have ended the rebellion; but as matters now 
stood, royalist victories served only to multiply insurgent 
bands, and to extend the seat of war over a yet broader area. 

Leaving Tehuacan on the 13th of October, on the 29th 
Morelos captured Orizaba with but slight resistance, and 
toward the end of November we find him encamped before 
Oajaca with 5,000 men and 40 pieces of artillery. The gar- 
rison consisted of about 2,000 royalists, and the place was 
protected by several batteries, and well supplied with ammuni- 
tion. 

After demanding the surrender of the city within three 
hours, and receiving no answer, Morelos made his dispositions 
for the attack. Separating his forces into six divisions, he 
placed one of them in charge of Ramon Sesma, with orders to 
carry the fortifications in the convent of La Soledad, which 



344 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



commanded the town; while a second, under Matamoros and 
Galeana, forced an entrance by way of the suburb of Mar- 
quesado. Of the remaining divisions, two cut off the retreat 




Plan of Oajaca. 



1. Cathedral. 

2. Santo Domingo ConYent. 

3. Palace. 

4. Plaza. 



5. El Institute College. 

6. Mint. 

7. Town Hall. 

8. Monte Alban Ruins. 



of the garrison by the road to Guatemala, one guarded the 

baggage and protected the rear, and one was held in reserve. 

The attack succeeded at every point, and in two hours the 



FURTHER PROGRESS OF THE WAR. 



345 



city was in possession of the revolutionists. Then followed 
the pillage of the houses and shops of the Spaniards, an order 
being issued for the surrender of all effects that had been con- 
cealed. Five hundred prisoners were captured, and among 
them was a lieutenant-general who had attempted to escape in 
disguise by the Guatemala road. On being conducted to the 
building set apart for ordinary criminals, he begged Morelos 
to treat him as befitted his rank, offering $40,000 for his free- 




Province or Oajaca. 



dom, and for permission to embark for Spain. His proposition 
was declined, and a few days later he was executed in com- 
pany with the notorious royalist Regules Villasante, at the 
spot where, early in the revolution, two of Hidalgo's messengers 
had been put to death. Four others suffered capital punish- 
ment, and the lives of the remainder were spared; but not- 
withstanding this and otlier acts of forbearance, Morelos, like 
Hidalgo, has been charged with cruelty. It must be remem- 
bered, however, that this was a war in which quarter was sel- 



346 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

dom given; and with, far greater strictness than the insurgents 
did the royalists award the penalty of death to all revolution- 
ary leaders who fell into their hands. If the situation at 
Oajaca had been reversed, we may be assured that Morelos 
and his leading officers would have speedily met with the fate 
which overtook Hidalgo, AUende, and Jimenez. 

With a view to making himself master of all the rich prov- 
ince of Oajaca, and of the portion of Puebla bordering on it, 
Morelos now resolved to destroy a number of small royalist 
garrisons, whose centre was the town of Jamiltepec. This 
accomplished, he soon afterward resolved to lay siege to the 
seaport of Acapulco, where alone, in southern Mexico, there 
remained any considerable force of royalists. All these advan- 
tages had been gained by his foresight in making Tehuacan 
the base of operations, and also through the blunders of the 
viceroy and his generals, in leaving uncovered many points of 
defence. 

We must return once more to the capital, where in February 
1813 Calleja, after resigning his command and living for a 
time in retirement, was appointed viceroy of Mexico. This 
change was due in part to the representations made to the gov- 
ernment by the merchants of Cadiz, who ascribed the progress 
of the rebellion mainly to the inefficient measures of Venegas. 
Moreover, the latter had now become extremely unpopular 
among all classes of the people. The insurgents of course 
hated him because he had prevented the consummation of 
their designs; the clergy disliked him because he had cur- 
tailed their privileges; and the royalists found fault with him 
for his lenience toward the rebels, to which, together with the 
absence of a well-conceived plan of military operations, they 
attributed the recent advantages gained by the revolutionists. 

The news of Calleja's promotion was not received in the 
capital with feelings of unmixed delight. Nevertheless, he was 
acknowledged as the foremost soldier in Mexico, and his ap- 
pointment did not fail to inspire the army with confidence and 



FURTHER PROGRESS OF THE WAR. 347 

the insurgents with misgiving, though, among the people at 
large, he was regarded at best with indifference. 

Among his first acts was a proclamation, wherein he stated 
tliat in order to levy troops and lead them to battle, he must 
be supplied with funds, and expressed the hope that a little 
temporary sacrifice on the part of his subjects would secure 
the restoration of peace and prosperity. This appeal for money 
caused no little apprehension, for Calleja was known to be as 
unscrupulous in levying contributions as he was lavish of ex- 
pense. There was now a debt of more than $30,000,000, and a 
monthly deficit of some $260,000, the best sources of revenue 
being already hypothecated for the repayment of temporary 
loans. The first measure, declared the viceroy, must be to 
liberate commerce, mining, and other industries from the con- 
trol of the rebels; and as the merchants would receive the 
principal benefit, he appealed to them for a loan of $1,500,- 
000. Although the demand was not fully complied with, the 
response was sufficiently prompt to reveal the confidence re- 
posed in Calleja, together with the wholesome fear evoked 
by his discouraging revelation as to the actual condition of 
afl'airs. 

In truth, the royalists were under a cloud. " The govern- 
ment," writes Calleja, "could barely claim anything else than 
the capitals of the provinces, and even of these, Oajaca, per- J 
haps the richest, was absolutely lost." At this date Morelos 
controlled all the southern portions of Vera Cruz and Puebla, 
together with the present states of Oajaca and Guerrero, with 
the exception of Acapulco, which was even then about to fall. 
North of Jalapa, Vera Cruz was overrun by insurgent bands, 
whose strongholds lay within the Sierra Madre, extending 
thence to the gulf of Mexico and the southern line of Tamau- 
lipas. Prominent among their leaders was Villagran, who 
had assumed the pompous title of Julian I., emperor of Huas- 
teca. Farther inland, his son Chito occupied the districts 
centring in Huichapan, while in northern Puebla, Osorno 
controlled the regions south and ea>st as far as tlie shores of 



348 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



the gulf, with his headquarters at Zacatlan, where were sev- 
eral large establishments for the manufacture of arms and 
ammunition. From his retreat at Tlalpujahua, Ignacio Rayon 
commanded the region between Zitacuaro and Toluca, and 
thence northward, while his brother Ramon obstructed traffic 




Districts Occitpied by the Revoltitionists. 

Extent of the revolution in New Spain in the spring of 1813; the dark shading in- 
dicates the territory absolutely under control of the insurgents ; the lighter shading 
the ground overrun or raided hy them, hut vs^here royalists held the chief towns. 



on the high road to Queretaro, and others spread alarm in the 
valley of Mexico, threatening even the capital. The coast 
districts of Michoacan also adhered to Rayon, while in Guana- 
juato most of the larger towns had declared for the revolu- 
tionists. 

Thus matters stood in the spring of 1813, the remoteness of 



FURTHER PROGRESS OF THE WAR. 349 

Rayon's command from the capital and the approach of the 
rainy season preventing all military operations, other than 
were needed for the release of the central provinces from the 
insurgent bands which obstructed communication with the 
mines, cut oflF supplies, and intercepted the government trains 
laden with merchandise and treasure. At Salvatierra, Rayon 
was defeated by Iturbide, who for this exploit was promoted 
to the rank of colonel, and appointed comandante of Guana- 
juato. At Puruandiro the insurgent leaders Liceaga and 
Verdusco also suffered defeat, the latter escaping on an un- 
saddled horse, with the loss of his uniform and baton. The 
fortress of Cerro del Gallo, defended by Ramon Rayon, was 
captured by the royalist general Castillo. , At Zimapan, in 
the centre of a rich silver region, the elder Villagran still held 
out, disposing of the persons and property of the inhabitants 
very much as he pleased, and founding cannon and coining 
money wherewith to make further conquests. 

The task of humbling this pretender was intrusted to Colonel 
Ordonez, with Pedro Monsalve second in command. On the 
3d of May, Monsalve presented himself before Huichapan, 
where Chito Villagran rejected all overtures of peace, confident 
that he could hold the place until re-enforcements should 
arrive. Defeated with heavy loss, he was captured, while head- 
ing his followers in panic flight. Though pardon was offered 
both to father and son in case of submission, Villagran the 
elder would not consent to such humiliation. "Die with 
dignity," was his message to Chito; whereupon the latter was 
shot in front of his palace, and his head impaled on the walls 
of the town. 

After due preparation, the royalists set forth toward Zimapan 
under command of Ordonez, and found the place evacuated, 
for Villagran had retired to a neighboring height, on which 
were mounted 30 pieces of artillery. At the approach of the 
royalists, however, the insurgents fled, almost without resist- 
ance, and soon afterward the self-styled emperor was captured 
and shot, his head being impaled on the walls of Huichapan, 
close to that of his son 



350 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



The main reliance of the insurgents in this quarter was now 
on Osorno, against whom Calleja directed his opening cam- 
paign. This chieftain occupied the territory south-east of 




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ap^riMpano-* W:4-W#^ IS ?^ 

I ^«3"5«ei^ K JSempoalal 

r^' •■'■' v / J^ ^Scatlaa' 
TeoUhiucan "" 



6oa 



^ t2«=<>, 

>C% s PC^ '^epalaoanS'% ^ /^il oHuatusco VERA cruzs 

Jamapa° 






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Campaign in the East. 



Zimapan and Huichapan, and was recognized as leader by a 
number of scattered revolutionary bands. Though held in 
great esteem by his followers, he was wanting in power of 
organization, and was little acquainted with military tactics. 



FURTHER PROGRESS OF THE WAR. 351 

111 January 1813 a detacliment was ordered to march on 
Zacatlan in the hope of surprising the town, which was ill 
prepared for defence; but an intercepted despatch gave warn- 
ing to the revolutionists, and they resolved to anticipate the 
movement. Appearing before the enemy's camp, they were 
attacked by the royalists, and fell back as if in retreat; but 
no sooner had the pursuing cavalry been separated from the 
main body than they turned upon them and put them to rout. 
With a little exertion on the part of Osorno the infantry might 
have been captured or cut to pieces; but he was satisfied with 
his victory, and allowed the foe to escape. 

In April the insurgents took the offensive, advancing against 
the town of Zacapoaxtla, about 2,000 strong. Here at first 
some advantage was gained; but the death of a favorite officer 
wrought confusion in their ranks, and their opponents, seizing 
the opportunity, routed them with the loss of their siege artil- 
lery. Thereupon Osorno retreated to Zacatlan, but abandon- 
ing that stronghold, and retreating to a safe distance on 
the approach of the royalists, resumed his raids southward 
and into the valley of Mexico, as soon as the town was evacu- 
ated. Resolved to take vengeance on the rebels, Calleja 
ordered a considerable force to reoccupy Zacatlan. This was 
accomplished almost without a struggle, and the fortifications 
destroyed, Osorno being attacked a few days later in a strong 
position at Las Mesas, but without decisive result. After hold- 
ing his ground for several hours, he retreated in good order 
toward Tlasco, and thence to Apam, where he still remained 
master of the situation, and where for the present we will leave 
him. 

In Nueva Galicia, the only event of the campaign worthy of 
note is the siege of the Mescala rock, a few miles from the 
northern shore of Lake Chapala. There a number of Indians, 
aroused by the continued exactions of General Cruz, had taken 
refuge under the revolutionary banner; and feeling secure in 
their retreat, they made raids on the neighboring settlements, 
keeping them in constant alarm. The attack was made in 



352 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



June by the royalist leader Negrete, at the head of 500 men, 
a number of large boats being lashed together to bear the 
weight of the cannon. But the unwieldy vessels of the assail- 
ants presented an easy target to the Indians, who showered 
missiles on them from the rock and from their light, swift 



^^Uc \ S.PedroIgican 



'Pueblo Viejo 




EXPLANATION 

1. Port. 

8. Old Presidio. 

g. Chapel. 

4. Hospital. 

5. Battery. 



Chapala Lake and thk Mescala Rock. 



canoes, forcing them to retreat with the loss of two boat-loads 
of artillery and ammunition. The operations of the royalists 
were then restricted to a defence of the shore line and a par- 
tial blockade of the enemy's stronghold. 

While these affairs were in progress, Morelos had already 
laid siege to Acapulo. In April 1813 he encamped before the 
city with 1,500 men, leaving a garrison of 1,000 in Oajaca, and 
stationing a force of 1,500 at Yanhuitlan to hold possession of 
the surrounding district. The place was captured with little 
difficulty, though defended by strong batteries, and by the 
vessels of war within the harbor, while the besiegers had but 



FURTHER PROGRESS OF THE WAR. 353 

few cannon, and those of light calibre. With the garrison 
were surrendered 80 pieces of artillery, and a considerable 
quantity of small arms, ammunition, and provisions. Yet 
from this success, brilliant though it was, may be traced the 
beginning of Morelos' downfall. The time needed for the 
operations against Acapulco had allowed Calleja seven months 
for his own operations, enabling him to carry out his plans 
with little opposition, — to destroy the most dreaded of the 
revolutionary chieftains in the north, and then to turn his 
entire force against those in the southern provinces. The 
capture of a single seaport was no compensation for these dis- 
asters. In truth, Morelos was at this juncture somewhat over- 
confident, believing that he would soon make himself master 
of the capital, when the fall of Vera Cruz and other royalist 
cities would speedily follow. 

At this date, the discord in the governing council, or as it 
was termed supreme junta of the revolutionists, materially 
aided the plans of Calleja, though also of service to Morelos, 
who, flushed with success, began to aspire to the political 
leadership of his party. While one member of the council 
sought to disqualify another, all of them, discouraged by their 
reverses, appealed for support to Morelos, who had hitherto been 
practically ignored. The latter saw his opportunity, and re- 
solved to direct the current of events so as to further his own 
designs. To this end, he proposed that the members should 
meet at some rendezvous within the territory controlled by 
himself, where, unmolested, they might discuss and determine 
the questions in dispute. The time selected was September 
1813, and the place the town of Chilpancingo, in the modern 
state of Guerrero. 

As the result of this measure, the supreme junta was re- 
placed by a representative congress, before which Morelos de- 
livered the opening speech. Its first act was to confirm his 
appointment as generalissimo, already sanctioned by the army 
with tumultuous acclaim, this office including in its functions 
the executive power and remaining in the hands of its pos- 
23 



354 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



sessor so long as he displayed fitness for his duties. The 
judicial authority was vested for the moment in existing 
tribunals, at the head of which was the congress itself; but 
at an, early day a meeting of advocates was to be called for 
the purpose of electing judges for a supreme court. 

The regulations issued by Morelos for the guidance of the 
congress formed practically a constitution, wherein he had 
framed everything to suit his own designs, constituting him- 
self actual ruler in all provinces where his arms had been 
victorious, and sustaining his control by making appoint- 
ments at will. Although crude and incomplete, this consti- 
tution served the purposes of its projector, and its provisions 




Seal of Congress. 



are not to be hastily condemned, when we consider that he 
far overshadowed all other leaders in military success. At 
least, it cannot be said that he abused the trusts which he 
had outlined, maintaining as he did, an assembly that could 
have been easily dissolved, under the plausible excuse that 
the cause of the revolution demanded the concentration of 
power in a single hand. 

On the 2d of November Ignacio Rayon arrived at Chilpan- 
cingo, and Bustamante, Verdusco, Liceaga, Murguia, Herrera, 
and other leading revolutionists being present, the session was 
opened for regular business. Its first measure was the famous 
declaration of independence on November 6th, wherein Mexico 



FURTHER PROGRESS OF THE WAR. 



355 



was forever declared free of Spanish control, with liberty to 
work out its own destinies, and with the Roman Catholic re- 
ligion for its spiritual guidance. In vain did Rayon oppose 
this radical proposition as dangerous and unnecessary. Ad- 
mitting that to retaim even a nominal allegiance to the sov- 
ereign was a mere pretence, still he urged it was one which 
would gain a large and valuable support, especially among 
the Indians, who were accustomed to reverence and bend to 
royalty. His views were supported by Bustamante and others; 
but nevertheless Morelos carried his point, and the revolution- 
ists declared themselves no longer subjects of the king of Spain. 
In consonance with this proclamation of independence, the 
decrees already issued by Morelos were confirmed, whereby 
all distinctions of race or caste were merged in the one broad 
appellation of Americans; slavery was abolished; the collection 
of tribute was pronounced unlawful; and the ofl&ces of church 
and state were declared open to all classes. Debts due to Eu- 
ropeans were cancelled, in virtue of the authority of the nation 
to confiscate the property of its opponents, and taxes were re- 
stricted practically to those derived from excisie and from tithes 
and parochial dues, to which Indians were subject in common 
with all others. Finally, it was proposed to enlist for the sup- 
port of the revolutionary cause half the available population 
of every town, and to arm them with the best weapons that 
could be procured. Though some of these measures were not 
out of keeping, it will be observed that others savored very 
strongly of communistic tendencies. 




356 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



CHAPTER XXXVIII. 

DOWNFALL AND DEATH OF MORELOS. 

To regain possession of Valladolid had long been a favorite 
project of Morelos, not only on account of its wealth and cen- 
tral position, but also because of the revolutionary tendencies 
of the surrounding population. Emboldened by success on 
battle-field and in council-hall, he now proposed to remedy 
the mistakes and avenge the humiliation of his colleagues. 
Deliverance was to come from the south; and the first step was 
to recover the much disputed capital of Michoacan, there to 
install the new-born congress and affirm its dignity, while mak- 
ing this city the starting-point for the operations henceforth to 
be directed against the central provinces. Although the place 
was but slenderly fortified, aid could easily reach it, and the 
generalissimo now mustered all his forces, summoning from 
Vera Cruz and Puebla, Nicholas Bravo and Matamoros, whose 
well-disciplined troops formed the nucleus of ,his army, to 
which were added the guerilla bands of Michoacan, including 
those of Ramon Rayon. 

Without disclosing his purpose, except to a few intimate 
friends, he set forth from Chilpancingo on the 7th of Novem- 
ber, 1813, and on the 22d of December appeared before the 
gates of Valladolid with an army variously estimated at from 
6,000 to 20,000 men, and with 30 pieces of artillery. The 
inhabitants were in despair; for the garrison mustered less 
than 800 strong, and Morelos at once presented the usual al- 
ternative of death or immediate surrender. 

But Calleja had not been deceived by the manoeuvres of the 
insurgent leader, and his plans had been so skilfully arranged 
as to allow of rapid counter-movements in any direction. More 
than 2,000 troops, designated as the Army of the North, had 
been concentrated at Acambaro, under General Llano, with 



DOWNFALL AND DEATH OF MORELOS. 357 

Iturbide second in command. Ramon Rayon, attempting tc 
check their advance, was defeated, and after a forced march, 
the royalists came into position on the morning of the 23d, 
guided by the sound of firing, which had already commenced. 
The assault was directed mainly against the Zapote gate, as 
the point most likely to be threatened by re-enforcements from 
Mexico, and which, after being captured by the insurgents, had 
been retaken by the royalists, who had finally been driven back 
into the city. At this moment Llano and Iturbide attacked the ' 
revolutionists in flank from different directions, whereupon 
the latter retreated to their camp, whence they were routed 
with considerable loss. Llano's forces then entered the city, 
amid the acclaim of the people, who, whatever their proclivi- 
ties, were always, for the time, on the side of success. 

This disaster was a severe blow to Morelos, who passed the 
greater part of the following day in deliberating what should 
next be done. At length he decided to place the command of 
his forces in the hands of Matamoros, who drew up the infan- 
try in line in front of the city, posting the cavalry on the hill 
of Santa Maria, which commanded the encampment. To 
ascertain the meaning of this demonstration, Llano sent Itur- 
bide with 360 horse to reconnoitre. The latter had not failed 
to observe the defects in their position, and could not resist 
the temptation to display, in sight of his native city, the 
prowess for which he had already become famous. Placing 
himself, at the head of his command, he broke through the 
enemy's line, routed a body of cavalry sent to its support, and 
then, warming to his work, charged up the hill in the very 
face of the enemy's most powerful battery. Bewildered at 
this unexpected onset, their ranks broke in all directions, and 
panic fell upon the army. It was already dusk, and amid 
the gathering gloom, friend could not be distinguished from 
foe, some of the battalions firing upon each other with dis- 
astrous result. 

Meanwhile Iturbide had taken advantage of the confusion 
to force his way into the enemy's camp, and Morelos himself 



358 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

narrowly escaped death or capture. On seeing their com- 
mander surrounded by the royalists, protected only by a fe^v 
of his followers, the fugitives rallied; whereupon the former 
fell back on Valladolid, carrying off some of the insurgents' 
cannon and standards, their retreat being covered by Llano's 
infantry. 

Though checked for a moment, the panic still continued: 
for the revolutionists imagined that Calleja's army was on 
their flank and rear, while the garrison of Valladolid had been 
strongly re-enforced. In vain their officers clung to the scat- 
tered regiments, upbraiding, entreating them, and driving 
back the fugitives at the point of the sword. All their efforts 
were useless, and they were finally compelled to spike the 
guns and follow after the rout, a mere handful of men remain- 
ing at daybreak on the heights of Santa Maria. 

On the 5th of January, 1814, the forces of Morelos, reduced 
to 3,000, made a final stand behind their intrenchments near 
the village of Puruaran; but their spirit was broken, and a 
few well-directed shots put them to flight. During the retreat, 
Iturbide again dashed in upon them with his cavalry; and 
then followed a general massacre, the corpses of the slain being 
strewn along the road for a distance of more than two leagues, 
while 700 of the insurgents were captured, among them being 
being Matamoros and a number of the foremost captains. An 
offer to set free 200 royalist prisoners in exchange for the re- 
lease of the former was refused, and a month later this favorite 
chieftain was shot at Valladolid, meeting his fate with the 
calmness which he had ever displayed on the field of battle. 

The victory at Valladolid opened to Calleja the gates of the 
southern provinces, and at once he ordered his lieutenants to 
set forth in pursuit of the scattered bands of insurgents, put- 
ting to death all who had failed to submit. Even Chimpan- 
cingo was threatened by the royalists, under Armijo, and when 
news arrived of Morelos' defeat, the congress took into its 
own hands the control of affairs, seeking refuge at Tlacotepec, 
where, at the end of January, its sessions were renewed. Here 



DOWNFALL AND DEATH OF MORELOS. 359 

soon afterward Morelos arrived with the remnant of his forces, 
mustering about 1,000 men, and humbled by his reverses, 
readily surrendered the executive power. Though confirmed 
in his rank as generalissimo, he was not intrusted with the 
control of his troops, and henceforth was no longer in harmony 
with his colleagues. 

But further disasters were yet in store for the revolutionists. 
A body of 1,500 recruits which attempted to check Armijo's 
advance was scattered almost without firing a shot, and the 
congress at Tlacatopec narrowly escaped surprise, the mem- 
bers taking to flight with the loss of all their efi'ects, including 
the seal and archives. Marching on Acapulco, Armijo found 
the city abandoned and in flames, the loss thus caused to the 
inhabitants and to the merchants of Mexico being immense, 
for this was now the wealthiest city on the Pacific coast of 
North America. Near by the insurgent Galeana was driven 
from a strongly fortified position, and was soon afterward 
captured and shot. 

In Oajaca the royalists were no less successful, the entire 
province being reconquered, and many of the leading insur- 
gents stooping low for pardon, only to rejoin the cause as soon 
as opportunity ofiered. Vera Cruz and Puebla then became 
the centre of revolutionist operations, and here the elder 
Rayon and other chieftains still held out; but their campaigns 
had been reduced to mere raids, and often the leaders were 
arrayed against each other, intent only on plunder, in pursuit 
of which they would draw their sword on foe or comrade. 

In Guanajuato and around its borders, Iturbide claimed 
that in less than two months he and his lieutenants had 
slaughtered some 900 of the revolutionists, including many of 
their captains. It is somewhat remarkable that in this fell 
destroyer, whose greatest delight was to hunt down human 
beings as tigers hunt their prey, we find the' man who later 
struck the decisive blow for the cause of independence, and 
was acknowledged as the liberator of Mexico. 

Thus the revolution had assumed an aspect very different 



360 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



from that presented when Calleja was appointed viceroy. 
His plans had been carefully matured, and in the main skil- 
fully executed. The congress was humbled; Matamoros, 
Galeana, and the Villagranes were no more, and even Morelos 
was but a shadow of his former self. Oajaca and Tecpan — 
the modern Guerrero — were at his feet; in the north there was 
little disturbance, and in the central provinces all that seemed 
necessary was to keep watch on a few isolated bands in their 
mountain fastnesses. Nevertheless the insurgents were still 
sufficiently numerous to cause serious annoyance, especially 




Mount Coporo. 



to the trade and industries of Mexico; and in August 1814, 
the viceroy, unable to hold them in check, appealed to the 
home government for a re-enforcement of 8,000 men. 

Amid the series of reverses sustained by the revolutionist 
leaders in Michoacan, Ramon Rayon alone was in a position 
to offer organized resistance. At the head of 650 men, he had 
selected a retreat of great natural strength on the Coporo hill, 
north of Zitacuaro, accessible only on one side, which was 
protected by three batteries, mounted with 34 guns, in front 
being a wide moat, surmounted with a stockade. Toward 
the end of January 1815, Llano and Iturbide, in command of 



DOWNFALL AND DEATH OF MORELOS. 361 

3,000 royalists, laid siege to this stronghold. For more than a 
month no impression was made, though trenches were pushed 
forward to within a few hundred feet of the insurgent lines. 
An attempt to carry the position hy assault, the storming 
party being led by Iturbide, was defeated, and the victor of 
Valladolid retired, as he relates, from the scene of his first 
repulse " with the fortunate result of saving four fifths of his 
men." 

Meanwhile, after being driven from Chimpancingo and Tla- 
cotepec, the members of the revolutionary congress had taken 
refuge in a small town near the western border of Michoacan, 
and thence proposed to remove to Tehuacan, amid the foot- 
hills of the mountain range that separates Puebla from Vera 
Cruz. Here they might find at least a more stable abode, and 
recover some portion of the dignity and influence denied them 
while flitting as a fugitive body amid neighboring haciendas, 
with scanty means and ragged retinue. As Morelos was best 
acquainted with the region which intervened, and held the 
most influence over its inhabitants, he was intrusted with the 
command of the escort, amounting with re-enforcements from 
Nicolas Bravo and others to about 1,000 men, of whom per- 
haps one half were supplied with fire-arms. 

Calleja had been informed as to this movement, and though 
at first baffled by the feints of Morelos, had ascertained to 
some extent the line of the enemy's route. Near Tezmalaca, 
in eastern Guerrero, the revolutionists were suddenly con- 
fronted with a force of 600 royalists, and after a feeble resist- 
ance a portion of the escort was put to flight. Seeing that all 
was lost, the generalissimo exclaimed in the hearing of Bravo, 
who still held his ground on the insurgent left, "Go, protect 
the congress; it matters not what becomes of me." After 
vainly attempting to rally his men, he bade those around 
him escape as best they could, and with a single attend- 
ant reached the base of a neighboring hill, where he dis- 
mounted, purposing to climb on foot. At this moment a 



362 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

squadron of horse came up, led by Lieutenant Carranco, who 
had formerly served under Morelos. " Surrender ! " cried the 
lieutenant, as he waved his sword behind the levelled carbines 
of his troopers. Resistance was useless, and quietly removing 
from his lips the cigar which he had been smoking, Morelos 
replied: " Seiior Carranco, it would seem that we know each 
other." 

On his way to Mexico the captive chieftain was annoyed no 
less by the impertinent questions of the royalist officers than 
by the dull gaze of the vacant-minded mob which lined the 
thoroughfares of every town and village. Asked by one of the 
former what he would have done if the capture had been re- 
versed, he curtly replied: " I would have given you two hours 
for confession and then have shot you." To a woman who 
grossly insulted him, he mildly answered: "Is there nothing 
that you can find to do at home?" 

At his trial, Morelos pleaded that there was no recognized 
monarch of Spain during the earlier portion of the war, the 
restoration of Ferdinand VII. being due to a compact with 
Napoleon. The decrees of the church had no weight among 
an independent people unless sanctioned by the Vatican. 
Slaughter and pillage were among the necessary evils of war, 
and the execution of royalist officers was merely a reprisal 
justified by circumstances. The defence of his counsel covered 
almost the same ground. Morelos had made war, not against 
Spain, but against the cortes, and as that body had been de- 
clared illegal and its acts annulled, the accused stood absolved, 
if not justified. 

The church then took the prisoner in hand. Intent on 
branding the insurrection, the inquisition condemned its re- 
puted leader as a heretic, who had profaned the sacraments, 
neglected religious duties, ignored all ecclesiastical author- 
ity, and led an immoral life. In partial expiation, he was 
arrayed in penitential robes, in which, before a vast assembly, 
he was required to abjure his errors and perform his religious 
exercises. At the ceremony of reconciliation, the accused 



DOWNFALL AND DEATH OF MORELOS. 



363 



listened on bended knee to the recitation of the miserere, and 
was purified by the infliction of blows gently applied; for 
the torture-chamber and the stake had been abolished, and 
the auto-de-fe of Morelos was the last imposing spectacle of the 
inquisition. The act of degradation was performed by the 
bishop of Oajaca, who burst into tears during the ceremony, 
calling forth the only sign of emotion that had yet been dis- 
played by the penitent. 

Sentence of death was pronounced, and on the morning of 
the 22d of December, 1815, Morelos was conducted to San 
Cristobal Ecatepec, a village north of the lake of Mexico, 
where in former days the viceroys received their successors. 
His last prayer uttered, he was led forth, heavily shackled, to 
the place of execution. " Kneel ! '^ said the officer in charge; 
and calmly the great leader obeyed, exclaiming: "Lord, thou 
knowest if I have done well; if not, I implore thy infinite 
mercy." The next moment he fell, shot through the heart, 
and the Servant of the Nation was no more. 





Medal oy Apatzingan Congress. 



364 HISTORY OF TUB MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



CHAPTER XXXIX 

CLOSE OF THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

Foe his operations in 1815, Calleja had at his command 
30,000 men, of whom one half were regulars, and the remain- 
der local militia; and if to this number be added the armed 
citizens in towns, villages, and haciendas, the royalists could 
place in the field some 80,000 men. Of the revolutionists, 
the strongest organized force was in the neighborhood of 
Tehuacan, consisting of about 2,000 well armed and discip- 
lined troops, under Manuel Mier y Teran. In Mizteca, Guer- 
rero and Sesma could muster together about a thousand 
mountaineers. In Vera Cruz, Victoria was at the head of 
about 2,000, most of them being mounted rancheros, intent 
only on spoil and adventure. In Puebla, Osorno had a sim- 
ilar force, while Torres was in charge of about 800 insurgents 
in the lowlands of Guanajuato, and in Michoacan the Rayon 
brothers still retained a few hundred followers. There were 
among the insurgents 7,000 or 8,000 muskets, 1,000 pairs of 
pistols, and about 200 cannon, though many of the fire-arms 
were worn out and useless. Whenever an expedition was on 
foot that gave promise of rich booty, it was always found that 
the numbers prepared to join it were thrice as many as could 
be furnished with suitable weapons. 

On the 16th of November the fugitive congress reached 
Tehuacan, with but a. dilapidated remnant of its escort, much 
to the disgust of Teran, who was now the most successful of 
the revolutionary leaders. Its arbitrary measures, and the in- 
judicious appointment of deputies, caused him serious annoy- 
ance; and on being deprived of the financial control of affairs, 
he determined to bring about the dissolution of this useless 
and cumbersome assembly. 



CLOSE OF THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 365 

Of the several campaigns, if such they can be called, it re- 
mains only to be said that the insurgents were defeated at 
Huamantla, near the city of Tlascala; while in Oajaca Teran 
was more fortunate, both by land and sea, the first naval suc- 
cess of the revolutionary war being gained by the schooner 
Patriot, on board of which the insurgents boldly hoisted the 
Mexican flag. On the other hand, Osorno, his command be- 
ing increased to 1,600 strong, was routed in a series of engage- 
ments; and Guerrero, though holding his ground, failed in his 
attempts to assume the offensive. 

Thus ended in Mexico the military operations of Calleja, 
who, during the following year, was succeeded as viceroy by 
Juan Ruiz de Apodaca, a naval officer, whose ability had 
gained for him the rank of admiral in the royal navy, and 
afterward the appointment of ambassador to England. 

Landing at Vera Cruz in August,' the new viceroy obtained 
a practical insight into the condition of affairs during the jour- 
ney to the capital, his party narrowly escaping capture at the 
hands of Osorno. The former retaliated only by releasing 
the prisoners taken during the skirmish, and requesting his 
wife and daughters to tend those who were wounded. This 
humane proceeding, together with his kindness toward other 
captives, and the strict orders given to prevent the arbi- 
trary execution of insurgents, tended to soothe the ire of the 
revolutionists. In the capital, however, he made himself un- 
popular by issuing a number of ridiculous decrees, one of them 
against kite-flying, thus bringing on himself the contempt of 
the populace. 

Apodaca followed in the main the plan of operations out- 
lined by his predecessor; and his orders were executed with 
such prompt obedience that there was soon a radical change 
in the condition of affairs. In January 1817, Teran, Osorno, 
and other revolutionist chieftains surrendered to the royalists, 
and the leniency extended to them, coupled with their persua- 
sion and example, enabled Llano to report from Puebla that 
peace was restored in that section. In Vera Cruz the royalist 



366 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

arms were also successful, and applications for pardon poured 
in from every quarter, a few scattered bands, one of tliem 
headed by Victoria, being all that remained of the insurgent 
forces on the gulf coast. In Mizteca and Tecpan, the viceroy's 
commanders ended a brilliant campaign by driving back 
Guerrero and Nicolas Bravo to the lowlands of the River Zaca- 
tula, there to await an opportunity to retrieve their fortunes. 
At Cojjoro, Ramon Rayon surrendered to Aguirre, and in Nueva 
Galicia the rock of Mescala was captured. 

Among those who resented the arbitrary measures of Ferdi- 
nand VII., when after his return from ignominious captivity he 
overthrew the constitution and the cortes, was a young Navar- 
rese, by name Espoz y Mina. A student in the University of 
Zaragoza, when in 1808 the French invasion roused to fury 
the dormant passions of a nation once recognized as the first 
military power in Europe, he threw aside the scholar's gown 
for the soldier's uniform, and while still almost a beardless 
youth, was acknowledged as the foremost guerilla chieftain in 
the peninsula. Seeking refuge in England, after the failure of 
a plot to depose his sovereign, he obtained men, money, and 
arms wherewith to fit out an expedition for Mexico, and in 
May 1816 took ship at Liverpool. While on the point of em- 
barkation, news of the reverses sustained by the insurgents 
caused him to change his course for the United States, where 
he purchased or chartered three other vessels, and enlisted re- 
cruits. Landing at Soto la Marina in Tamaulipas about the 
middle of April, he took possession of the town, and assumed 
the title of General of the Relief Army of the Republic of 
Mexico. Joined by 200 rancheros, he built there an adobe 
fort for the protection of his supplies. Then at the head of 
300 troops he marched on the province of Guanajuato, where 
at this date was the revolutionist centre. 

With the exception perhaps of the expedition of Cortes, no 
such deed of daring was accomplished in Mexico as that of 
Espoz y Mina, who now. at the head of a mere handful of 



CLOSE OF THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 



367 



followers, confronted a nation in arms. On the 15th of June 
he was met, near San Luis Potosi, by a force of 1,700 royalists, 
consisting mainly of cavalry. Retreat was impossible, and 
leaving a portion of his command at a neighboring hacienda 
in charge of the baggage. Mina drew up the remainder in 
square to resist the attack of a veteran force ten times their 
number. After the first onslaught Mina gave orders to fall 




Mina's Operations. 



back on the hacienda, his band being outflanked by cavalry 
and assailed in front by a column of infantry. But this 
movement was merely a feint, and at the critical moment Mina 
led his men to the charge. One blinding volley was delivered, 
and then amid the smoke appeared the gleam of bayonets in 
serried line. The royalist infantry fell back in confusion, and 
the cavalry breaking through their ranks in panic flight 
turned defeat into total rout. 



368 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

The city was captured without a blow, and then followed a 
three days' march across a bare silent plain, laid desolate by 
the ravages of war. As the ISTavarrese leader advanced, his 
fame preceded him; the foe, in order to excuse their failure, 
declared his followers to be demons, and not men. Near San 
Felipe the royalists were again defeated with the loss of 500 
men; and here occurred an incident which shed lustre on the 
cause of the revolution. In exchange for a favorite officer 
who had been captured, Mina offered 200 prisoners. He was 
refused; whereupon he ordered his captives to be placed in 
front of the troops, and said to them: "Behold the heartless 
indifference of your government. Your lives are doubly 
mine, — mine by victory and retaliation; yet you are free! You 
may join my standard or go your way in peace," 

At Sombrero, a hill fortress near the town of Leon, his 
forces, then mustering 650 men, were besieged by the royalists 
under the mariscal de campo Linan, at the head of 4,000 
troops. Mina escaped through the enemy's lines, to obtain at 
the hands of Torres the supplies furnished by the revolution- 
ists of Guanajuato; but relief came too late. 

There were 200 women and children in Sombrero, and the 
provisions and water were almost consumed. The rainy sea- 
son was at hand; but from the passing clouds there fell no 
drop of water. Many ventured forth, heedless of cannon-balls 
and bullets, to dig up the roots which still retained some par- 
ticles of moisture, and women and children stole by night to 
a neighboring brook, there to be captured by the enemy. Ne- 
gotiations were opened, but no terms were offered except 
unconditional surrender. Colonel Young, an American officer 
and second in command, proposed to cut his way out; but 
others demurred, whereupon the colonel swore that he would 
remain until the last. Soon afterward the attempt was made, 
and the besieged, abandoning their sick and wounded, crept 
stealthily down the slope, gaining the level ground. 

At this moment a cry arose from some frightened women 
who had been allowed to precede the garrison. And now fol- 



CLOSE OF THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 



369 



lowed a massacre more hideous than any which had yet occurred 
during the revolutionary war. The royalists sprang like 
bloodhounds on their victims, caring not whether their bullets 
and lances were aimed at men, women, or children, and 
corpses were strewn far out on the plain, only 50 of the fugi- 
tives making their escape. At dawn the fort was occupied, 
and there the royalist commander ordered the sick and 
wounded prisoners to be brought forth in batches and shot, the 
maimed being supported on wooden frames, as targets for their 
executioners. 

Sixty miles to the south of Sombrero, Torres was encamped 
in a fortress which he had named Los Remedios, and to this 




Fart dE Idh I^emEdins 



MOUNT SAN GREGORIO. 



Fort of Los Remedios. 



stronghold the royalists laid siege about the end of August. 
It had been arranged that Mina should attack the enemy's 
convoys and cut off their supplies; but less than threescore 
were left of those who had accompanied him from Europe and 
the United States, the remainder of his command consisting of 
unreliable troops, mustering in all some 1,400 men. Finding 
24 



370 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



them no match for the disciplined troops of the royalists, he 
marched on Guanajuato, and so sudden and secret were his 
movements that he penetrated far into the town before the 
garrison were aware even of his approach. But the latter, led 
by Linares, easily dispersed the intruders, who were in fact 
little better than an armed mob, and Mina dismissed them in 
disgust, retaining only 100 of their number. 

While resting at the hacienda of Mariano Herrera, Mina 
was surprised and captured, his escort having deserted him at 
the first alarm. The news spread rapidly, and from Mexico 




Fort Jaujilla. 



orders were issued to celebrate the event with ringing of bells 
and other manifestations of joy. Conducted to the royalists' 
camp, the leader was shot in sight of the garrison of Los 
Remedios, which was evacuated on the 1st of January, 1818, 
Torres escaping with a handful of men. 

Meanwhile other reverses had overtaken the insurgents. 
On the 1st of December, 1817, Coporo was carried by assault. 
A few days afterward Ignacio Rayon and Nicolas Bravo were 
captured. The fortress of Jaujilla, situated on an isolated 
rock in the lake of Zacapo, surrendered, after a two months' 
eiege, in March of the following year, several prominent revo- 



CLOSE OF THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 371 

lutionists falling into the enemy's hands. Others of the 
insurgent captains submitted, though a few still scorned to 
yield, among them being Victoria. A reward being offered 
for his arrest, he fled to the woods and mountains, where for 
several months he was hunted like a wild beast, though always 
baffling his pursuers. For more than two years he lived with- 
out a single companion, liis sufferings from hunger and exposure 
being almost incredible. During all this period he never saw 
the face of a human being, and his clothes were torn to shreds, 




Guadalupe Victoria. 

his wardrobe being reduced to a single cotton wrapper, while 
at times he existed for an entire week on one scanty meal. 
Nevertheless, he endured until the end. 

All the hopes of the revolutionists were now centred in 
Guerrero, who still retained a feeble band of followers, hoping, 
and praying, and laboring that the day might come when new 
men and new leaders would rally round the banner of liberty; 
but it was destined that independence should finally be gained 
by other means, and under the leadership of a former ^nemy 
to the cause. 



372 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



In April 1820, news was first received in the capital of the 
revolutionary movements in Spain, causing great excitement 
among the Spanish poplulation, some of whom welcomed the 
change with enthusiasm, while others were opposed to it. 
Clandestine meetings of various political parties were held, at 
which a great variety of opinions was expressed. Although 
all classes, with the exception of the Spaniards, longed for 
independence, there was much difference of opinion as to the 




E GUBRRBKO 



best mode of securing it, and the form of government to be 
adopted. With regard to the first point, the expulsion of the 
Spaniards, or even their extermination, and the more mod- 
erate proposal that they should only be excluded from public 
office were severally advocated. As to the form of govern- 
ment, absolute monarchy, a limited monarchy with a consti- 
tution expressly framed for Mexico, and a federal republic 
were the various plans discussed, each one having its support- 
ers. But in order to carry out their plans, a military leader 
was needed on whom all could rely, and the one selected as 



CLOSE OF THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 373 

the man for the purpose was Agustin de Iturbide. The over- 
tures made to him were readily accepted, for he was now liv- 
ing in retirement and also in poverty, and eagerly welcomed 
an opportunity to acquire fame and wealth. 

Iturbide's first intention was to make himself master of the 




Agustin de Itubbide. 

capital; but it was finally concluded that it would be safer to 
begin operations in the provinces. He therefore applied to the 
viceroy for a military command, and was appointed to succeed 
Armijo, in charge of the army of the south. By means of flat- 
tering promises and assurances of devotion, he then induced 
the viceroy to place at his disposal a considerable force, to- 
gether with large sums of money, directing his first operations 
against Guerrero, in order to cloak his real design. But at 
the hands of this chieftain Iturbide suffered defeat, and fear- 
ing that a longer struggle would frustrate his own projects. 



374 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

proposed to him to join his cause. Though at first refused, 
the offer was finally accepted; and now, finding himself at the 
head of some 5,500 men, he issued a proclamation, setting 
forth the necessity for independence, and containing his pro- 
ject for a future government. This was called the plan of 
Iguala, from the name of the town where the leader was then 
stationed, its main features being the maintenance of the 
Roman Catholic religion, with all the privileges of its clergy, 
and the establishment of a limited monarchy, with equal 
rights as between Europeans and Americans. 

No time was lost in laying these proceedings before the 
viceroy, Iturbide addressing to him letters in which he ten- 
dered him the presidency of the junta, and enclosed a list of 
the proposed members. Apodaca rejected this offer, and at 
once issued a proclamation warning the people against the 
schemes of the revolutionists. He also concentrated his troops 
within a short distance of the capital, and made preparations 
for organizing an army to operate against the conspirators in 
the south. Nor were measures of policy neglected, a general 
pardon being proclaimed to all who should abandon Iturbide's 
standard, and the leader himself declared an outlaw. 

In the campaign which followed, there were no features of 
interest, the viceroy in vain attempting to arouse among his 
troops the spirit of loyalty. Province after province declared 
for the revolutionists, and at length a mutiny broke out in the 
capital, where, Apodaca's feeble efforts to suppress the rebel- 
lion being regarded with suspicion, it was resolved to depose 
him. His successor was Lieutenant-General Juan O'Donoju, 
who, on arriving at Vera Cruz, found it impossible to advance 
a single step without coming in contact with the enemy. Find- 
ing no other course open to him, he agreed to recognize the 
independence of Mexico, and formally to surrender to Iturbide 
the possession of the capital. 

On the 27th of September, 1821, the leader arrived at the 
convent of San Francisco, where he was met by the town 
council, and alighting from his horse, received the congratu- 



CLOSE OF THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 



375 



lations of the members of the city council. Then foUowea the 
ceremony of delivering to him the keys of the city, which were 
presented on a silver platter, and returned with appropriate 
remarks. At the palace, he was received by the viceroy, who 
had entered the city on the preceding day. Then followed a 
religious ceremony, with all the imposing rites of the Romish 
ritual. 

Thus at length Mexico was free, and nothing was left to 
Spain of this the brightest jewel in her crown save the cities 
of Vera Cruz, Perok, and Acapulco. Independence, which ten 
years of strife had failed to achieve, was won by the aid of 
Iturbide within a few months, and almost without bloodshed. 
Amid the glory of his triumph the victor affected humility; 
and in the midst of the popular enthusiasm, when thousands 
of voices shouted forth his name for joy, he asked merely as 
his reward permission to retire into private life, carrying with 
him only the kind' remembrances of the people. But all the 
while the flame of ambition was burning in his heart. On 
that very day a project had been formed to proclaim him 
emperor; and though the time was not yet ripe, he was none 
the less determined to secure for himself the imperial sceptre. 




PART v.— UNITED STATES OF MEXICO. 

CHAPTER XL. 
AGUSTIN DE ITURBIDE. 

On the 28th of September, 1821, the members selected by 
Iturbide for the sovereign provisional junta assembled in the 
hall of the viceregal palace, the viceroy himself being present. 
Iturbide briefly laid before them, the points requiring their 
attention, declared himself subject to their direction, and 
offered his services and those of the army in their behalf. 
The members then repaired to the cathedral, where, after the 
oath had been administered, each swearing to support the 
plan of Iguala and faithfully discharge the duties of his office, 
Iturbide was elected president. 

The first act of the junta was to issue a declaration of inde- 
pendence, wherein Mexico was proclaimed a sovereign nation, 
independent of Spain, there being no longer any bond of union 
between them save that of friendship. The next proceeding 
was to nominate a regency composed of five members, with 
Iturbide as president, and the viceroy as one of his colleagues. 
A few days later occurred the death of O'Donojii; and with his 
demise the last shadow of viceregal authority disappeared for- 
ever from Mexico, 

. In token of the nation's gratitude, a yearly stipend of $120,- 
000 was conferred on the president, together with the titles of 
most serene highness, generalissimo, and admiral. The pro- 
motions which he recommended in the army were adopted by 
the regency, and at his suggestion medals were distributed 
among the troops, bearing the motto " Orbem ab orbe solvit," 
the design representing two worlds disunited 



AOUSTm DE ITURBIDE. 377 

The triumph of the revolution was immediately followed by 
the capture of the few remaining points which had held out to 
the last, the only exception being the fortress of San Juan de 
Ulua. Before the end of October this was the sole possession 
remaining to Ferdinand VII. of all his Mexican colonies. On 
the 9th of that month the fortress of Perote capitulated ; on 
the 15th Acapulco surrendered; and on the 27th the town 
council of Vera Cruz passed an act recognizing the authority 
of the regency. 

Under the new order of affairs few Europeans remained in 
of&ce, even those whom the government desired to retain de- 
clining to serve, notwithstanding the earnest solicitations of 
the president. Many were in fear of assassination; and so 
great was the number of Spaniards who demanded their pass- 
ports, that a decree was issued by the junta forbidding them 
to leave the country, or even to remove their property, until 
action should be taken in the matter by the congress then 
about to be convened. 

According to the so-called treaty of Cordoba, in which 
O'Donojii, in his sovereign's name, recognized the indepen- 
dence of Mexico and gave his assent to the plan of Iguala, 
the elections for congress were to be conducted in the manner 
prescribed by the Spanish constitution. This method, how- 
ever, would not suit the designs of Iturbide, who proposed to 
make the members as subservient to his interests as were 
those of the regency. If, with this view, he could procure the 
appointment of a body of representatives not specially gifted 
with intelligence, and at the same time well packed with 
more sagacious adherents of his own, then would his aim be 
almost accomplished. He therefore laid before the junta a 
plan for the election designed by himself, the basis of which 
was that each class and profession should choose its own 
deputies. His measure was adopted in all its main points; 
and it was provided that, in provinces which were entitled to 
four representatives, or to any larger number, three of them 
and no more should be clergymen, military officers, and 
magistrates or lawyers. 



378 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

During all these proceedings, Iturbide made the most hum- 
ble protestations to the people. He declared that his col- 
leagues in the regency, his comrades in arms, and he himself 
were hut the devoted servants of the nation. The public weal 
was the loadstar of his aspirations, and whenever his country- 
desired it, he would retire to private life. But there were few 
deceived by this hypocrisy, and there were none blind to the 
fact that a blow had been struck at the liberties of the people 
in their right to select at will their own representatives. As 
the result of this policy, a plot was formed for the purpose of 
securing untrammelled liberty of election, and with a view to 
establishing a republic, among the conspirators being several 
of the revolutionary leaders, including Victoria and Nicolas 
Bravo. The president received due warning, however, and the 
leaders were arrested, though, as rigorous measures would at 
this juncture be injudicious, most of them were liberated. 

Other causes of dissatisfaction were at work among all 
classes. During the eleven years of strife which had just come 
to an end, the revenue had been so greatly reduced as to be 
entirely inadequate to the expenditure of the new government, 
which to gain popularity recklessly voted large pensions and 
salaries, while diminishing its resources by wholesale reduc- 
tions in taxation Free-trade was declared to be the policy of 
the junta; but as commercial relations with Spain were closed, 
and had not with other countries been established, commerce 
was almost at a stand-still, with corresponding loss to the 
treasury. All industries had fallen into decay, especially that 
of mining; and such was the scarcity of funds, that the prov- 
inces, instead of contributing to the finances of the regency, 
were compelled to apply for subsidies. Nevertheless, by ap- 
pealing for subscriptions to wealthy corporations and individ- 
uals, and by other means, it was made to appear that for the 
four months ending on the 27th of January, 1822, the public 
revenue amounted to $1,274,695, and the public expenditure 
to $1,272,458. Of the latter amount nearly eighty per cent 
was set apart for army estimates, and about nine per cent for 



AGUSTTN DE ITURBWE. 379 

the payment of Iturbide's salary, — dating back from the time 
when he first proclaimed the plan of Igiiala, — thus leaving 
only some $170,000 for the general purposes of government. 

Meanwhile the elections had been held, and the deputies 
were already arriving in the capital, though events had oc- 
curred which somewhat altered the character of the national 
assembly. In September 1821, Central America had declared 
its independence, and many of the people had pronounced in 
favor of union with Mexico. But the claims of some of the 
provinces, and of the various factions there, to separate and 
form individual governments had produced such a conflict 
of opinion that for a time anarchy prevailed. At the request 
of certain parties in Guatemala, a considerable force had been 
sent by Iturbide to preserve order; and in the midst of the 
confusion a letter addressed by the generalissimo to the cap- 
tain-general of Guatemala, setting forth the advantages of 
annexation, was printed and issued as a circular in all the 
leading towns. A vote taken on this measure resulted in an 
immense majority in its favor, and it thereupon became neces- 
sary to provide for the representation of the country in con- 
gress. As the deputies could not arrive in time for the opening 
session, there were appointed forty substitutes, residents of 
Mexico but natives of Central America, who were to serve only 
until the arrival of the members elect. 

At daybreak on the 24th of February, salvos of artillery an- 
nounced to the residents of the capital that the first Mexican 
congress was about to be inaugurated. No effort had been 
spared to render the spectacle worthy of the occasion, and to' 
please the fancy of the populace. The streets were carpeted, 
and the buildings profusely decorated with garlands, flags, and 
colored drapery, while the procession which conducted the 
representatives to the cathedral was most imposing. Preceded 
by the members of the regency and junta, and accompanied 
by a military escort, the representatives marched, to the music 
of regimental bands, between long lines of troops, dressed in 



380 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

their brightest uniforms. To the mere spectator, the pageant 
seemed a befitting honor to the chosen ones of the nation; but 
to many of the deputies this ostentatious display, Avith its pomp 
and ghtter, was extremely painful, for they were not deceived 
as to its significance. 

Soon after the commencement of the session the members 
of the national assembly divided themselves into three pairties. 
These were the Bourbonists, who rigidly sustained the plan of 
Iguala, and declared for a constitutional monarchy under a 
prince of the house of Bourbon; the Iturbidists, who also 
adopted the plan of Iguala in its main features, but desired to 
place Iturbide on the throne; and the republicans, who entirely 
ignored the plan, and were in favor of a federal republic. 

By a decree of the 13th of February, 1822, the Spanish cor- 
tes declared the treaty of Cordoba null, so far as the govern- 
ment and its subjects were concerned. This decision broke 
lip the Bourbonist faction, some joining the ranks of the 
republicans, while others, who would have a king under any 
circumstances, and still hoped to see some prince of royal 
blood on the throne, cast in their lot with the Iturbidists. 
Henceforth the struggle was confined to these two parties, and 
soon the contest became interesting. 

In the proclamation issued by Iturbide concerning the 
elections, it had been stated, or at least implied, that he would 
resign the presidency during the first session of congress; but 
soon it became evident that he had no such intention, and 
hence arose discord between himself and the national assem- 
bly. Moreover, he had displayed in an offensive manner his 
want of sympathy with the former leaders of the rebellion, and 
had drawn a broad line of distinction between the insurrection 
which failed under Hidalgo and the revolution which succeeded 
under his own leadership. 

But the question of gravest importance, and that which 
placed Iturbide and the congress in antagonism to each other, 
was the condition of the treasury. Thus far, the deficit had 
been covered \>j tempoy^r^ expedients; but such means were 



AOUSTIN DB ITURBIDE. 381 

HOW exhausted, and measures must be adopted for permanent 
relief. There were no funds wherewith to pay the troops, and 
yet Iturbide declared that an army of 36,000 men was needed, 
most of them to be stationed in the capital, though the minis- 
ter of war could not satisfactorily explain why they should be 
quartered in the city when they could be supported at less 
cost in the provinces. 

This want of union was not without result, and it was be- 
lieved by certain of the leading royalists, among whom was 
General Davila, that the dominion of Spain might be restored 
by a counter-revolution. Many of the Spanish troops yet 
remained in the country awaiting means of transport, and were 
disgusted at the prospect of retiring ignominiously from a 
country which for three centuries had been held in subjection 
by their forefathers. When the dissensions between Iturbide 
and the assembly became serious, Davila hoped to win back 
the former to his allegiance, and addressed to him a letter un- 
folding his design, inviting him to aid in its consummation, 
arjd promising, in the name of the king, not only forgiveness, 
but recompense for his services. By many it is believed 
that, in order to carry out his own plans, this overture was 
favorably received by the president; but be this as it may, 
Davila's efforts were frustrated and his troops defeated. 

Meanwhile, Iturbide had brought to a climax the dispute 
between himself and the congress. The assembly had closed 
its sessions during holy week; but on the 3d of April the 
deputies were hastily summoned by Iturbide, under the plea 
that he wished to communicate to them matters of vital im- 
portance to the nation. They objected to meet the generalis- 
simo in formal session, unless he was accompanied by other 
members of the regency; and though the former protested, 
they remained firm in their refusal, adjourning until this con- 
dition was complied with. When their sittings were renewed, 
the regent Yanez stated that he was not aware of the purpose 
for which he had been summoned, but that he had observed 
an unusual excitement among the public, and was surprised 



^82 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

that the regency had not been informed as to its cause. There- 
upon Iturbide, losing his temper, turned toward Yanez, and 
holding forth some papers, hotly exclaimed: "You know 
nothing; the fact is, there are traitors both in the regency and 
the congress, as these documents will prove." "As for traitors," 
replied Yanez, "it is you who are the traitor." For a time 
confusion prevailed, and but for the interference of the presi- 
dent of the congress, matters might have been brought to a 
crisis; but presently the regents retired, and the assembly 
proceeded to examine the papers. Nothing was found in them 
that could implicate any of the members, Davila's letter being 
the only one from which the vaguest inference could be drawn, 
and suspicion pointed to Iturbide himself as the one who had 
held correspondence with the enemy. 

The junta had surrendered its powers in favor of the assem- 
bly; but not so the president of the regency. "By what 
authority," it was demanded, "had Iturbide been in corre- 
spondence with Davila, without the knowledge or consent of 
congress?" When the president of the national legislature 
replied with the ominous words, "Caesar has passed the Rubi- 
con," the excitement became for the moment uncontrollable. 
Quiet being restored, a commission was sent to Iturbide, 
requesting him to supply other documents in support of his 
accusations, as those already produced failed to substantiate 
his charges. Thereupon he returned to the council-chamber 
and designated by name eleven of the deputies, all of whom 
were held in esteem by the congress. His statements only 
roused afresh the indignation of his audience; while the oft- 
told story of his own exploits, and his thread-bare professions 
of disinterestedness, were received at best with a shrug of dis- 
dain. Truly it was a contemptible part that he was playing; 
and but for the cooler judgment of certain of the deputies, a 
vote would have been passed declaring him a traitor. Thus 
the generalissimo was defeated at every point, his schemes to 
enhance his importance and to malign his colleagues resulting 
only in his own humiliation. 



AGUSTIN DE ITURBIDE. 383 

While Iturbide and the congress were thus quarrelling, the 
republican party was constantly gaining strength. The decis- 
ion of the cortes rejecting the treaty of Cordoba was already 
known, and the plan of Iguala was no longer contemned in 
smothered whispers. Members of the assembly openly raised 
their voices against it; a portion of the press sustained their 
views, and even the army declared in favor of republican 
principles. Meantime the legislature was adopting measures 
which aimed directly at curtailing the power of the president. 
After long and angry discussion, it had been decreed that the 
number of troops should be reduced to 20,000, and a measure 
was about to be introduced, providing that no member of the 
regency should hold military command. 

And now the die is cast. If the schemes of the president 
are ever to be successful, immediate action must be taken. As 
yet, the greater portion of the army can be relied upon; the 
clergy will support him in suppressing measures threatening 
their own interests and of the people. Iturbide is the acknowl- 
edged favorite. By a liberal distribution of funds he further 
wins the support of the military and the populace. All being 
in readiness, on the night of the 18th of May one Pio Marcho, 
a sergeant in the first infantry regiment, calls the men to 
arms, who, sallying forth, raise the cry of Viva Agustin I. ! 

The soldiers are joined by crowds of citizens, and amid 
deafening shouts multitudes throng from all points to the 
quarters of the generalissimo and proclaim him emperor. Of 
course Iturbide is apparently overwhelmed at this unexpected 
demonstration. Several times he addresses the assemblage 
from the balcony of his residence, expressing his surprise, and 
protesting his unwillingness to accept the imperial crown. 
But if, like Csesar, he thrice refuses, the acclaim of the people 
at length begin to take effect. Sending for his officers, and 
for certain of the regents and deputies who are among his 
stanchest supporters, he beseeches of them aid and counsel in 
this the hour of trial. They urge him to yield to the wishes of 
the people, and with well-feigned reluctance he returns to bow 
in submission to their will. 



384 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

Then follows a scene of the wildest commotion. Cannon 
are dragged forth and fired as quickly as the gunners can 
load. From the church towers the peal of bells is mingled 
with the whiz of rockets shooting forth from all parts of the 
city, and night is turned into day with bonfires and illumina- 
tions. But the rejoicing is by no means universal. Those 
who had resisted the pretensions of Iturbide retire to their 
homes in fear and trembling, for the tumult may end in 
violence, and terror and exultation prevail alike throughout 
the capital. Meanwhile, Iturbide continues to play his part. 
A proclamation is issued, stating that it rests with the nation 
to confirm or disapprove the choice of the army and the citi- 
zens of Mexico, whom he exhorts not to give way to the excite- 
ment of the moment, but calmly await the decision of the 
national assembly. 

At seven o'clock on the following morning the congress 
assembled in special session. At first it was attempted to 
conduct the proceedings with closed doors, but this was found 
impossible. The uproar of the mob was deafening; and it 
became necessary to send for Iturbide^, whose influence it was 
thought would allay the tumult, and secure for the members 
freedom of debate. At first he objected to being present at a 
discussion of which he was himself the subject; but finally, 
yielding to the advice of his ministers, he proceeded to the 
assembly-hall, his carriage being dragged by the people. No 
sooner had he entered than the multitude crowded into the 
building with loud cries of "Viva Agustin I.!" The delibera- 
tions which followed were constantly interrupted, and all op- 
position to an immediate decision was met with clamorous 
disapprobation. 

In vain did the bolder spirits propose to await the verdict of 
the provinces; their voices were drowned in the uproar, and 
they sat down amid shouts of " Coronation or death ! " Thrice 
did Iturbide address this turbulent gathering, but his words 
failed to allay the tempest which he had so dexterously 
aroused; and thus, under coercion and menace, the deputies 



AOUSTIN DE ITURBIDE. 385 

cast their votes. Of the 82 members who were present, 67 
pronounced in favor of an empire, and though the decision 
was invalid, since the presence of 102 representatives was 
required to constitute a quorum, it satisfied the multitude. 
The president of the assembly then resigned his seat to the 
emperor elect. 

Thus was the plan of Iguala set aside, while the schemes of 
Iturbide were triumphant. But it was a triumph won by- 
trickery, amid the vivas of a military "mob and the hoarse 
plaudits of the rabble. Yet it cannot be said that his victory 
was regarded altogether with disfavor. The dilatory proceed- 
ings of their rulers, first of the junta and then of the congress, 
had exhausted the patience of the people. Nine months had 
been frittered away in useless ceremonies, trifling discussions, 
and unseemly altercations, while vital affairs of state, as the 
framing of a constitution, and the organization of the various 
departments of government, were almost neglected. Popular 
discontent was the consequence, and it was but natural that 
the people should look for aid to him who had already released 
them from the yoke of the viceroys. 

On the 21st of May, Iturbide took the oath prescribed by 
the representatives of the nation, swearing to observe the con- 
stitution which the congress was about to frame, together with 
all orders and decrees issued by that body; never to transfer, 
or allow to be transferred, any portion of the territory of the 
empire, and to respect the political freedom and personal 
liberties of the people. He then addressed to the members 
and the people at large a brief proclamation, concluding with 
these words: "If, Mexicans, I do not secure the happiness of 
the country; if at any time I forget my duties, — then let my 
administration come to an end." 

At this moment, liO shadow dimmed the brightness of the 
emperor's prospects. Congratulations flowed in from every 
side; many of the revolutionary chieftains ofiered their lives 
in his service, and already the throne seemed firm beneath 
him, the sceptre secure in his grasp. Nor did congress hesitate 
25 



386 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

to do him honor. The crown was declared hereditary, and the 
succession secured to his eldest son, on whom was conferred 
the title of Prince Imperial. His family was ennobled, the 
children being styled princes and princesses of Mexico, while 
his father was proclaimed Prince of the Union. The day on 
which he was elected emperor was added to the list of national 
festivals, and his bust was ordered to be stamped on the coins 
of the realm, on the face being the inscription, " Augustinus Dei 
Providentia;" on the reverse a crowned eagle; and on the cir- 
cumference the words, " Mexici primus imperator constitution- 
alis." 

The imperial household was remodelled on a basis befitting 
the dignity of a sovereign. There was a high-steward and a 
king's almoner; equerries in waiting and a master of the horse; 
a body-guard, with its captain, its staff, and its aids. There 
were chaplains and physicians; pages, and gentlemen of the 
bed chamber; and all the officers and officials usually attached 
to the courts of royalty. 

The 21st of July was appointed for the coronation; and as 
the time approached elaborate preparations were made for the 
ceremony, the committee of regulations handing to the assem- 
bly the result of their labors more than a month before. As 
there were no funds in the treasury, it was impossible to make 
ready with befitting display the paraphernalia of royalty; but 
jewels and gems were borrowed; and though the Monte Pio, 
where were stored the treasures of the national pawnshop, 
refused to lend its pearls and diamonds, the regal insignia 
glittered with tinsel splendor. 

On the morning of the coronation day the city was bril- 
liantly decorated; from balconies and windows fluttered many 
colored banners and streamers, while the walls were decked 
with floral wreaths, and flags waved from church towers and 
turrets. At eight o'clock the assembly met, and two deputa- 
tions, each composed of twenty-four members, proceeded to the 
palace to escort the emperor and empress to the cathedral. 
Here, on raised dais, thrones had been erected, on both sides 



AOUS'riN DB ITURBIDB. * 387 

of which were seats for the members of this mushroom mon- 
archy. 

The procession which accompanied the royal pair was some- 
what in imitation of the order observed at the coronation of 
Napoleon I. There were sergeants-at-arms and ushers, pages 
and maids of honor in gorgeous attire, and a master of cere- 
monies with his suite of attendants. On velvet cushions were 
borne the apparel in which the imperial couple were to array 
themselves, and the sceptre, the signet-ring, and the patchwork 
crowns. At the entrance of the cathedral obsequious bishops 
received the emperor and empress, and administered to them 
the holy-water. They were then conducted to the dais and 
the ceremonies commenced. The regalia were placed on the 
altar, and high-mass was celebrated, during which Iturbide 
and his spouse were consecrated with sacred oil, and arrayed 
in the robes of royalty. The president of congress placed the 
diadem on the head of the former, who crowned with his own 
hands the empress. Thereupon they ascended to their thrones; 
and at the conclusion of the services the presiding bishop ex- 
claimed in a loud voice: "Vivat Imperator in seternum!" the 
assemblage responding with the cry of ''Long live the emperor 
and empress." 

By some writers the coronation of Iturbide has been com- 
pared to that of Napoleon I., who, when placing on his brow 
the iron crown of the Lombard kings, exclaimed in a voice 
that rolled through the cathedral of Milan: "Dio me la diede; 
guai a chi la tochera," — God gives it unto me; woe to him 
that shall touch it. The comparison is well enough; though 
it is related that the bauble tottered when first it was placed 
on the head of Iturbide. "Do not let it fall," exclaimed the 
bishop with unintentional irony. "It shall not fall; I have it 
safe," replied the emperor. 



388 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



CHAPTER XLI. 

DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITURBIDE. 

At the conclusion of tJie coronation ceremonies, Iturbide 
was escorted to the palace, where largess was distributed 
among the assembled multitude. For three days festivities 
were held in celebration of the event; but banquets and merry- 
making cannot clothe an emperor with majesty. By the 
high-born he was looked upon with contempt; by the base- 
born, with suspicion; and by all, the high-sounding titles of 
his court were regarded with a supercilious smile. 

At first there was harmony between the congress and the 
emperor, but it was short lived; for such were Iturbide's pre- 
tensions and impatience of control, that the deputies found it 
impossible to work in concert with the man who had sworn to 
obey their decrees. 

Among the members of the assembly was Padre Servando 
Mier, who had taken part in Mina's expedition, and after 
being banished to Habana and escaping thence, was elected 
representative for the province of Monterey. An uncompro- 
mising radical, and one already noted for his political writ- 
ings, he immediately began to inveigh against royalty, 
declaring the coronation a farce, satirizing the empire, and 
publishing a forcible essay in favor of a republican form of 
government. Seditious sheets were scattered broadcast, while 
French works advocating the social principles of Rousseau 
were printed in Spanish, and though condemned by the clergy, 
and burned in the plazas, were reissued and widely circulated. 

In August 1822, a revolution was planned with a view to 
declaring Iturbide's election unconstitutional, removing the 
seat of congress to Tezcuco, and proclaiming a republican gov- 
ernment. In this conspiracy a number of military officers 
and not a few of the representatives were implicated. The 



DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITURBIDE. 389 

emperor was informed of the plot, and fifteen of the deputies 
were arrested, among them being Padre Mier. When put on 
trial, the evidence against them was found to be defective; an 
attempt at conspiracy was clearly proved, but it could not be 
fastened on individuals. Nevertheless they were detained in 
custody, a few only being released at the end of the year, as 
an act of grace rather than as an admission of their innocence. 

After the imprisonment of the deputies, congress became 
openly defiant, the opposing parties uniting in self-defence. 
A proposition on the part of the government to establish mili- 
tary tribunals being absolutely rejected, Iturbide held a coun- 
cil, at which it was proposed to reduce the number of deputies 
to seventy. This was rejected; but in the hope of adjusting 
differences, the power of veto, as provided in the Spanish con- 
stitution, was conceded to the emperor, together with the right 
of electing the judges of the supreme court. Iturbide required, 
however, that the veto should be extended to each article of 
the constitution then being framed, and that he should be 
authorized to raise and maintain a police force, at the same 
time insisting on a reduction in the number of deputies. At 
these preposterous demands, even the strongest conservatives 
were disgusted, and the emperor's claims were rejected, one 
and all; whereupon he cut short the dispute by forcibly dis- 
solving the assembly. 

To preserve at least the shadow of a legislature, a junta was 
established consisting of forty-five miembers, chosen from the 
more tractable of the former representatives; and in this body 
was vested the legislative authority until the election of a 
new congress. The first matter that demanded the attention 
of the junta was to replenish the imperial exchequer; and on 
the 5th of November a decree was passed authorizing a forced 
loan of $2,800,000. The collection of this money would be a 
slow and difiicult process, and meanwhile the treasure lying 
at Perote and Jalapa, amounting to nearly $1,300,000, the 
property of private individuals awaitiiig convoy to Spain, was 
^-ppropriated by the government. 



390 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

"While these affairs were in progress at the capital, events 
of no less moment were occurring in Vera Cruz, where the 
proceedings of Santa Anna were exciting unfavorable com- 
ment. The captain-general of the provinces of Vera Cruz, 
Puebla, and Oajaca had retired on account of failing health, 
and Brigadier Echavarri had been appointed his successor. 
It appears that Santa Anna had conceived the design of sur- 
prising the fortress of Ulua, under cover of a feigned surrender 
of Vera Cruz, and the government, being informed of his plan, 
ordered Echavarri to support him. The attempt failed, and the 
latter narrowly escaped being taken prisoner, expressing, in a 
confidential despatch to the emperor, his suspicion that Santa 
Anna, who considered himself entitled to the captain-gen- 
eralcy, had treacherously planned his death or capture. It 
was decided to remove him from his command, and as caution 
was necessary to avoid possible mischief, the emperor resolved 
to manage the affair in person. 

Meeting the emperor at Jalapa, according to instructions, 
Santa Anna was informed that his presence was needed in 
Mexico, and that he must accompany him on his return to the 
capital. In answer to his plea of private business and want 
of funds, Iturbide presented him with $500, and allowed him 
a few days in which to arrange his affairs, meanwhile handing 
over the command to his successor. So well had the emperor 
dissembled, that up to this point the general had no suspicion 
that he was to be called to account. The intimation of his re- 
moval had been attended with the most flattering compli- 
ments; and on the 1st of December the pair started for Mexico, 
where the emperor declared to his companion that fortune 
awaited him. Before his departure, Santa Anna had been 
warned of his impending fate; but he was fully a match for 
Iturlnde in the art of dissimulation. For a short distance he 
accompanied him on his journey with every mark of respect, 
and, then returning to Jalapa, and proceeding thence to Vera 
Cruz, he placed himself at the head of an infantry regiment 
of which he was colonel, and declared for a republic, swear- 
ing that the plan of Iguala should be held inviolable. 



DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITURBIDE. 391 

At Puebla Iturbide received intelligence of the revolt, and 
though he pretended to make light of it, was none the less 
conscious of its significance. Entering the capital by night, 
he at once took measures to suppress the movement, declar- 
ing Santa Anna a traitor, and depriving him of his military 
rank, though offering pardon to all of his followers who re- 
turned to their allegiance within a specified time. Meanwhile 
the leader had published in Vera Cruz a plan of the revolu- 
tion, and joined by Guadalupe Victoria, was organizing his 
forces, which he called the Army of Liberation. 

The insurrection spread rapidly, and at first was attended 
with success; but at Jalapa, Santa Anna met with a crushing 
defeat, escaping with only eight dragoons to Puente del Rey, 
where Victoria was stationed. Believing that all was lost, he 
proposed to him to embark for the United States on board a 
vessel which he had kept in readiness for such an emergency. 
" Go and put Vera Cruz in a state of defence," replied the old 
revolutionary captain; "you can set sail when they show you 
my head." 

The outbreak at Vera Cruz acted like leaven on the prevail- 
ing discontent. Guerrero and Nicolas Bravo proceeded to 
Chilapa, and thence stirred up rebellion throughout the 
southern provinces. Armijo was sent against them, and an 
engagement fought on the heights of Almolonga resulted dis- 
astrously for the insurgents. Guerrero was shot through the 
lungs, and his men supposing him to be killed, fled in disor- 
der from the field, despite Bravo's efforts to rally them. 
Elsewhere the revolutionists met with repulse, while Santa 
Anna remained unsupported at Vera Cruz, where he was 
closely besieged by Echavarri and other imperialist command- 
ers. 

In Echavarri the emperor placed the utmost confidence. 
Although a Spaniard, he was held in great esteem, having 
been rapidly promoted from the rank of captain in a provin- 
cial corps to that of captain-general of three of the wealthiest 
provinces. But influences were at work of which Iturbide 



392 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

was entirely unaware; and while the latter was daily expect- 
ing to hear that the rebellion had been ended by the capture 
of Vera Cruz, the members of the masonic order were secretly 
intriguing with his generals. 

Meantime the republican party was rapidly gaining strength, 
while the monarchists, not wishing to be left behind in the 
race for power, were beginning to change their tactics. By 
the Spaniards the author of the plan of Iguala was hated, and 
by all parties it ,was agreed that no form of government could 
be worse than the existing autocracy. Iturbide's downfall 
was already foreshadowed, and he alone seemed blind to the 
fact. Though he must have been aware that the masonic 
lodges were largely composed of military officers who had 
sworn to uphold the plan of Iguala, it seems never to have 
entered into his mind that from this quarter would come the 
fatal blow. Yet so it was. The influence of the order over its 
military members was uncontrollable, and among those who 
had been recently admitted into it was Echavarri. Hence his 
inactivity before Vera Cruz, and the proclamation, on the 1st 
of February, 1823, of the famous plan of Casa Mata, whereby 
the army pledged itself to re-establish and support the na- 
tional assembly, though disclaiming all designs against the 
person of the emperor. 

By this measure the aspect of the revolution was changed, 
though its object and its character were the same. The repub- 
lican leaders were confident that in the new congress their 
own party would predominate, and that its action would be 
sustained by the army. Everywhere the cause was trium- 
phant. At Puebla the plan of Casa Mata was proclaimed by 
the provincial deputation, supported by the town council. At 
San Luis Potosi and Guadalajara the imperialist commanders 
were compelled to give way to the populace, in order to avoid 
an uprising. At Cuernavaca, Queretaro, and Guanajuato, the 
plan was also accepted. Bravo, having recovered from his 
disaster, had entered the city of Oajaca and there established 
a governing junta; and now all that was left to Iturbide of 
his empire was within sight of his palace windows. 



DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITURBIDE. 393 

When the news of Echavarri's defection became known in 
the capital, the utmost consternation prevailed among the 
ranks of the Iturbidists, and the emperor alone presented a 
bold front, declaring that if it was intended to coerce him, he 
would prove that the arm which had achieved his country's 
independence was not yet powerless. Still he took no decisive 
measures, merely sending commissioners to treat with the in- 
surgent leaders, who were rapidly advancing toward Mexico. 
On their arrival at Jalapa, a conference was held, and they 
returned only to report their failure. 

The army of liberation then advanced on Puebla, and 
whether to avoid bloodshed, or because he recognized that the 
struggle would be hopeless, Iturbide made no effort to oppose 
it. In truth, it was already too late. In the capital the troops 
were deserting by battalions, entire corps forming in line and 
marching out of the city with bands playing and colors flying. 

On the night of the 23d of March, two regiments of infantry 
set out from their barracks, released the prisoners confined in 
the dungeons of the Inquisition, appointed one of them their 
chieftain, and raising the cry of liberty and republicanism, 
marched toward Toluca, shouting as they passed the emperor's 
residence, " Long live the republic ! " On the following day a 
cavalry regiment deserted, and its example was followed by 
the grenadiers of the imperial guard. 

In order to prevent communication between the insurgent 
army and the capital, and in the hope of still effecting a recon- 
ciliation, Iturbide stationed himself at the head of his few re- 
maining troops, at Iztapaluca, on the Puebla road. Here he 
consented to the election of a new congress; a dividing line was 
agreed upon between the imperialist and revolutionary forces, 
and it was stipulated that both sides should await the inaugura- 
tion of the assemby and abide by its decision. But by these 
arrangements the emperor gained no advantage. The insur- 
gents were not in haste; their cause was making rapid head- 
way, and to them delay was actual gain, while to Iturbide it was 
fatal. And the latter finally became aware that to await the 



394 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

slow process of convening a new congress would be attended 
with certain defeat, for it would be composed mainly of depu- 
ties hostile to his cause. He therefore issued a decree order- 
ing the congress which he had dissolved by force of arms to 
reassemble, and on the 7th of March its sessions commenced 
with only fifty-eight members, some having been released from 
prison the evening before. When, therefore, the emperor ad- 
dressed them, explaining his motives and placing himself at 
their disposal, his remarks were received with coldness and 
signs of disapprobation. 

All now depended on the action of the revolutionary junta 
at Puebla, and by that body it was resolved not to acknowl- 
edge the authority of congress until assurance was given that 
there would be no interference with its measures. On the 
following day the troops were put in motion toward the capital; 
but commissioners being sent to treat with their leaders, it 
was agreed that the army of liberation should recognize the 
congress when the number of its members was complete, and 
should obey it as soon as absolute freedom of action was se- 
cured. 

When this decision was made known to Iturbide, he gave 
up the struggle; but still he would make a pretence of con- 
sulting merely the interests of his country. On the 19th his 
abdication, written in his own hand, was read to the assembly 
by the minister of justice. Since the congress had been 
acknowledged by the junta at Puebla, and by the troops who 
had declared for the plan of Casa Mata, he resigned the 
sceptre which he had assumed only with the greatest unwill- 
ingness. He would have taken this step sooner had there 
been a recognized national assembly. In order to prevent 
further trouble he would cheerfully submit to banishment, 
and within a few days would depart for some foreign land. 
For himself, he had merely to request that the nation would 
assume the debts which he had been compelled to incur, 
through refusing to avail himself of the income assigned to 
him, out of consideration for the necessities of the troops and 
public officials. 



DETHBONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITURBIDE. 395 

On the following day a more formal abdication was pre- 
sented to congress. But the members were now in a dilemma; 
for they could arrive at no decision until a sufficient number 
of deputies had been mustered to constitute a legal assembly, 
and meanwhile the revolutionary forces were occupying posi- 
tions in the neighborhood of the capital. It was at first pro- 
posed that the leaders should consent to a conference with 
Iturbide, in accordance with his own request; but there were 
few who cared to meet him, and there were many who dreaded 
the magic influence of his presence. It was then demanded 
that the emperor should betake himself to one of four cities, 
of which he was to be allowed a choice, and there await the 
action of the deputies. At this slight the indignation of the 
imperialists was fully roused, and for a time it was feared 
that hostilities would result. Finally it was arranged that 
the revolutionary forces should enter Mexico, their command- 
ers promising to sustain the measures of congress in regard to 
the emperor. 

Thus all difficulties were removed, and with the accession 
of the deputies who had hitherto refused to take their seats, a 
legal national assembly was constituted. The functions of 
the existing executive were declared to have ceased, and a 
provisional government consisting of three members was 
created, the choice falling on Bravo, Negrete, and Victoria. 

A few days later the question of Iturbide's abdication was 
considered. By the commission appointed to report on the 
matter, it was advised that, since his election had been accom- 
plished by violence, the abdication should not be accepted, 
for this would imply a right to the crown. It "was further 
recommended that he be conveyed to Italy, and that while 
he remained in that country, a pension of $25,000 a year 
should be assigned to him in consideration of his services in 
the cause of the revolution. After some discussion, many of 
the deputies being in favor of bringing the emperor to trial, 
the report was adopted, and a decree was issued to that effect. 
As a final blow to monarchy, the plan of Iguala and the treaty 



396 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

of Cordoba were declared null so far as concerned the form of 
government prescribed therein, and the right of the nation to 
govern itself was declared beyond dispute. 

On the 9th of May the deposed emperor arrived at Vera 
Cruz, guarded by a strong escort under Nicolas Bravo. Two 
days later he set sail with his family for Leghorn, whence he 
issued a manifesto to the Mexican nation, declaring that he 
had accepted the throne merely to gratify the wishes of the 
people, and that throughout his brief reign he had been ac- 
tuated solely by patriotic motives. His residence in Italy 
was of the briefest. Intelligence from Mexico, or as he 
asserts, the fear that his native land was threatened by Euro- 
pean powers, induced him to leave a country where his free- 
dom of action was restricted, and he resolved to embark for 
London. Driven back by stress of weather, he made his way 
overland to Ostend, and thence took ship for England, where 
he landed on the 1st of January, 1824. During the following 
month he addressed a letter to the congress, assigning as the 
reason of his departure from Italy, the intrigues of. Spain 
against Mexico, and once more offering his services. But the 
government was well informed as to his designs, for his move- 
ments had been closely watched, and a decree was passed de- 
claring him an outlaw, and an enemy to the state, if, under 
any pretext whatever, he should again set foot on Mexican soil. 

In May, Iturbide, unaware of this decree, set sail from 
Southampton, accompanied among others by a Pole named 
Beneski, who was appointed his aide-de-camp. On the 14th 
of July his vessel cast anchor off Soto la Marina, and Beneski, 
who was sent ashore to gather information, called on the co- 
mandante Garza, requesting permission for his party to land. 
So friendly was the reception accorded to him, that the ex- 
emperor resolved to visit Garza in person, and landing on the 
following afternoon, accompanied only by his aide-de-camp, 
took up his quarters for the night at a neighboring rancho. 
But the strangers had been recognized, and at midnight were 
roused from their slumbers and placed under arrest by a 



DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITURBIDE. 397 

party of soldiers sent for the purpose. On the next day the 
comandante arrived with his escort, and greeted Iturbide 
most cordially, the pair journeying together toward Soto la 
Marina, when the latter was told for the first .time that he had 
been proscribed. Nevertheless, he doubted not as yet Garza's 
protestations of friendship. On the morning of the 17th, how- 
ever, an aide-de-camp appeared and warned him to prepare 
for death, as the hour of three o'clock on that very day was 
appointed for his execution. The announcement was received 
with perfect composure. "Tell General Garza," he replied, 
" that I am ready to die, and request only three days in which 
to make my peace with God." 

In truth, Garza's conduct at this juncture was somewhat 
peculiar, and can only be explained on the supposition that 
instructions had been issued for the immediate execution of 
Iturbide, wheresoever he should make his appearance. But to 
put a man to death by virtue of a decree of which he was not 
informed until he had made himself liable to its penalties 
was an inhuman act, and it is probable that the general made 
some attempt to save the captive's life. Resolving to refer the 
matter to the state congress of Tamaulipas, he set forth for 
Padilla, where that body was then in session. Before the 
members he pleaded in person the cause of the ex-emperor, 
laying stress on the fact that he had landed in ignorance of 
the decree which declared him an outlaw. But. his efforts 
were in vain; the prisoner must suffer death, and Garza was 
ordered to carry the sentence immediately into effect. 

With unfaltering step Iturbide proceeded to the place of 
execution, and in a firm voice addressed a few parting words 
to the troops: "Mexicans," he said, "in this the last moment 
of my life, I beseech of you to love your country, and to ob- 
serve our holy religion. I die for having come to aid you, and 
I am reconciled to death because I die among you. I am no 
traitor, and such a stain will never attach to my children or 
to their descendants. Preserve order and render obedience to 
your commanders. From the depths of my heart I forgive 



398 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

all my enemies." When the officer approached to place the 
bandage over his eyes, he objected, remarking that it was un- 
necessary, but on being told that the form must be observed, 
applied it with his own hands. Then he was ordered to kneel, 
and at the first discharge, his body fell lifeless to the ground. 
On the following day his remains were buried in the church- 
yard of Padilla, where they remained until 1838, when they 
were removed by order of congress and interred with solemn 
obsequies in the cathedral of Mexico. 

At the time of his death, Agustin de Iturbide was but forty 
years of age. His career is before the reader, and from it his 
character may be determined. Ambitious and designing, 
plausible and fair-spoken, none knew better how to cloak 
selfish aspirations in the garb of patriotism. When indepen- 
dence had been achieved, he was lauded by his party as the 
savior of the nation, and one fitting to be chosen as its leader. 
Nevertheless, his ability as a statesman was of no high order, 
and he proved himself unable to give form and cohesion to 
the disintegrated fragments of a community which might 
easily have been reconstructed by one whose judgment had 
not been warped by ambition. 

Even for his services in the cause of independence Iturbide 
has received more credit than he deserves. Enrolled at first 
in the ranks of the royalists, there he would have remained to 
the end if he had not been influenced by personal considera- 
tions. Though on occasions he displayed sound judgment and 
consummate skill, his name is not to be mentioned with those 
of Hidalgo and Morelos, Guerrero and Victoria, Bravo and 
Mina. The revolution was not, as I have already remarked, 
the work of an individual; and Iturbide would have failed at 
the very outset if circumstances had not combined in his favor. 
In all portions of Mexico revolutionary chieftains supported 
his cause, and in all the leading provincial capitals indepen- 
dence was consummated without his presence. The inactivity 
of Apodaca made the rest easy, and finally the liberalism of 
O'Donoju opened to him the gates of the capital. At best, the 



DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITURBIDE. 



399 



empire was but a brief and pitiful episode in the history of 
the nation, though one that gave a powerful impulse to the 
party spirit which for several decades involved the country 
in the horrors of fratricidal war. 




400 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



CHAPTER XLIL 
THE UNITED STATES OF MEXICO. 

After the fall o. Iturbide, the congress and provisional 
government sought to remedy, as far as possible, the evils of 
the imperial administration. Political prisoners were liber- 
ated; the appointments of judges for the supreme court were 
cancelled; the council of state was suppressed; and every 
badge and mark of the late empire was abolished. To pro- 
vide means for current expenses, and for urgent obligations, 
orders were issued for the sale, at less than usual rates, of all 
the tobacco and cigars in the government warehouses, and for 
the disposal of the property of the Jesuits and the Inquisition. 
A loan was also raised in England, a portion of it being re- 
ceived in the form of clothing, arms, and ships, while with the 
specie the most pressing demands were met, such as the repay- 
ment of forced loans, and of the funds of private individuals 
appropriated by Iturbide. 

Among other matters to which they gave their attention 
was the selection of a national flag and coat of arms, the lat- 
ter resembling the one in use among the Aztecs at the date of 
the Spanish Conquest. The design for the flag consisted of 
three vertical bars, in green, white, and red, the first represent- 
ing independence, the second the purity of the Roman Catholic 
religion, and the third the union of the Spanish element with 
the Mexican nation. 

The reins of power were now in the nands of the republicans, 
who were divided into two parties, termed federalists and cen- 
tralists. To the former were attached the partisans of Itur- 
bide, who still hoped for revenge on those who had caused his 
overthrow. The latter, which was virtually the governing 
body, consisted principally of members of the masonic order, 



THE UNITED STATES OF MEXICO. 401 

and also of those who were in favor of a monarchy, from whom 
it received the nickname of bourbonists. 

In its anxiety to allay the public agitation, congress in- 
creased the powers of the provincial deputations, giving them 
the control of their own revenues, and at the same time declar- 
ing its willingness to accept the federal system. But these 
concessions did not satisfy the demands of the people, and it 
finally became necessary to convoke a constituent congress, 
to assemble in Mexico on the 31st of October. 

The result was that the freemasons lost their preponder- 
ance, while the monarchists were excluded. After installation 
with befitting ceremonies, the new assembly began its labors 
on the 7th of November, 1823, endeavoring, in accordance 
with the expressed desire of the nation, to place the country 
under the most liberal institutions. Soon afterward the 
draught of a constitution was prepared, and thereupon the 
discussion began. 

The main point to be considered was contained in the 
fifth article, which reads: "The nation adopts the republican, 
federal, popular, representative form of government." Sev- 
eral members spoke against the plan of federation, urging that 
the proposed measure was but a copy of the, constitution of the 
northern United States, which was unsuited to Mexico. The 
federation of the provinces, it was declared, would be followed 
by their disruption, and such a policy would bring upon them 
the very evils which their northern neighbors had striven to 
avert. Because the British colonies had united to resist op- 
pression, and had then drawn up an instrument which 
answered well their purpose, it did not follow that Mexico, 
after submitting to the yoke of monarchy for more than three 
centuries, should imitate their example. Nevertheless, article 
5 was adopted and solemnly proclaimed, to the delight of 
some and the disgust of others, for thereon depended the 
future institutions of the country. 

Although the debates on other articles of the constitution 
were protracted for many months, they contained little of in- 
26 



402 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



terest until the point arose whether the executive authority- 
should be vested in one person or in three. The final decision 
was in favor of a single ruler; for it was believed that, under 
due restraint from the legislature, it would not be in the power 
of the president to work serious mischief. On the question of 
territorial division, grave difficulties were caused by the ab- 
sence of reliable data as to population, resources, and revenue. 
But the most troublesome point was to determine the quota 
that each state must contribute for the support of the general 
government, amounting in all to $3,136,875. In many in- 
stances the apportionment was made almost entirely by guess- 
work, the amounts varying from $975,000 for the state of 
Mexico to $15,625 for that of Coahuila. 




NicolIs Bravo. 



At the presidential election, Nicolas Bravo was the nominee 
of the centralists, and Guadalupe Victoria of the federalists. 
The choice fell on the latter, while Bravo was elected vice- 
president, his opnonent being Vicente Guerrero. Both were 



THE UNITED STATES OF MEXICO. 403 

elected for four years, and under a special decree of congress, 
entered at once upon their duties, inaugurating without loss of 
time the new system of governmen 

The United States of Mexico was the name adopted by the 
federal republic, and on the 4th of October, 1824, the consti- 
tution was formally published; that day, and the 16th of Sep- 
tember when the Cry of Dolores first became the watch-word 
of freedom, being pronounced the only national anniversaries. 

After declaring the absolute independence of the country, 
and recognizing the states that were to be the component fac- 
tors in the federation, the organic act of the Mexican republic 
divides the powers of government into three distinct branches — 
the executive, the legislative, and judicial. The Roman 
Catholic religion was declared the religion of the nation. A 
praiseworthy interest is manifested in the welfare of the coun- 
try, and in the progress of education, science, and commerce. 
Among other measures may be mentioned those which relate 
to copyrights, patents, and the freedom of the press; to the 
abolition of torture, arbitrary imprisonment, and retrospective 
laws, whereby life, liberty, and property had been placed at 
the mercy of unscrupulous officials. Many of its provisions 
produced good results, helping to rouse the people into activity, 
even during the half-century of strife and confusion to which 
Mexico was afterward subjected. 

The opponents of republicanism, arguing from their own 
standpoint, have alleged that such a form of government did 
not accord with the habits and training of a people which for 
three centuries had been held in leading-strings, subject to 
the decrees of a distant court, and controlled by officials who 
had nothing in common with the country. In their estima- 
tion, no benefit could be expected from this sudden change, 
the fact that a change was needed being entirely ignored. 
The troubles that ensued confirmed these views, and permit- 
ted the holders to ascribe to federal rule the disturbances 
which were really caused by the enemies of such institutions, 
men who brought them about for their own selfish purposes, 



404 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

and often forced those who were in power to exceed their 
authority, in order to save themselves and the people from 
serious disaster. Such was the origin of nearly all the revolu- 
tionary movements that distracted the country, almost from 
the date when its first constitution was proclaimed. 

Under this constitution the following political divisions were 
declared to be states of the union: Chiapas, Chihuahua, Coa- 
huila and Texas, Durango, Guanajuato, Jalisco, Mexico, 
Michoacan, Nuevo Leon, Oajaca, Puebla de los Angeles, 
Queretaro, San Luis Potosi, Sonora and Sinaloa under the 
title of Estado de Occidente, Tabasco, Tamaulipas, Vera Cruz, 
Yucatan, and Zacatecas. The two Californias, New Mexico, 
and Colima were admitted as territories, Tlascala being 
added to the number by decree of congress dated the 24th of 
November. 

Thus was the republican era established in Mexico. On the 
10th of October, 1824, the president delivered his inaugural 
address, wherein he shows a thorough consciousness of his 
responsibilities, beseeching the aid of providence, and asking 
the co-operation of the people, whose prosperity he held dear. 
Guadalupe Victoria, whose real name was Juan Felix Fer- 
nandez, — the former appellation being assumed in honor of 
the virgin patroness of Mexico, atid of a victory gained over 
the Spaniards, — was a man of remarkable purity of character, 
honest, unassuming, kind-hearted, and a true lover of freedom. 
By many his talents have been ignored, and his virtues set 
down as faults, the forethought and deliberation which 
marked his career being attributed to indolence and apa,thy. 
Because he would not uphold the schemes of those who wished 
to make him their tool, his errors have been ascribed to mal- 
ice and his prudence to lack of decision, though in truth he 
was incapable of selfish ambition, and for the public welfare 
was ever ready to lay aside his private opinions. Such, in- 
deed, was his neglect of his own personal interests that, after 
holding the highest offices of state, he died in poverty and was 
buried at the public expense. 



THE UNITED STATES OF MEXICO. 405 

Victoria's administration began under the happiest auspices. 
The republic was at peace, party violence had been kept 
under, and every one hoped for the best. The president's 
authority was disputed by none, and when there was need 
of funds, bills were drawn on London, where a loan had been 
negotiated of considerable amount. Soon, however, there were 
signs of impending trouble. 

During the year 1825 certain political clubs were organized 
under the name and forms of masonic lodges of the York rite, 
their founder being rector of a parish in Tabasco, and senator 
of that state. In opposition to them were the Scottish rite 
lodges, organized between 1813 and 1826, and among their 
members were Negrete, Echavarri, Guerrero, and many promi- 
nent leaders, this party being in favor of restoring the monarchy. 

At this date the principal party factions were, therefore, the 
Yorkinos, liberals or democrats, consisting of the revolution- 
ists, the Creoles, and mestizos, with but little education, and 
without administrative ability, as against the Escoceses, — this 
being the name given to members of the Scottish lodges, — in- 
cluding the clergy, the royalists, and all who believed in the 
government of the many by the few. At the elections held 
toward the end of 1826, the York lodges were victorious in 
the federal districts, though in Vera Cruz and a few of the less 
influential states the vote was against them. 

The year 1827 was a painful one for Mexico. Among other 
troubles came news of the suspension of Barclay and Company 
of London, in whose hands was a balance of $2,250,000 of the 
recently contracted loan. In November congress authorized 
the government to borrow $4,000,000, pledging the revenues 
from customs and tobacco, and an equal sum guaranteed by 
other assets; but since the appropriations for the following year 
amounted to more than $15,500,000, a sum largely in excess 
of the revenue, the interest on the foreign debt was suspended. 
All these things, of course, favored the designs of the opposi- 
tion, and caused the ministry to become unpopular. 

Though the failure of their plans had at first demoralized 



406 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

the Escoceses, this party made a strenuous effort to recover 
its influence, proclaiming at Otumba, on the 23d of December, 
1827, the plan of Montano, so called after an obscure lieuten- 
ant-colonel of the revolution, though its real leader was 
Nicolas Bravo, the grand master. The plan embraced four 
articles: 1. The suppression of secret societies; 2. The dis- 
missal of the cabinet; 3. The dismissal of the American min- 
ister; 4. A strict fulfilment of the constitution and laws. 

Thus the vice-president of the republic, who had sworn to 
support the government, placed himself at the head of a fac- 
tion which demanded the removal of his colleagues and of the 
representative of a friendly and powerful nation. Establish- 
ing his headquarters at Tulancingo, some twenty-five leagues 
north-east of the capital. Bravo collected a force of 600 men. 
Here he was attacked by Guerrero at the head of 1,500 troops, 
and after a feeble resistance, all the principal officers were 
captured and taken to Mexico for trial. The York lodges, or 
Yorkino party, and the town council clamored for the execu- 
tion of the rebels, while in the senate a motion was made for 
an amnesty. Congress, however, took a middle course, and 
indeed the only one possible under the circumstances, order- 
ing the expatriation of all the prisoners, though they were 
afterward permitted to return to their homes. 

This disaster not only left the Escoceses powerless, but 
eventually overthrew the Yorkino party. The latter faction, 
which now held the control of power, might have done good 
service to the republic by correcting abuses, introducing im- 
provements, and securing peace and tranquillity; but it con- 
sisted mainly of ambitious and unscrupulous men, by whom 
the national welfare was held in no consideration. Dissen- 
sions broke out among them, and soon paved the way for the 
downfall and extinction of the party. 

Victoria's term of ofiice was now drawing to a close, and 
the most prominent among the candidates for the second 
presidency were Guerrero and Gomez Pedraza. Both belonged 
to the same political party; but much dissension arose among 



THE UNITED STATES OF MEXICO. 



407 



their friends and in congress, while intrigue was freely used 
by politicians, and calumny and insult by the press. Which- 
ever side might win, a peaceable solution of the contest seemed 
impossible. Meanwhile, the president kept aloof from these 
complications, though his ministers favored Pedraza, who was 




GrOMEz Pedraza. 



elected by a majority of eleven out of eighteen state legisla- 
tures, while for vice-president the vote was cast in favor of 
Bustamante. 

Anticipating defeat, Guerrero's partisans had organized a 
revolt at Perote in Vera Cruz, under the leadership of Santa 
Anna, alleging that Pedraza had used coercion and taken 
advantage of his position as minister of war to overrule public 
opinion; and this in the face of an order from the president to 
avoid even the semblance of force, and of an assurance from 
the ministry that the troops should not be called out, unless 
they were needed to preserve liberty of action. The president 
resolved to uphold the constitution, and was seconded by con- 



408 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



gress. Santa Anna was ordered to lay down his arms, under 
penalty of being declared without pale of the laW, and sustain- 
ing a reverse, fled to Oajaca, where he was closely besieged, 
being saved only by the outbreak of a revolt in the capital, 
which made necessary the recall of the troops. 




Convent of Santo Domingo. 



About the close of November 1828, Guerrero demanded a 
change of ministry, in order that congress might discuss the 
question of the presidency with perfect freedom of debate. 
His supporters occupied the ex-acordada building and the 
citadel, where, on the morning of the 2d of December, they 
were attacked by a strong force of federal troops. After a 
conflict which lasted until the morning of the 4th, the rebels 
were victorious. Then followed pillage; and the rabble, taking 



TBB UNITED STATm OF MEXICO. 



409 



advantage of the situation, and raising the cry of "Mueran los 
Espanoles!" rushed to the Parian or bazaar, where were the 
stalls of the Spanish merchants, broke open the doors, and 
sacked it. In a few hours, property to the value of $2,000,000 
was carried away, and more than 1,000 persons were reduced 
to want. Other buildings were plundered, and in vain did 
Victoria, going in person to the scene of the tumult, beseech 
the leaders to stay these outrages. Meantime Pedraza fled 
secretly to Guadalajara, and soon afterward embarked at 
Tampico for London, having previously resigned his right to 
the presidency, while the pretensions of Guerrero were recog- 
nized by congress. Thus was the national constitution rent 
asunder, and the door opened for future disorders. 




410 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



CHAPTER XLIII. 

FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC AFFAIRS. 

Before proceeding further with the internal affairs of Mex- 
ico, it will be in place to make brief mention of her foreign re- 
lations during the years immediately following the revoluti on 
The first diplomatic act of the nation was to recognize the 
republic of Colombia as a free and independent power. Early 
in 1823, Central America separated from Mexico, her inde- 
pendence being also acknowledged by congress, and in the 
same year a treaty of amity, league, and confederation was 
made with the United States of Colombia. 

By treaty of 1828, ratified three years later, the Sabine 
River was established as the boundary line between Louisiana 
and the then Mexican state of Texas. In 1831, a treaty of 
commerce, navigation, and amity was agreed upon between 
the United States of Mexico and the United States of America. 
Before that date several matters had been in dispute between 
the two governments, as the claims of American citizens for 
robberies committed by Mexicans, the impressment of seamen, 
and the seizure and confiscation of vessels by Mexican au- 
thorities. 

At the several congresses convened in Europe to treat of 
Spanish American afiairs. Great Britain had reserved the 
right to act as best suited her own interests and tht)se of Spain 
and the United States. Had it not been for the timely and 
energetic protest of two great powers against interference on 
the part of some of the Latin nations of Europe, constituting 
the so-called holy alliance, it is probable that after her suc- 
cesses in Naples, Piedmont, and Spain, France would have 
attempted to restore in America, as she had already done in 
the peninsula, the absolute power of Ferdinand VTI. 



FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC AFFAIRS. 411 

In consequence of the victories won by the Colombians over 
the Spanish forces in Peru, and of the prospects of a stable 
peace, English statesmen were of opinion that the time had 
come for a formal recognition of the Spanish colonies in 
America. Soon afterward the British court entered into rela- 
tions of friendship and trade with Mexico, and its diplomatic 
agent was received with every mark of respect, the Mexican 
minister in London also meeting with a friendly reception. 
Treaties of amity, commerce, and navigation were also con- 
cluded with several of the European powers. 

In November 1825, the fortress of San Juan de TJliia, the 
only point still left to Spain of all her Mexican possessions, fell 
into the hands of the republic. For more than two years the 
fort had maintained a continual and sometimes vigorous bom- 
bardment of the city, without other result than destroying a 
number of buildings, and depriving itself of the supplies which 
the merchants of Vera Cruz had been accustomed to furnish 
for the support of the garrison. 

A little before this date a number of armed vessels, pur- 
chased in England and commanded by British and American 
officers, arrived in the harbor of Vera Cruz, and in co-opera- 
tion with them was a squadron of gun-boats. A strict block- 
ade was maintained, all communication between the fort and 
the shore being cut off; food became scarce; the men were 
stricken with disease, and soon it became apparent that the 
stronghold was doomed. A Spanish fleet arrived from Cuba 
with re-enforcement and supplies; but its commander did not 
venture to attack the blockading squadron, and returned to 
Habana. A few days later a capitulation was signed, where- 
by the garrison was accorded the honors of war, and was 
conveyed to Cuba at the expense of the Mexican government, 
after surrendering all its artillery, small-arms, and ammuni- 
tion. The news of this success was received with joy through- 
out the nation; the officers, soldiers, and sailors were liberally 
rewarded, and the Spanish flag, which for more than two cen- 



412 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



turies had waived over the fortress of San Juan de TJlua, was 
deposited in the sanctuary of the Virgin of Guadalupe. 

The capture of this stronghold did not, however, put an end 
to the strife between the republic and the mother country. 
In December a Mexican squadron, consisting of one frigate 




Vera Cruz Harbor. 

and four brigs, under the command of Commodore David Por- 
ter, sailed from Vera Cruz for the coast of Cuba, where richly 
laden merchant ships were captured. With a view further to 
injure Spanish commerce, already sorely harassed by Colom- 
bian privateers, Porter issued letters of marque, and cruised 
off the coasts of Spain, causing damage to several of the 
enemy's vessels. In retaliation, men-of-war were despatched 
to the gulf of Mexico, and on the 11th of February, 1828, an 
action was fought between the frigate Lealtad of 50 guns and 



FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC AFFAIRS. 413 

the Mexican brig Guerrero of 22 guns, the latter being cap- 
tured after a running fight in which her captain was slain and 
most of the crew were killed or wounded. 

In July 1829, an expedition sailed from Habana under 
Brigadier Barradas, its avowed purpose being the reconquest 
of Mexico. The entire force mustered about 3,000 men, and 
the fleet, under Rear- Admiral Laborde, consisted of five ves- 
sels of war and fifteen transports, among the latter being the 
American ship Bingham^ which was cast ashore on the coast 
of Louisiana, none of those on board taking part in the cam- 
paign. 

The first tidings of the coming invasion were brought to 
Vera Cruz by a French frigate, whose commander, however, 
could not inform the authorities as to its exact destination. 
Thereupon Santa Anna, then governor and commander of the 
forces, borrowed a small sum of money, and mustered out 
the militia, purposing to attack the invaders. On the 26th of 
July the Spanish commander, who was then ofi* Punta de 
Jerez, sent on shore proclamations which showed that he 
expected the royalists to join his standard. 

On the following day a landing was efiected, and soon after- 
ward Barradas put his forces in motion toward Tampico, 
reaching that city on the 18th of August and finding it de- 
serted. 

Meanwhile great was the alarm in the capital; for it was 
believed that this was but the advanced guard of a larger 
body. The president collected an army of reserve to occupy 
positions in Jalapa, Cordoba, and Orizaba; another division 
was organized in the south, and in Tamaulipas Garza mus 
tered a force of regulars and militia, sending word to Teran, 
who was then inspecting the boundary line between Texas 
and the United States, to return at once and aid in the de- 
fence. 

On learning where the Spaniards were, Santa Anna em- 
barked about 1,000 men, who, with the cavalry despatched by 
land, formed a total of about 2,000 under his own direction, 



414 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



the government having appointed him commander-in-chief. 
Without entering into the details of their operations, it need 
only be mentioned, that after several bloody encounters Santa 




Amealcb A. " TT "V-^ ^plfica" ,lDKe»i\uc» j^v^>gi.(j __^^.si«; i -j 

^M, Tlatlanquitepec9/3ra^„o„- 



optumba 



'-S^J^«I^W^^^^^«??v=*^^* ''^ ^op^ucan^V^ /fi|° oH-uatuflco VERA CRU 



Eastern District — Barradas' Campaig 



Anna and Teran forced the remnant of Barradas' command to 
capitulate, though not without heavy casualties on both sides. 
Thus terminated this futile attempt to reconquer Mexico, which 
ended only in a considerable loss of life and the expenditure 



FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC AFFAIRS. 415 

of more than $1,150,000. The result was somewhat in con- 
trast with the expedition of Cortes; but at this date such men 
as Cortes and his veterans were not very numerous. 

On the 1st of April, 1829, Guerrero was duly installed in 
office, and at once published a manifesto, in which was out- 
lined his future policy. Of the president's biography some 
portions have already been related. A native of Tixtla, then 
within the intendencia of Mexico, his parents belonged to 
the race then included in the term castas, one to which nei- 
ther civil nor political rights were accorded, and forever per- 
vented by law, custom, and prejudice from rising above its 
lowly condition. To this fact should be mainly ascribed 
Guerrero's defects, which have been pitilessly exaggerated by 
the very men who should have commended his fortitude, his 
services, and his personal merits. Of his military career it is 
unnecessary to make further mention. Suffice it to say, that 
although until about the year 1814 he was a subordinate officer 
in the revolutionary ranks, he had already made his mark as 
a soldier while fighting under the banner of Morelos. 

Though none who knew Guerrero could fail to recognize his 
sound judgment and commom sense, he never appeared fully 
to realize the conditions of his high position, its duties, its 
perils, and its privileges. While in the presidential chair, he 
lacked the firmness and constancy which should have been 
imparted by a sense of the justice and expediency of his 
measures, and he possessed neither the foresight needed to 
prevent the outbreak of sedition nor the vigor to repress it. 
Yet he could not be accused of imbecility or littleness of soul; 
and in questions of moment, when once his judgment was 
formed, he was firm, persevering, and on occasions obstinate. 
Among his political principles were opposition to monarchical 
rule, and a profound respect for the federal system and the 
representation of the people. None but those who favored 
these principles were deemed worthy of his confidence; and 
this accounts for the intense antipathy of those who differed 



416 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

from him in opinion, and also for his bitter hostility toward 
his opponents, most of whom were under the control of the 
clergy. 

Among the most important measures of Guerrero's admin- 
istration was the abolition of slavery, although this institution 
had already been reduced to narrow limits, the few remaining 
bondsmen being employed as domestic servants, and treated 
no longer as human chattels, but as members of the family. 
The decree for their liberation was proclaimed on the 16th 
of September, 1829, and the law met with no demur except 
in Coahuila and Texas, where there were about 1,000 slaves 
whose manumission would have been a costly measure, as 
they were held in high valuation. It would appear, however, 
that the act was not strictly enforced; for in April 1837 an- 
other decree was passed, granting freedom to all bondsmen 
without exception, and allowing compensation to their propri- 
etors. 

During the Spanish invasion the president was invested 
with the powers of a dictator, and though never abused, these 
privileges brought on him and certain of his colleagues the 
hatred of the people. Soon afterward a coalition of states 
was formed to oppose his administration, and thenceforth they 
began to ignore the authority of the federal executive, virtu- 
ally exercising a veto power which suspended the execution of 
its measures. At this crisis, when energetic measures, tem- 
pered with prudence, were absolutely needed, Guerrero vacil- 
lated. His motives were good, but his action was weak, and 
he sought for allies among his opponents in order to secure 
protection for the cabinet, and, as he hoped, for the country. 
His efforts were in vajn, however, for on the 4th of December, 
1829, Bustamante, then commander of the largest military 
division in Mexico, proclaimed a plan subversive of the gov- 
ernment, under the pretence of restoring order and enforcing 
observance of the laws, which, as he declared, had been in- 
fringed by the executive. Thus for the second time a vice- 
president headed a faction against his own colleagues, declaring 
their acts unconstitutional. 



FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC AFFAIRS. All 

At first Guerrero was overwhelmed at the tidings of this 
defection. He appealed to his ministry for assistance, but 
there were none to aid or advise him. For a time he recov- 
ered a portion of his old spirit, and resolved to place himself 
at the head of such troops as had remained faithful to him 
amid the general desertion. At the head of some 2,000 men 
he set out toward Ayacapiztla; but while on the march, an 
uprising occurred in the capital, and the insurgents gained 
possession of the palace and citadel. This disaster completely 
unmanned him. Leaving his camp without apprising his 
officers or men, he took the road toward the south, and after 
crossing the Mescala River believed himself to be in safety. 
For a time he remained with his family at his estate near 
Tixtla, but left it on receiving news from Mexico that six cut- 
throats had been liberated from jail on condition that they 
would attempt his assassination. 

Before the end of 1829 all the states, with the exception of 
Vera Cruz, had accepted Bustamante's plan. The legislature 
of that state conferred on Santa Anna the civil and military 
control, and on the 17th of December a manifesto was issued, 
in which he declared his intention to defend the established 
government, Guerrero having been recognized as the chief 
magistrate of the nation when Pedraza had renounced his 
claim to the presidency. His intention was to march against 
the capital and overthrow the new government, but he was 
deserted by his troops, — the very men who had fought under 
him against the Spaniards. Thereupon commissioners were 
despatched from Mexico to confer with him, the result being 
that Santa Anna abandoned his purpose, and proclaimed that 
since Guerrero had forsaken his post, he would thenceforth 
recognize the lawful authority of Bustamante. 

Anastasio Bustamante y Oseguera was a native of Jiquilpan 
iu the province of Michoacan. When fifteen years of age he 
entered the seminary of Guadalajara, where his ability, appli- 
cation, and generous disposition won for him the regard of his 
teachers and classmates. In 1808 he received a commission 
27 



418 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

in a battalion composed of young men belonging to the lead- 
ing families in San Luis Potosi. After long service in the 
ranks of the royalists, and subsequently under the banner of 
Iturbide, he was appointed, during Victoria's administration, 
general of division. A man of remarkable courage and pres- 
ence of mind, he was somewhat lacking in judgment, and 
yielded too readily to the opinions of his advisers. During his 
public career, however, he displayed the qualities of a true 
patriot, and was ever on the side of progress and reform. 

On the 1st of January, 1830, Bustamante assumed the ex- 
ecutive power, and on the 4th issued a proclamation in which 
he described, from the standpoint of his party, the political 
condition of the country, accusing the former government of 
abuses of power and misappropriation of the public funds. 
He then submitted his conduct to the decision of congress and 
the people. 

The question now arose. What was to be done with Guer- 
rero? His election could not be declared illegal, for such a 
declaration would also disqualify Bustamante, In congress a 
motion was made to declare him morally incapable, and after 
a warm discussion it was declared that the man whose services 
had won for him the title of " benefactor of his country," and 
whom the national assembly had appointed but one year ago 
to the chief magistracy, was unfitted to govern the republic. 

This decree met with considerable opposition in the southern 
provinces, where Juan Alvarez raised the standard of revolt, 
and the new government was forced to meet its opponents on 
their own ground. Armijo, who commanded the forces sent 
against them, was slain in a hard-fought battle near Texca; 
but on the 2d of January, 1831. the combined forces of Guer- 
rero and Alvarez were routed near Chilpancingo by a better 
organized army under Nicolas Bravo. The ex-president then 
retired to Acapulco, which had been captured by Alvarez in 
March of the previous year, paying no heed to warnings that 
the government was planning his destruction. 

Invited to breakfast on bqard a ship about to sail for Gua- 



FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC AFFAIRS. 



419 



tulco, Guerrero remained on the vessel until the mouth of the 
harbor was reached, having a boat in tow to convey him back 
to shore. But while in the act of bidding adieu to his host, 
he was seized and bound by the crew, together with those who 
accompanied him. From Guatulco he was taken to Oajaca, 
where he was placed on trial and condemned to death, among 
the charges brought against him being that he had personally 
directed the revolution of the Acordada, and that, disregard- 
ing all overtures for peace, he had placed himself at the head 
of the rebel forces at Chilpancingo. On the 14th of Febru- 
ary, Guerrero was conducted to the place of execution, and 
when placed in front of the firing platoons, was compelled to 
listen on bended knee to the sentence of the court. 

It is a somewhat remarkable coincidence that Iturbide ana 
Guerrero, men who though differing essentially in their views 
had made common cause in order to secure their country's 
freedom, both met their death at the hands of the same 
political party. 




100 <^ _ 600 



Plan of Tampico. 



420 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



CHAPTER XLIV. 
POLITICS AND THE PASTRY WAH. 

To mention in detail, or even to mention at all, the number- 
less revolutions and counter-revolutions which for several 
decades distracted the republic of Mexico, would l)e but a 
tiresome and fruitless task. Having now presented to the 
reader the leading incidents which marked the early career of 
the nation, I shall touch more briefly on the less interesting 
portions of the remaining period. 

In his address to the legislature, at the opening of the year 
1832, Bustamante complimented the members on the progress 
of the republic, remarking that the animosity of political par- 
ties had wellnigh disappeared. But while receiving from his 
followers the most flattering manifestations of their loyalty, 
news was received of an uprising at Vera Cruz, where the gar- 
rison had issued a pronunciamiento, or revolutionary proclama- 
tion, demanding the dismissal of the ministers. Santa Anna 
was urged to put himself at the head of the movement, and 
accepted the position, at the same time addressing a letter to 
Bustamante, in which he tendered his services as mediator, 
hoping thus to avoid an outbreak of hostilities. 

The ministry resolved to use all its resources to crush this 
outbreak; but at first peaceable measures were employed, 
commissioners being sent to induce Santa Anna to abandon 
all connection with the revolt. Nothing was accomplished, 
however, and there was no recourse but an appeal to arms. 
At first the insurgents were partially successful, but on the 
3d of March suffered a disastrous defeat, and were soon after- 
ward besieged in Vera Cruz by a strong force under General 
Calderori. After losing 1,000 of his men, the latter was com- 
pelled to raise the siege, and retire to Jalapa, leaving 800 
men under Rincon to watch the movements of Santa Anna. 



POLITICS AND THE PASTRY WAR. 421 

Meanwhile the standard of revolt had been raised in Tamau- 
lipas, where Teran marched against the rebels, but sustained 
a crushing defeat at Tampico, which caused him such grief of 
mind that his reason became unseated, and he committed 
suicide. Soon afterward the movement spread to San Luis 
Potosi, Zacatecas, and Jalisco; and at length, in the hope of 
checking its further progress, the ministry resigned. But it 
was now too late, and a measure which a fcAV months before 
would have put an end to the revolt was without effect. 

On the 7th of August, the deputies, voting by states, elected 
General Melchor Muzquiz president ad interim, Bustamante 
retaining his position as vice-president. About a month be- 
fore this date, however, a pronunciamiento had been issued at 
Vera Cruz in favor of proclaiming Pedraza as the lawful ruler 
of the republic. 

At the head of 4,000 men, Bustamante set forth for San 
Miguel el Grande, since called Allende, where the enemy 
occupied several important positions, and afterward took pos- 
session of the town of Dolores. The insurgents, under Moc- 
tezuma, marched against him with superior numbers, and on 
the 18th of September a decisive action was fought. Mocte- 
zuma arranged his troops so as to attack the foe on both flanks 
at the same moment; but finally massed his entire force 
against Bustamante's left, exposing his columns to the fire of 
the opposing batteries, and of some battalions stationed under 
cover of a neighboring hill. The result was, that the assail- 
ants were driven back on their reserves, and again advancing 
to the attack, were outflanked; whereupon a total rout ensued, 
the fugitives being cut down without mercy by the pursuing 
cavalry. 

Affairs in Vera Cruz were at this juncture assuming a most 
unfavorable aspect for the government. At the beginning of 
October its troops were defeated with heavy loss by Santa 
Anna, who marched on Puebla, capturing that city almost 
without resistance. The revolutionists then advanced on the 
capital, which before the end of the month was completely in- 



422 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



Tested. The advance of Bustamante's army on Puebla made 
it necessary to raise the siege, and in the neighborhood of the 
latter city several engagements took place, resulting for the 
most part in disaster to the forces of the government. 




Plan of the City of Puebla. 



1. Cathedral. 

2. Palace. 

3. Episcopal Palace. 

4, 5, 6, 7. Hospitals and Asylums. 

8. Academy of Fine Arts. 

9, Presidio. 



10, 11. Theatres. 
12, 13. Bull-rings. 
14. Barrack. 
15, 16. Parks. 
17. Main Plaza. 



Elsewhere the government met with reverses; and it may 
be said that their control of affairs was already at an end. 
Finally, negotiations were opened and an armistice agreed 
upon, but the terms proposed were not accepted by congress; 
whereupon Bustamante resolved to act on his own responsi- 
bility. A treaty was framed and ratified to the satisfaction of 
the contracting parties, one of its articles recognizing Gomez 
Pedraza as president for the remaining portion of his term. 



POLITICS AND THE PASTRY WAR. 



423 



The garrison of Mexico also declared in his favor, and Muz- 
quiz and his ministers retired into private life without even 
the formality of a resignation. 

During the war of Independence, Pedraza had served in the 
ranks of the royalists, and the capture of Morelos was in a 
measure brought about by his advice. Though a strict re- 
publican, he rendered good service to Iturbide, and during the 
administration of Victoria was appointed minister of war. 




Valentin Gomez Farias. 

While some of the measures of the new government were 
well considered, others showed a spirit of vindictiveness, es- 
pecially those directed against the former ministers of Busta- 
mante's cabinet and against the Spaniards, most of whom had 
latterly been permitted to live in peace. The privileges of the 
clergy and army were also assailed, since it was believed that 
the destruction of their influence would tend to secure the per- 
manency of free institutions. The policy of the administra- 
tion caused much alarm and turmoil in the capital, in the 
midst of which Pedraza, his term of office having expired, 



424 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOFLE. 

surrendered the executive authority to Valentin Gomez Farias, 
the vice-president elect. 

Farias, the champion of reform in Mexico, was a native of 
Guadalajara, where he graduated as a physician, and after- 
ward obtained a considerable practice, from which he accumu- 
lated a competency. A democrat at heart, and ever on the 
side of progress, he was unfortunately of too impatient a dis- 
position to allow time for progress to become steadily devel- 
oped. He was entirely indifferent to wealth and honors, 
always eager to serve his country, and for his reward sought 
only the good-will of his fellow-citizens. His term of office 
was of brief duration, though fraught with peril and pregnant 
with important events. 

The privileged classes received many hard blows at the 
hands of Farias, who maintained that the civil authority 
should ever be above that of the military, and endeavored to 
prevent interference on the part of the clergy in secular affairs. 
The reform measures about to be introduced, affecting as they 
did the two most powerful classes in the commonwealth, pro- 
duced the utmost agitation. At this crisis, Santa Anna, who 
had been quietly watching the progress of events, was invited 
to become the leader of the reactionary movement directed 
against the policy of Farias. Proceeding to the capital, he 
removed the latter from office, and assumed for himself the 
presidency, having previously been proclaimed dictator by 
the army. 

Farias was blamed by the liberal party for his want of spirit 
on this occasion. He had been intrusted with the task of 
abolishing certain traditional institutions, and it was declared 
that he should have fulfilled his duty in the face of all oppo- 
sition. Congress and the militia would have supported him ; 
and as he had evidence in his possession that Santa Anna was 
plotting against the liberties of the country, he should have 
placed him under arrest. It must be admitted that by his 
present course he had allowed the powers of the army and the 
clergy to be restored; and yet it is probable that his inaction 



POLITICS AND THE PASTRY WAR. 



425 



was caused merely by the dislike of being suspected of per- 
sonal ambition, and of being accused of unconstitutional 
measures. 

Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna was a native of Jalapa, in the 
state of Vera Cruz, where for many years his father had held 
office as subdelegate. When fifteen years of age he adopted 
the military profession, entering the service as a cadet, and for 




Santa Anna. 

his services during the Spanish invasion was promoted to the 
rank of general of division. Trained during the eventful days 
of the revolution, and of the transition period which preceded 
the republican era, he became a master of intrigue, in which 
he was naturally an adept. As a soldier, he was at once bold 
and cautious, providing for defeat while striving for victory. 
An excellent judge of character, he knew exactly how to in- 



426 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

fluence those around him as best suited his purpose, being at 
times courteous and suave in manner, and again haughty and 
insolent. He loved to see his country prosper, so long as her 
prosperity was caused by himself; but he was in no sense 
either a patriot or a reformer; nor was he even capable of deep 
convictions in political affairs. Principles and men he re- 
garded only as ministers to his greed and ambition, which 
ranged from the loftiest heights to depths the most base and 
sordid. These very extremes, the versatility of his character, 
and even the viler traits in his disposition, tinged as they were 
with some gleams of a better nature, and all mingled with 
boundless self-confidence and daring, sufficed to stamp him as 
a genius. As such at least he was regarded by the widely dif- 
ferent parties, which, though hating and distrusting him, were 
compelled to appeal to him for aid; for while by no means a 
natural ruler of men, he was a cunning manipulator of events. 

At first Santa Anna displayed a disposition to please all 
parties, but finally leaned to the side of the reactionists, and 
by a coup d'etat dissolved the national congress and the state 
legislatures, deposing the governors and town councils, and re- 
placing them with adherents of his own. Although another 
assembly was convoked toward the close of 1834, its measures 
failed to reconstruct the institutions of the country on a solid 
basis. Soon afterward the dictator tendered his resignation 
of the presidency, and though it was not accepted, he retired 
to his estate in the province of Vera Cruz, General Barragan 
being placed in charge of the executive. It was believed, 
however, that all the more important acts of his administration 
first received the sanction of the dictator. 

On the 30th of December, 1836, congress, acting as a con- 
stituent assembly, framed a new constitution, which, being 
composed of seven laws, became popularly known under the 
title of the Siete Leyes. Thereby the states were to be re- 
duced to departments, ruled by magistrates subject to the 
general government at Mexico, and holding office for eight 
years. The number of deputies was to be reduced, and both 



POLITICS AND THE PASTRY WAR. 427 

members and electors were made subject to a property quali- 
fication. 

The first president under this new constitution was Anas- 
tasio Bustamante, though the choice would doubtless have 
fallen on Santa Anna but for his disastrous campaign in Texas, 
of which mention will be made later. From the outset the 
chief magistrate was confronted with obstacles, which clearly- 
indicated that to sustain himself in ofiice would be no easy 
task. His inaugural address, promising to pursue an enlight- 
ened policy, to promote the well-being of the people as the 
source of all political power, and to provide for the adminis- 
tration of justice Avithout fear or favor, was received by the 
nation with indifierence. Acts and not theories were wanted, 
and intense disgust was caused by his selection of the mem- 
bers of his cabinet, most of whom belonged to the ranks of the 
aristocracy. 

The political parties hitherto existing under the names of 
yorkinos, escoceses, liberals, progressionists, and reactionists 
were now organized into two divisions, known as federalists and 
centralists, the latter being strongest in the capitals of the sev- 
eral departments where the army and clergy were most influ- 
ential. Restricted as the president was in proposing measures 
to congress, or returning for reconsideration such as had been 
enacted, he seemed to be guided by no well-defined policy, 
and this at a time when there was urgent need of prompt and 
vigorous action. The national treasury was empty, and 
there were no means of replenishing it, or even of procuring 
funds to meet the most pressing demands. Direct taxation 
was attempted, but met with determined opposition, for al- 
ready private property was sorely encumbered, the only estates 
that were not heavily mortgaged being those of the church. 

Soon after the inauguration of the new government, news 
was received that the court of Spain had formally recognized 
the independence of Mexico. A treaty was ratified between 
the two nations, whereby the latter agreed to forbid the fitting 
out of. expeditions directed against the Spanish possessions in 



428 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

the New World, and at the close of 1839 the first Spanish 
plenipotentiary accredited to the Mexican government arrived 
at Vera Cruz. 

With other countries, however, the relatioils of Mexico at 
this period were less satisfactory. In consequence of the 
numerous pronunciamientos with their attendant outbreaks, 
foreigners had suifered in common with the natives, both in 
person and property; but with this difference, that while the 
latter sought in vain for relief at the hands of their govern- 
ment, the former could invoke the aid of ministers and consuls 
to demand redress. If the diplomatic agent represented a 
powerful nation, he was usually met with a profusion of prom- 
ises, and sometimes obtained a formal assignment of compen- 
sation, though often thwarted by change of rulers and an 
empty exchequer. 

Prominent among the claimants was a number of French- 
men, who sought compensation for losses sustained during the 
sacking of the Parian in 1828, among them being a baker, 
whose pastry had been stolen by the mob, whence these de- 
mands were ridiculed by the Mexicans as the pastry claims. 
Seeing that no attempt was made even to inquire into these 
matters, the French ambassador withdrew in Januarj'' 1838, 
leaving the legation in the hands of a charge d'affaires, and 
while sailing out of the harbor of Vera Cruz, received de- 
spatches confirming his action, and recommending that the 
French residents be instructed to make an inventory of their 
effects. The significance of these proceedings could not be 
misunderstood, and was placed beyond all doubt by the ar- 
rival, in March, of a French squadron under Admiral Bazoche. 
On board one of the vessels the ambassador dictated an ulti- 
matum, demanding the payment, on or before the 15th of 
April, of $600,000 in settlement of the claims, together with 
the removal of certain officials, the protection of French resi- 
dents, and their exemption from forced contributions. The 
president replied that national honor forbade any favorable 
consideration of the terms proposed until the squadron was 



POLITICS AND THE PASTRY WAR. 429 

withdrawn. Thereupon Bazoche declared all diplomatic rela- 
tions suspended, and placed the gulf ports under blockade, 
stating, however, that the latter measure was directed, not 
against the people, but against their rulers. 

As no effect was produced by the blockade, the French gov- 
ernment resolved to bring matters to a crisis, and Rear-Admiral 
Baudin was despatched to Vera Cruz with an additional squad- 
ron, and with instructions to settle the dispute, peaceably or 
by force. In November a conference was held at Jalapa, but 
without result, and on the 21st Baudin left that city, declaring 
that hostilities would commence, unless his terms were ac- 
cepted before noon on the 27th. The congress declared unani- 
mously in favor of resistance, believing that their Gibraltar — 
for so they termed the fortress of San Juan de Uliia — would 
defy all the operations of the fleet. The president also issued 
one of his most florid proclamations, proposing to lay down his 
life rather than submit to the humiliation of his country. It 
would have been more to the purpose if he had proposed some 
effectual measures for defence. 

Meanwhile the French had not been idle. The anchorage- 
ground in the neighborhood of the fort had been carefully 
examined, and observations taken, with a view to open a can- 
nonade at different points. The fortress covered the whole 
extent of a coral islet, situated about half a mile north-east of 
Vera Cruz, and forming the principal shelter of the harbor in 
that direction. The walls rose from the sea in the shape of an^ 
irregular parallelogram, with bastions at each angle. At the 
south-west and south-east corners were a lighthouse of brick 
and a square white tower, named the Caballero, the latter 
being 90 feet in length, and surmounted by a belvedere whence 
ships were signalled. The entire structure had an imposing 
appearance, but except on the side facing the harbor, was 
built of soft madrepore, and was almost without casemates for 
the protection of the gunners. The garrison mustered about 
1,200 troops, under the command of General Gaona; while the 
French fleet, including transports, consisted of 26 vessels, on 
board of which were 4,000 men. 



430 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



At half-past two on the afternoon of the 27th the bombardment 
commenced with a perfect hail of balls and bombs, the former 
penetrating twelve inches or more into the soft coral walls, and 
as they exploded, rending them from top to base. The garri- 




San Juan del UltJa. 

son responded with spirit, and over the gleaming waters rolled 
the thunder of two hundred cannon, the dense smoke shrouding 
for a time both batteries and ships. But the Mexicans were 
entirely overmatched in artillery, while the powder was of 
such inferior quality that most of the missiles fell short of the 
enemy's vessels. Gun after gun was silenced, while shot and 
shell wrought havoc within the batteries, now among the 
infantry, ranged within the curtains in case of an assault, and 
now among the handful of artillerists. At first the gaps in 
the ranks of the latter were filled; but soon no substitutes 
could be obtained, and at frequent intervals the firing was 
stopped for want of men. 

An hour after the action b«gan, a bomb struck the magazine 
of the San Miguel battery, which exploded with a terrific de- 



POLITICS AND THE PASTRY WAR. 431 

tonation, belching forth flames, and scattering war material 
and human remains torn into a thousand fragments. Soon 
afterward the belvedere of the Caballero was blown into the 
air, with its load of soldiers, though the flag which had waived 
above it remained intact, fluttering defiance to the foe, and in^ 
citing the garrison to renewed efforts. But what availed cour- 
age when hands were lacking to wield the enginery of war? 
Gradually the firing ceased, and before six o'clock nearly all 
the exterior fortifications had been abandoned, tvhile the in- 
terior lines responded feebly, and with an occasional effort, 
like the gasp of the dying. Most of the ammunition had been 
expended or destroyed; more than 200 men had been killed 
or disabled, and the fortress could no longer be defended. It 
was now sunset, and soon the gathering gloom interposed be- 
tween the combatants. The bombardment ceased, and only 
at intervals for another hour a bomb came crashing in upon 
the scene of desolation. 

Before daybreak on the 28th, Santa Anna inspected the fort 
by order of General Rincon, the commander-in-chief. A single 
glance convinced him that to prolong the defence would entail 
merely a further sacrifice of life, and at a council over which 
he presided, it was resolved to capitulate. Thus fell the 
Gibraltar of Mexico, after a brief but resolute defence, the 
French taking possession within twenty-four hours after 
the first shot was fired, though promising to restore the 
fortress as soon as all difierences were adjusted. 

In Mexico, the news of this defeat was received with the 
cry of treason, and the government found it necessary to 
ignore the capitulation and issue a declaration of war. It 
was ordered that the regular army should be increased to 
83,000 men, and that volunteers should be enrolled, while 
re-enforcements were despatched to Vera Cruz, where Santa 
Anna was appointed to succeed Rincon as commander-in- 
chief. When Baudin was informed of these measures he 
simply expressed his regret, declaring that he could raze the 
city to the ground within a few hours, but had no desire to 



432 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



retaliate on the inhabitants for the misdeeds of their govern- 
ment. At the same time he resolved to strike a decisive 
blow at the enemy before their preparations were completed. 
At daybreak on the 5th of December three French divisions 
entered Vera Cruz, two of them being ordered to carry the 
forts of Santiago and Concepcion, which guarded the city on 



SCALE OR VARATS 




Vera Cruz. 



the east and west, while the third, under Prince de Joinville, 
was to attempt the capture of Santa Anna and Arista, the sec- 
ond in command. Under cover of a dense fog, the two forts 
were surprised and captured almost without resistance, while 
Joinville, landing on the quay in front of the principal gate, 
broke it open with a petard, and secured the cannon which 
defended the entrance. Aroused from his slumbers by the re- 
port, Santa Anna rushed half clad from his quarters and made 
good his escape; but not so Arista, who was found asleep in 
his room. The column then attacked the barracks of La 
Merced, where the Mexicans offered a stout resistance, and 
Baudin coming up at this moment ordered a retreat, declar- 
ing that he had no intention of holding possession of the town. 



POLITICS AND THE PASTRY WAR. 433 

Meanwhile Santa Anna had kept himself aloof at a safe dis- 
tance, collecting such forces as he could muster, and awaiting 
the arrival of Arista's command. Learning, however, of the 
retrograde movement of the French, he resolved to take on 
himself the credit of their repulse, and at once set out in pur- 
suit. Reaching the shore when all had embarked with the 
exception of the rear-guard, he led his men valiantly to the 
charge, but was received with a round of grape, which killed 
or wounded a number of his troops, their commander being 
hit in the left leg, and his horse shot under him. A few vol- 
leys were exchanged before the enemy's boats were shrouded 
in the mist, and as soon as it cleared away Baudin retaliated 
by shelling the barracks; whereupon the inhabitants fled, and 
the soldiery withdrew out of range, carrying with them their 
wounded general. 

. The commander-in-chief had allowed himself to be sur- 
prised; he had remained carefully in the background during 
the fight, and had finally evacuated the city. Nevertheless, 
he hoped that with a little bombast the masses could be hood- 
winked into the belief that he had won a glorious victory, and 
would regard him as a martyred hero bleeding for his country. 
In order to deepen the impression, he issued a manifesto, as 
from his death-bed, relating how he had driven the enemy 
into the sea, with losses far exceeding his own. "Cast aside 
discord," he wrote, "and unite against the French. As for 
me, forgive my political errors, and deny me not the only title 
which I desire to transmit to my children, — that of a true 
Mexican." The farce succeeded, and for a time the absorbing 
topic of conversation throughout the country was the patriot- 
ism and self-devotion of Santa Anna. 

After the first flush of resentment, the Mexicans began to 
realize that nothing could be gained by prolonging the struggle, 
while the French were also desirous of bringing the matter to 
an issue, especially as a British fleet, much stronger than their 
own, was now anchored in front of the city. A conference was 
held, and on the 9th of March, 1839, a treaty and convention 
28 



434 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



were signed, whereby the Mexican government promised to 
pay the sum of $600,000 in settlement of all claims, and to 
accord to French citizens the same privileges as were enjoyed 
by those of other nationalities. A month later the fortress of 
San Juan de Ulua was surrendered; the hostile fleet set sail 
from Vera Cruz, having on board a few old pieces of cannon 
as trophies; and thus ended the so-called Pastry War, 




MISRULE AND OVERTHROW OF SANTA ANNA. 435 



CHAPTER XLV. 
MISRULE AED OVERTHROW OP SANTA Al^A. 

While the dispute with France was in progress, and for 
some time afterward, pronunciamientos were issued by the 
federalists in various portions of the country, among the more 
serious movements being the one in Yucatan, which province 
for a time maintained its independence. 

Before daybreak on the morning of the 15th of July, 
1840, a party of insurgents released the federalist general, 
Urrea, who had been imprisoned in the inquisition building 
of the capital. At the head of a handful of men, this chief- 
tain silently entered the palace and surprised the garrison, 
most of whom were asleep. At the noise made when captur- 
ing the guard near the president's apartment, Bustamante 
awoke, and as General Urrea entered his room he grasped his 
sword. " Fear not, general, I am Urrea," said the leader, and 
informed him of the situation. The president then was 
assured that his person would be respected ; but he must re- 
main a prisoner in his rooms. Several of the prominent cen- 
tralists were also secured; but the minister of war escaped to 
the citadel, and there made preparations for suppressing the 
revolt, summoning to his aid all the reliable troops in the 
capital. 

Gomez Farias had been invited by the insurgents to accept 
the presidency, and followed by a vast multitude, amid cries 
of ' Viva la federacion ! ' proceeded to the palace, which had 
been selected as the headquarters of the insurgents. Messen- 
gers were sent in various directions to obtain re-enforcements, 
but ere they could arrive the governm.ent troops under Gen- 
eral Valencia had been largely increased, among those who 



436 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE 

came to their support being the alumni of the military col- 
lege. The centralists took up their position near the main 
plaza, where the enemy had occupied all the prominent build- 
ings, posting men on the roofs, in the towers of the cathedral, 
and at the main avenues of approach. Throughout the entire 
afternoon skirmishing was maintained, at times with heavy 
firing, directed against the palace. As the captive president 
was seated at dinner a cannon-ball crashed through the room, 
covering the table with dust and debris. Without betraying 
the least emotion, he continued his repast, quietly remarking: 
" I wager our friends do not suppose that we are calmly enjoy- 
ing our meal." 

On the following day hostilities were resumed. The insur- 
gents had obtained possession of the treasury, and made use 
of its funds to gain over adherents; but the government forces 
were in greater strength than had been anticipated, and the 
former perceived that they were overmatched. It was there- 
fore determined to release the president and try the effect of 
negotiation; but the proposals made by Urrea were not ac- 
cepted, and the fight was renewed, causing much suffering 
among the inhabitants, most of whom fled from their homes. 
For twelve days the revolt continued, and many of the build- 
ings in the plaza and elsewhere in the city fell in ruins; the 
palace was disfigured, and its rich furniture, and even the 
archives, had been piled together to serve as barricades. 
Meanwhile, further re-enforcements had been received by the 
government, and larger bodies were approaching under Santa 
Anna and other generals, while the number and resources of 
the federalists were rapidly decreasing. 

The struggle was hopeless, and to continue it might be fatal. 
Negotiations were therefore resumed, and most favorable terms 
were accorded, the federalists being pardoned and allowed to 
remain in undisturbed possession of their property and honors. 
On the following day the church bells rang forth a joyous peal 
in honor of the occasion, and then tolled a requiem for the 
dead, among whom were hundreds of inoffensive citizens. 



MISRULE AND OVERTHROW OF SANTA ANNA. 437 

The truce thus concluded between the two parties was, how- 
ever, of brief duration; for the revolutionary leaven had so 
far permeated all classes of society that no long interval of 
peace was possible. On the 8th of August, 1841, Paredes, the 
com andante general of Jalisco, issued a manifesto, appealing 
to the nation against a government which had humiliated the 
country, impaired its credit, and burdened it with debt; while 
industries were paralyzed, the army neglected, and the people 
overburdened with taxation. He demanded that a special 
congress should be convened to reform the constitution, the 
executive being vested meanwhile in some " citizen worthy of 
confidence," and with extraordinary power. For the com- 
plaint there may have been sufficient excuse; but the remedy 
implied simply a dictatorship for Santa Anna, with whom 
Paredes was secretly in league. 

The movement spread rapidly, among other cities Guada- 
lajara, Guanajuato, Queretaro, Vera Cruz, and even the capital 
declaring in its favor. A force of 1,000 men despatched 
against Paredes deserted to the enemy in a body; and on the 
25th of September, Santa Anna, reviewing his troops at Tacu- 
baya, as commander-in-chief, found himself at the head of a 
considerable army. Three days later was issued the revised 
political plan known as the Bases of Tacubaya, whereby a 
council composed of two deputies from each department was 
to choose a provisional president, and summon a congress for 
the sole purpose of framing anew constitution. The president 
was to have full power to reorganize the public administration, 
and the governing powers established by the constitution of 
1836 were abolished, with the exception of the judiciary. 
Under the circumstances, the temporary concentration of 
power in the strong hand of a " citizen worthy of confidence " 
was perhaps the best remedy for existing evils; but the ques- 
tion was as to its abuse, and assuredly Santa Anna was not 
the man for the occasion. 

The government was granted only two days to arrive at a 
decision, and several plans were considered, among others the 



438 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

resignation of Bustamante. Finally it was resolved to declare 
in favor of the federal system as the only means of preventing 
the dictatorship and defeating the schemes of Santa Anna. 
On the 30th of September, therefore, the president at the head 
of his troops proclaimed the federation in the great plaza of 
Mexico, amid booming of cannon, ringing of bells, and the 
acclaim of the populace. 

Indignant at this counter-stroke, Santa Anna began hostili- 
ties, and again the capital was exposed to the horrors of civil 
strife. On this occasion, however, the struggle was of brief 
duration, for it was believed that a revolution headed by Santa 
Anna could not fail of success. In order to save the inhabi- 
tants from further suffering, Bustamante resolved to evacuate 
the city, and marched forth at the head of his troops in the 
direction of Guadalupe. The enemy followed in pursuit, and 
both sides drew up in battle array; but though stronger than 
his adversary, the insurgent commander was by no means 
prepared to risk an engagement. The ex-president, on the 
other hand, doubted the loyalty of his men, and as neither 
party was anxious to fight, an arrangement was at length con- 
cluded by which the government forces passed over to the 
revolutionists, and all past differences were forgotten. 

Soon afterward Bustamante set sail for Europe, having won 
the respect of all parties by his unselfish and honorable con- 
duct. A soldier rather than a stateman, slow of action and 
somewhat given to vacillation, he was entirely unfitted to con- 
trol the destinies of the centralist faction, with which the 
people at large were not in sy mpathy. With scanty resources, 
and without any well-defined policy, he had ventured on a 
series of political experiments, ^.rusting rather to fortune than 
to the dictates of experience. On every side he was met with 
opposition, sometimes passive and at other times breaking 
forth in pronunciamientos; while among the other misfortunes 
of his troubled administration, the war with France and the 
revolt in Yucatan enabled his opponents to complete his over- 
throw. 



MISRULE AND OVERTHROW OF SANTA ANNA 439 

On the 7th of October Santa Anna made a triumphal entry 
into the capital, and was declared provisional president, two 
days later assuming control of affairs. In accordance with 
the provisions of the plan of Tacubaya, the new congress was 
installed on the 10th of June, 1842. The election of deputies 
by indirect vote, through electoral colleges, was estimated for 
the 24 departments on the basis of one member for every 
70,000 inhabitants, the entire population being then about 
7,000,000. The result was a decided victory for the federal- 
ists, greatly to the disappointment of the president, who had 
striven in vain to control the choice of members, and now 
attempted, but without success, to influence their discussions. 
On the contrary, the deputies exerted themselves all the more 
to frame a constitution which would meet the wishes of the 
country, and put an end to a despotism that threatened even 
the nation's representatives. 

Foreseeing that a crisis was approaching, Santa Anna had 
recourse to his now well-understood manoeuvre of retiring to 
his country estate, there to watch and direct operations, leav- 
ing the brunt of the contest, and perhaps the humiliation of 
defeat, to be borne by a subordinate, while in case of success 
he could again step forward and claim the victory. 

On the 11th of December, a pronunciamiento was issued, 
declaring the national assembly unworthy of confidence, and 
demanding that a council be appointed to revise the constitu- 
tion drawn up by its members. The movement was seconded 
in the capital and in most of the central provinces; in the 
former by the garrison, and in the latter by the manipulations 
of the cabinet and clergy. The deputies could obtain no as- 
surance of protection, and finding the hall of congress closed 
against them, dissolved of their own accord. Thereupon 
Nicolas Bravo, who as president of the council had been 
nominally placed in charge of the administration, issued a 
manifesto, declaring that the government would appoint a 
number of patriotic and intelligent citizens to frame the or- 
ganic structure of the commonwealth. 



440 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE 

As the result, eighty prominent centj-alists, termed "the 
council of the notables," Avere elected, and proceeding vigor- 
ously to work, drcAV up a plan for the political organization of 
the republic, their measures being formally sanctioned by the 
government in June 1843. Provision was made for a popular 
representative system, and yet the qualifications for the fran- 
chise, Avhich was restricted to those Avhose incomes Avere not 
less than $200, excluded a considerable portion of the popula- 
tion The elections Avere to be subjected to a filtering process, 
during AAdnch the goA^ernment could find ample opportunity to 
influence them, and the departments Avere left almost entirely 
at the mercy of the cabinet, Avhich appointed their governors, 
and indirectly their subordinate oflicials. 

These measures Avere inaugurated under the personal super- 
vision of Santa Anna, Avho had now emerged from his retreat, 
and procured for himself a brilliant reception at the capital. 
Soon, howcA^^r, the political horizon assumed a less encouraging 
aspect, and again the president deemed it prudent to retire to 
the seclusion of his country residence, where, under the excuse 
of shattered health, he remained until the following summer. 
On the 3d of June he made his formal entry into Mexico, amid 
the pomp suggested by faAvning adherents and subordinates. 

The forebodings suggested by his arriA\al Avere speedily real- 
ized, for noAV the United States AA^ere considering the question 
of annexing to their territory the state of Texas; their troops 
AA'cre already gathering on its border, and a squadron of their 
fleet had appeared off Vera Cruz. When an explanation of 
these threatening moA^'cments Avas requested, the president re- 
plied by demanding a forced contribution of $4,000,000 for 
war purposes. The failure of his efforts to increase the amount, 
and to obtain special poAvers for raising it, kindled his indig- 
nation, for Santa Anna Avas accustomed to the obedience, or at 
least to the deference, of cabinet and congress. Soon he began 
to pine once more for the seclusion of his estate, and erelong 
the death of his Avifo furnished the necessary excuse. 

So at least declared the president, although it does not ap- 



MISRULE AND OVERTHROW OF SANTA ANNA. 441 

pear that his affliction was very grievous to he hoxna ; for about 
five weeks later he espoused a damsel of some fifteen summers, 
who was wedded to him by proxy in the jjerson of her godfather. 
The people were not in the least surprised at this outrage on 
common decency. The character of Santa Anna was already 
too well known, as was also his indulgence in all manner of 
dissipation and extravagance, from Lotharian intrigues and 
free association with the base-horn and depraved, to costly en- 
tertainments, the expense of which was defrayed from the 
funds extorted through forced contributions and loans, from 
the gifts of office-seekers, and from the bribes of fraudulent 
contractors. Plis subordinate officials of course followed his 
example, and the result was wide-spread corruption in all 
branches of the administration. Commanders of the troops 
and districts committed the most outrageous abuses of trust 
and power, dividing their gains with those higher in office, or 
relying on their own cunning to escape detection. From the 
president downward all who were in authority appointed crea- 
tures of their own to positions of responsibility, entirely irre- 
spective of merit, dismissing more capable officials, and 
granting sinecures to their own favorites, while those who had 
served their country faithfully asked in vain for their pensions 
and allowances Under such circumstances, and with the 
country staggering under an intolerable load of taxation, pro- 
gress was impossible. Capital was withdrawn, and trade and 
industries languished, while Indian raids spread desolation on 
tlie northern borders, and in the southern provinces the high- 
ways were infested with hordes of banditti. 

The funds collected by the government melted away as if 
by magic while passing through the hands of officials, and in 
September the national assembly was astonished by a further 
request for a loan of .$10,000,000, on the ground of the invasion 
of California by bands of adventurers, and the intimation that 
France and England would favor the Texans in the event of 
a protracted struggle. The demand was refused hy congress, 
and several of the local assemblies protested against the con- 



442 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

tribution, especially those of Jalisco and Queretaro. By the 
inhabitants of the former state a protest was made against the 
measures proposed by the cabinet, and aware that a mere re- 
monstrance would not be heeded, the people resolved to enforce 
it by an armed demonstration, the comandante general placing 
himself at the head of the garrison, and requesting Paredes to 
assume the leadership. 

The services of Paredes in restoring Santa Anna to power 
had not been recognized as in his opinion they deserved. 
Hence he readily availed himself of the comandante's offer, 
and on the 2d of November published a manifesto charging 
the government with violation of trust, and declaring Santa 
Anna suspended from office, pending an examination by con- 
gress. Thereupon the ministry issued a proclamation in which 
Paredes was branded as a traitor and the authorities at Ja- 
lisco as enemies of their country. 

The president resolved to crush the insurrection in its in- 
fancy, and on the 18th entered the capital at the head of his 
army, amid the usual demonstrations. Thence without delay 
he set forth for Queretaro, where, though no overt resistance 
was offered, the authorities and the local assembly almost ig- 
nored his presence. At the head of 14,000 men Santa Anna 
then marched against Paredes, and the latter was probably 
saved from defeat by the news of an uprising in Mexico, where 
at the close of the year the dictator was confronted by a gar- 
rison of 8,000, while Paredes and other leaders, at the head of 
large bodies of troops, were approaching from various direc- 
tions. Meanwhile General Herrera, the president of the 
council, had assumed the control of affairs, Santa Anna being 
proclaimed a rebel, and divested of all authority. 

Without proceeding further with the story of this revolution, 
it need only be said that the dictator yielded almost without 
striking a blow, and attempting to escape, was captured and 
imprisoned in the fortress of Perote. Here, or at the hands of 
the executioner he would probably have ended his days but 
for the influence of his party; and in the amnesty proclaimed 



MISRULE AND OVERTHROW OF SANTA ANNA. 443 

on the 24th of May, 1845, his name was included only on con- 
dition that he should depart from the country. 

Before taking his leave Santa Anna issued one of those weii- 
studied addresses, in which he had more than once appealed 
to the sympathies of his countrymen. He begged them to for- 




JosE Joaquin Hekrera. 



give the unintentional errors of a man who still sufifered from 
the wounds received while driving the invaders of his country 
into the sea. Until his last breath he would never cease to 
ofifer up to the Eternal his humble supplications for their pros- 
perity, and he still hoped to see them among the happiest, as 
they were now among the foremost, of the nations of the earth, 



444 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



CHAPTER XLVL 
WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES. 

In the year 1820, one Moses Austin, then residing in the 
state of Missouri, obtained a grant of land from the authori- 
ties in Texas, and after his decease, his son, receiving a con- 
firmation of the grant, established settlements in the county 
which now bears his name. , Although in 1830 a law was 
passed forbidding the occupation by foreigners of tracts within 
the territory of the republic and adjacent to those belonging 
to their own nationality, colonization increased rapidly, and in 
1833 there were not less than 20,000 men from the United 
States within the boundaries of this department. It was then 
determined by the Texans to separate from Coahuila, and at 
a council held at San Felipe a constitution was adopted, and 
a commission appointed to lay before congress a memorial, 
setting forth the grievances of the people, and asking for 
redress. 

Among other grounds of complaint, it was alleged that 
troops were stationed in the department whose presence was 
unnecessary, and whose conduct often provoked the citizens 
to acts of hostility. In these emeutes the Americans usually 
had the advantage, and when in 1835 the constitution of the 
centralists threatened to withdraw certain political privileges 
which had induced them to form their settlements, they fol- 
lowed the example of other Mexican states, and declared for 
independence until the federal system should be restored. In 
the following year, Santa Anna, who was sent against them 
with a considerable force, was himself captured and com- 
pelled to give his consent to their secession. Though his 
action was not indorsed by the government, no attempt was 
made at the moment to reduce them to obedience, partly on 
account of the unsettled condition of affairs. 



WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES. 



445 



With the influx of settlers and the development of its re- 
sources, Texas became each year more prosperous, and soon 
her independence was acknowledged by several foreign powers, 
among others by the United States. The pressing demands 
of the latter for the settlement of the claims of American citi- 




Texas. 



zens who had suffered loss during the various revolutionary 
movements, and their doubtful attitude in landing a force in 
California, had created a bitterness of feeling between the two 
countries, which culminated in 1845, when Texas was admit- 
ted into the Union. 

Meanwhile, Herrera's peaceful administration had been set 
aside by the war party of Paredes, and the government re- 



446 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

sumed its military operations in Texas; for to this policy the 
promoters of the revolution had pledged themselves. Finally, 
the annexation of the territory caused a rupture with the 
United States. 

In the first regular engagement, fought at Palo Alto on the 
8th of May, 1846, the Mexicans were defeated after a stubborn 
contest, and on the following day a second victory was won 
by the Americans, who were commanded by General Taylor. 
In both encounters the latter suffered severely; the morale 
and discipline of the Mexican army was seriously impaired, 
troops who had fought bravely on twenty battle-fields retreat- 
ing without firing a shot, and others, believing that their cause 
was betrayed, breaking their muskets in rage and disgust. 
Henceforth, the invaders were opposed mainly to raw recruits, 
who, though not wanting in courage, were indifferently armed 
and officered. 

Under able leadership, the Americans gained victory after 
victory. During the autumn, Monterey, the key to the north.-- 
ern departments, was captured, while the forces of General 
Wool overran Coahuila, and Kearny marched through New 
Mexico into California. Another division under Scott entered 
Mexico by way of Vera Cruz, this city being captured, after a 
destructive bombardment, in March 1847. . At Cerro Gordo a 
determined effort to check the advance of the invaders was 
prevented by a series of flank movements. Thus the road 
was opened to Puebla, and in August the United States army 
appeared within sight of the capital. 

Between the 7th and 10th of August, 1847, the American 
army, mustering about 11,200 strong, advanced in echelon of 
divisions on Mexico. It was, of course, expected that resist- 
ance would be encountered when crossing the range which 
separates the lowlands from the table-lands, and whence, more 
than three centuries before, Cortes first beheld the city of the 
Montezumas. The route lay north of the silver-frosted sum- 
mits of Popocatepetl and Iztaccihuatl, at whose feet was 
verdure reflecting the smile of perpetual summer, while clus- 



WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES. 447 

tering around the lakes and among undulating savannas and 
meadows carpeted with blossoms, villas nestled amid gardens 
and groves, and beyond were the checkered domes and fretted 
turrets of the queen city of Anahuac. 

On the line of march the tortuous path skirted slopes of 
volcanoes, extinct or slumbering, but now girt with a death- 
bearing cestus, the gleam of bayonets, the flash of sabres, and 
the enginery of war. 

When the American troops approached the city, they were 
confronted by well-mounted fortifications, and by an army 
eager for the fray. Disobedience of orders on the part of Gen- 
eral Valencia contributed in a measure to the victory won by 
the former at Cherubusco on the 20th of August. During the 
negotiations which followed, the Mexicans found time to rally, 
and rejecting the demands of the enemy, presented a bold 
front, only again to suffer defeat at Molino del Rey. Five 
days later fell Chapultepec; and on the 14th of September the 
United States forces were in possession of the capital. 

At the head of a brilliant suite and an imposing force Gen- 
eral Scott made his entry into the city, amidst a dense throng 
of spectators, who lined the streets and filled the balconies, 
from which white flags were hoisted in token of surrender. 
-Yet many portions were deserted, and the invaders were re- 
ceived with chilling silence and sullen gaze, relieved only by 
glances of curiosity at the imposing figure and benevolent 
features of the commander. Signs of hostility were observed 
among the populace as the men dispersed in search of quar- 
ters, and soon the insolence of the soldiery provoked a deter- 
mined uprising. The first shot was aimed at a group of ofiicers, 
among whom was General Worth. Then followed a scattering 
fusillade, accompanied with showers of missiles from the roofs. 
Recognizing the danger of allowing the movement to gain 
strength in a large and populous city, where every building 
was a stronghold, Scott ordered up his artillery and swept the 
streets with grape and canister, while the crowd was dis- 
persed at point of bayonet. 



448 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

And now for a brief space came the horrors of a siege, 
intensified by the outrages of criminals released from the pub- 
lic jails. Thousands of the inhabitants fled from the city, 
and others crowded into the churches to implore protection of 
the Virgin; for all day long was heard the roar of cannon and 
the crash of musketry. Night brought no respite; for although 
the conflict abated, darkness magnified the prevailing terror, 
which was further increased by the tramp and uproar of 
drunken and infuriated soldiery, while banditti crept within 
shadow of the walls, lurking for prey. Early on the follow- 
ing day the town council issued a proclamation forbidding 
further resistance; and the demonstrations of Scott, with his 
threat of razing to the ground every building from which 
missiles were directed, at length put an end to opposition. 

During the campaign in the valley of MckIco, more than 
2,700 of the invading army were killed and wounded; which 
heavy casualties among a force of about 11,000 men sufficiently 
indicated the determined resistance off'ered by the Mexicans. 
The losses of the latter were estimated by Scott at over 7,000, 
in addition to 3,700 prisoners, 132 pieces of cannon, and large 
quantities of small-arms and ammunition. 

At this juncture Santa Anna, who at the beginning of the 
war had been recalled from exile and placed at the head of the 
forces, attempted to cut off" the communications of the Ameri- 
can army with the port of Vera Cruz. The commander-in- 
chief of the Mexicans has been styled the Napolean of the 
republic, and perhaps deserved better even than the nephew 
of the great conqueror the title of Napolean the Little. Though 
he had closely studied the tactics of Bonaparte, it cannot be 
said that he had profited thereby, and to his timidity and want 
of judgment may be largely attributed the disasters that befell 
his country. 

At the battle of Padierna, for instance, a single column of 
the enemy, much inferior in strength to the forces which he 
held in hand, was sufficient to check his advance, though in 
its rear was the victorious cavalry of Valencia, and other avail- 



WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES. 449 

able support. Instead of attacking the foe, thus placed be- 
tween two fires, he allowed the opportunity to pass, sneering at 
the reports transmitted by his lieutenant, whose efforts had 
been successful in another part of the field. Meanwhile re-en- 
forcements were hurried forward by Scott, and thus victory 
was wrested from his grasp. On this occasion, at least, his 
generalship was somewhat in contrast with that of Napoleon 
I., who declared that while he might lose battles he never lost 
minutes. 

After an unsuccessful attempt to capture the city of Pue- 
bla, Santa Anna gave up the struggle as hopeless, and all 
organized resistance ceased. On the 2d of February, 1848, a 
treaty of peace was signed at Guadalupe Hidalgo, whereby 
New Mexico and Upper California were ceded to the United 
States in return for the cancellation of individual claims and 
the payment of $15,000,000. 

Thus ended a war that should never have been undertaken, — 
a war commenced by one of the parties with little justification, 
and by the other with lack of foresight and indifference to re- 
sults. Without the necessary funds, in the midst of a political 
disturbance, and after thirty-six years of civil strife, the Mexi- 
can republic in vain measured its strength with a powerful and 
vigorous nation, possessing abundant military resources. Yet 
unfortunate as were the results, it must be acknowledged that 
the honor of the country was maintained, for in the treaty 
were no humiliating conditions, such as are apt to be imposed 
on a conquered people. That the government of the United 
States was in the wrong is the verdict of all civilized nations, 
and is admitted even by all fair-minded American citizens. 
Though Mexico lost a large portion of her domain and many 
of her people, she retained her independence, and with it a 
vast extent of territory 

No one has attempted to explain by what right Texas was 
annexed to the Union, after the Sabine River had been formally 
declared by the latter as the boundary between Mexico and 
the United States. 
29 



450 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



At the beginning of the dispute the United States had a 
noble opportunity of displaying her magnanimity to a weaker 
neighbor, and aiding her in the task of building up republican 
institutions. Instead of doing so, the president, while pretend- 
ing to sigh for peace, gave orders for waging a devastating war, 
the press meanwhile openly advocating the destruction of Mexi- 
can cities. These barbarous sentiments were aggravated by the 
false pretext on which they were urged, namely, that Mexico 
provoked hostilities. The fact is, that troops were ordered by 
President Polk to invade her territory, and in doing so he 
assumed powers that were not vested in him by law, his con- 
duct being afterward censured by the house of representatives. 
When peace was concluded, the president boasted in his mes- 
sage of the magnanimous forbearance exhibited toward Mex- 
ico! In truth, it was not magnanimity, but policy, which 
prompted him and his colleagues to pay a sum of money in 
order to secure some show of title to what would else have 
been regarded as stolen territory. 



* <,':•■••■■■-, 









,/■ 






THE DICTATORSHIP. 



451 



CHAPTER XLVII. 

THE DICTATORSHIP AND THE STRUGGLE FOR LIBERTY. 

The successful negotiation of the treaty of Guadalupe was 
due mainly to the efforts of Pena y Pena, who on the 8th of 
January, 1848, was temporarily appointed to the executive, 




PeiJa y Pena. 



Herrera being elected to the presidency for a second term dur- 
ing the same year. The task of the latter was indeed a diffi- 
cult one, for he was now expected to give new life to the 
country, reorganize departments, aid institutions, and restore 



452 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

prosperity. All this he must accomplish with scanty means, 
and in the face of a violent opposition from parties intent only 
on their own advancement. For the fiscal year 1849-50 the 
estimated receipts of the government from all sources amounted 
to $8,000,000, and the expenses to $16,500,000, while for the 
following year the income and expenditure were respectively 
$9,000,000 and $11,300,000. To meet the deficiency, pay- 
ments were deferred, prospective revenue was mortgaged, and 
at the risk of provoking fresh pronunciamientos further taxes 
and contributions were levied. Meanwhile expensive cam- 
paigns must be maintained against Paredes, who had planned 
a revolt in Jalisco against rebel bands of Indians, as in Yuca- 
tan, where for several years the natives remained in arms, and 
finally against those who had declared for a separate northern 
republic. 

During Herrera's administration there were frequent changes 
in the ministry, for under the existing condition of affairs 
men of character and ability were unwilling to accept and re- 
main in ofiice. The weakness of the government swelled the 
number of its opponents, and the concession to the United 
States of transit rights across the isthmus of Tehuantepec 
caused the ministry to become unpopular. At the beginning 
of 1851, the elections were carried by the liberal party, and 
the choice for president fell on General Arista. 

Herrera retired from ofiice with a stainless character, ac- 
knowledged by all as a well-meaning man, and one intent on 
beneficent projects, though lacking in the discernment and 
tact needed to select and retain his colleagues. Considering 
the manifold difiiculties which confronted him, while attempt- 
ing, with insufficient means and against harassing opposition, 
to bring order out of chaos in a country long distracted by 
civil war and foreign invasion, his administration was not un- 
worthy of credit, though many of its most difficult tasks still 
remained to be accomplished. In February 1854, his decease 
occurred at his country retreat in Tacubaya, and he was long 
afterward remembered as one of the most upright and un- 
selfish of rulers. 



THE DICTATORSHIP. 453 

The new president was a man from whose experience and 
ability much was expected. It mattered not that his political 
principles were of a somewhat doubtful character, and that his 
want of generalship during the war with the United States 
had brought disaster on his command. Although trained in 
the ranks of the royalists, he possessed discernment enough 
to join the revolutionary cause as soon as its triumph was as- 
sured, for to him constancy was at best a burdensome virtue. 
In later years he passed in quick succession from one party 
to another, being ever on the side of the victorious faction, 
while as minister of war under Herrera he lost no opportunity 
of promoting his own interests, with a view of succeeding him 
as president. 

Although Arista was now a strong conservative, while con- 
gress was composed mainly of liberals, for a time the country 
remained comparatively free from political disturbance. The 
financial difficulties still remained as ever the most difficult 
problem of the day, partly on account of the constant changes 
in the ministry, but more through want of harmony and in- 
telligent co-operation between the executive and legislature, 
and the state assemblies and ayuntamientos of the states. 
The budget exhibited a deficiency of no less than $17,725,000, 
the receipts being estimated at $8,275,000, and the expendi- 
ture at $26,000,000, though the latter figures were somewhat 
exaggerated, in order to place in their strongest light the 
necessities of the government. Some little saving was efiected 
by reducing the salaries of employes; but in other directions 
large amounts were heedlessly squandered, and in August 
1851 a council of governors from the various departments was 
summoned to consider the condition of afi'airs, and to suggest 
remedies. Far from sympathizing with the administration, 
they condemned it for lack of system and management, and 
prepared new estimates of expenditure in which the deficiency 
was entirely removed. 

The enforced retrenchments of the government gave rise to 
a number of serious difficulties, which tended to weaken its 



454 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE 

hold on the public. One result was the alarming increase of 
crime, and especially of highway robberies, on account of a 
reduction in the patrol service, and the indifference or conniv- 
ance of underpaid ofl&cials; another, the renewal of pronuncia- 
mientos, which were allowed to gain such strength that, when 
active measures were taken against their promoters, they were 
beyond control. One of these movements, started at Guada- 
lajara in July 1852, met with such favor that in January of 
the following year Arista was compelled to resign, whereupon 
the presidency devolved, under the provisions of the constitu- 
tion, on Chief Justice Ceballos, whose administration lasted 
but for a single month. 

The services of Santa Anna during the war with the United 
States, and his voluntary return into exile, caused many to 
look upon him with favor, while with the army he had always 
been popular. Moreover, his partisans called attention to the 
urgent need for a man of his supposed ability to bring order 
out of the confusion which now prevailed throughout the 
country. Under these circumstances, it is not surprising that 
at the elections held early in 1853, the choice fell by an over- 
whelming majority on the wily herO of Vera Cruz. 

On the 1st of April, Santa Anna once more set foot on the 
soil of Mexico. His journey to the capital resembled a tri- 
umphal march; for everywhere he was received with stream- 
ing banners and pealing bells, passing under imposing arches 
and floral wreaths, amid the boom of cannon and the plaudits 
of the populace. To these marks of favor he responded with 
smiles and promises, to which he gave support by a well- 
studied proclamation. No less pleasing was the effect pro- 
duced by an amnesty for all political offences, which served 
to lull the fears of those on whom his vengeance might fall 

The unsettled condition of affairs which existed at the close 
of the recent revolution was met by a centralization of govern- 
ment, even the municipal authorities being deposed, except in 
the leading towns. Everything was made subordinate to the 



THE DICTATORSHIP 455 

will of Santa Anna, who carried out his measures through the 
agency of a host of officials, from councillors, generals, and 
governors, to prefects, subprefects. and clerks, selected mainly 
on account of their devotion to his cause. Although ability 
and fitness were but secondary considerations, they were by 
no means lacking, for his adherents belonged as a rule to the 
educated classes, and his council of state contained many who 
had won repute in the forum and the pulpit. The governors 
and prefects were chosen for the most part from the ranks of 
the military, among whom he well knew how to select those 
who, by their training and influence over their men, were best 
fitted to carry out his designs. The readiest means for accord- 
ing favors and rallying adherents around the government was 
to confer appointments in the army, which was, therefore, to 
be reorganized and increased to 91,500 strong, of which 26,500 
were regulars, and the remainder militia, all the provincial 
regiments being enrolled in the latter, with a view to their 
being held under control by the central government. 

It had been the custom hitherto to style the president Ex- 
celentisimo; but this title, though it would answer for Santa 
Anna's predecessors, was not in keeping with the pretensions 
of a dictator. That of Most Serene Highness was therefore 
suggested, and to this many wished to add Mariscal General, 
Grand Admiral, and Grand Elector for Life. Determined not 
to be forestalled in doing him honor, the army pronounced 
him Savior of Mexico, while in some districts he was even 
proclaimed Emperor, though the latter proceeding was not 
indorsed by the people at large, and served only to make his 
other titles appear by contrast somewhat less ridiculous. 
Meanwhile, the savior of the country was assured by his favor- 
ites that unless he remained in control the nation would be 
exposed to anarchy and ruin. To this appeal there was but 
one answer; he would sacrifice himself for the public good. 
Accordingly, on the 16th of December, 1853, he issued a de- 
cree indefinitely prolonging the dictatorship, and conferring 
on himself the title of Most Serene Highness. 



456 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE 

At the opening of 1854 the political situation rapidly 
changed for the worse. Puffed with vanity and blinded by 
adulation, Santa Anna had begun to regard himself almost as 
a god. Soon pronunciamientos began to appear in various 
directions, and on the 20th of February news was received in 
the capital that Alavrez had raised the standard of revolt in 
the south. Soon afterward was proclaimed at Ayutla, in the 
department of Guerrero, a plan demanding the removal of the 
dictator, and the convening of a congress for the purpose of 
of framing a new federal constitution with popular representa- 
tion; and though at first the ministry pretended to despise 
the movement, they soon found it beyond their control. On the 
11th the plan was adopted with slight modifications by the 
garrison of Acapulco. under the leadership of Ignacio Comon- 




Ignacio Comonfoet. 

fort, a retired militia. colonel and ex-collector of customs, who 
had been removed from office under circumstances which un- 
justly cast a stain on his character. 



THE DICTATORSHIP. 457 

Santa Anna now decided to take the field in person, the 
ministry being instructed to issue a circular stating that his 
most serene highness would be absent from the capital only 
for a month, the object of his journey being to ascertain by a 
personal inspection the true condition of affairs. After gain- 
ing some insignificant victories, which were magnified by the 
local organ into a series of triumphs, he laid siege to Acapulco 
at the head of 7,000 men; but he was compelled to retreat, 
and in an action fought soon afterward his forces narrowly 
escaped destruction. Thenceforth the revolution spread rap- 
idly, its progress being aided by the cession to the United 
States of the Mesilla Valley, which included the present terri- 
tory of Arizona. 

In order to ascertain, as was pretended, the will of the na- 
tion, a vote was taken, whereby the people were requested to 
declare whether the dictator should remain in office, and if 
not, to whom he should surrender the executive authority. 
The result was an overwhelming majority in his favor, which 
had no effect, however, except to provoke a fresh series of pro- 
nunciamientos. At length, convinced that further effort was 
useless, he fled from the capital, setting out on the 9th of 
August for Vera Cruz, and appointing as his successors a trium- 
virate, consisting of the president of the supreme court and gen- 
erals Mariano Salas and Martin Carrera. Arriving at Perote, 
he issued a manifesto extolling his services, and accusing 
others of having brought on his country the misfortunes which 
were due only to his own selfish ambition. He also sent in- 
structions to General Vega, who had been placed in command 
at the capital, to install the triumvirate without further delay; 
but was informed that the city had already declared in favor 
of the plan of Ayutla. A few days later, he set sail for Ha- 
bana, whence he proceeded to Cartagena; and though he after- 
ward returned to Mexico, his presence was almost ignored, 
and henceforth his name disappears from the annals of the 
republic. 

No sooner was the nation released from the tyranny of the 



458 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

dictator, than the troops stationed in the capital, supported by 
a popular demonstration, placed Carrera temporarily in charge 
of affairs. Among other aspirants to the presidency was one 
of Santa Anna's discarded ministers, named Haro, who placed 
himself at the head of a revolutionary movement in San Luis 
Potosi; but Alvarez, soon afterward arriving in the capital, 
was appointed to the executive on the 4th of October, 1855. 
During his brief term of office, which lasted only until the 




Juan .^lvakez. 

12th of December, many decrees were issued with a view to 
promote reform and counteract the despotic measures of Santa 
Anna, foremost among them being the so-called Juarez law 
limiting the jurisdiction of ecclesiastical and military tri- 
bunals, and the special privileges of the army and clergy. 

Although these proceedings were almost necessary as safe- 
guards against further political disturbance, they were decried 
by the opponents of the government as intended merely to 
humiliate the clergy and lessen their influence. Even those 



THE DICTATORSHIP. 459 

who favored neither the church nor the liberals pronounced 
against the radical measures of the president, who was now 
called upon to surrender his authority in favor of Comonfort. 
Alvarez was not an ambitious man; nor did he feel at home 
amid the society of the capital. Moreover his health, already 
impaired, by age and infirmity, was seriously affected by the 
climate of the valley of Mexico. Hence he was only too ready 
to tender his resignation in favor of one who had proved him- 
self a sincere friend and a trustworthy ally. 

While less extreme in his policy, Comonfort remained 
true to the plan of Ayutla; hence the clergy still continued 
their machinations, a revolt being soon afterward started 
under the guidance of Haro, assisted by other prominent 
leaders. Comonfort, taking the field against them, achieved 
a signal triumph, which involved the fall of Puebla; and the 
clergy of this diocese being the main promoters of the upris- 
ing, their estates were seized in payment of war expenses and 
indemnities. Soon afterward a provisional constitution was 
framed, confirming the government in its discretionary powers, 
which included, among other functions, the appointment of 
governors and the censorship of the press. 

A decree suppressing the Jesuits was followed, on the 25th 
of June, 1856, by an enactment termed the Lerdo law, pro- 
hibiting civil and religious corporations from holding real 
estate, and allowing the tenants of such property to purchase 
it on liberal terms. Hence arose a hue-and-cry among the 
clergy, which resulted, however, only in the banishment of a 
number of clergymen and friars. In quelling the outbreaks 
which ensued, it must be admitted that the conduct of the 
president was stamped with a generosity as noble as it was 
rare, and thus he gained for himself the good-will of the peo- 
ple, whereby he was greatly assisted in the diffusion of liberal 
principles. 

The growth of liberal ideas enabled congress to issue, in 
1857, a new constitution, which, though resembling that of 
1824, contained many additional clauses. Declaring the rights 



460 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

of the people, it granted free speech and a free press, abolished 
special tribunals, hereditary honors, titles, and prerogatives, 
and forbade the confiscation of property. Corporations were 
not permitted to hold real estate, except what was needed for 
actual use, .and monopolies were forbidden with the exception 
of patents. The legislative power was vested in an assembly, 
termed the house of representatives, and chosen every two 
years by an electoral college at the rate of one deputy for 
every 40,000 inhabitants. 

These changes at first met with little opposition, except 
from the church party; but their objections carried such 
weight that many of the people finally refused to accept the 
constitution, and Comonfort proposed to replace it by the 
organic laws of 1843, which were extremely centralistic. 
Fortunately his party came to the rescue and imparted new 
courage, though the vacillation of the president gave a feel- 
ing of confidence to the opponents of the measure. Notwith- 
standing that the ensuing elections resulted in favor of Comon- 
fort, his want of firmness soon caused disastrous results; and in 
December, the commander-in-chief, Felix Zuloaga, issued a 
pronunciamiento at Tacubaya, winning over the entire garri- 
son of Mexico to his plan, which demanded that the constitu- 
tion should be rejected, and a congress summoned to frame 
one better suited to the needs of the country. 

The timid policy of the president enabled Zuloaga's army 
of regeneration, as it was termed, to issue yet another pro- 
nunciamiento, whereupon the former soon afterward departed 
for the United States, declaring that his presence seemed 
only to give rise to disorder. Though a liberal at heart, his 
good-natured desire to please both parties had aroused the dis- 
trust of one and destroyed his influence with the other. 

The plan of Tacubaya had been followed by the arrest of 
several deputies; but a number of liberals had fled to Quere- 
taro, and called upon the states to side with them in support 
of the adopted constitution. In response, an imposing coali- 
tion was formed, joined finally by Vera Cruz, which had »t 



THE DICTATORSHIP. 



461 



first declared for Zuloaga. General Parrodi was appointed to 
the command of the liberal forces, and Benito Juarez was in- 
stalled as president by virtue of his office as chief justice. 

Meanwhile another president had been appointed at the 
capital, in the person of Zuloaga, who had openly declared 




Felix Zuloaga 



himself a conservative, appointed a cabinet and council, and 
annulled all ultra-liberal decrees, ordering the restoration of 
all church estates. Under generals Osollo and Miramon his 
forces gained victory after victory, and with able leaders and 
abundant means their mere presence sufficed to bring most 
of the country to his feet. In May 1858, Juarez and his min- 
isters took refuge in Vera Cruz, the strength and position of 
this port and its sea-girt fortress making it a favorable point 
from which to direct the operations of the liberal forces. Al- 
though few in numbers, the Juarists had won the confidence 
of the people by promising release from the oppression of 
land-owners and the clergy. 



462 



HISTOUY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 




Vera Cruz. 




. Bastion.of Sn. Crispin. 
2.. " " Sh. Pedro. 
.3., ''^ " Santiago. 

4. "■ " ia Soledad. 

5. Caballoro. 

6. Parade Ground. 

7. Palace. 

S* Light House. 



Vera Cruz and Ulua. 



THE DICTATORSHIP. 463 

The result was a revival of the great popular movement of 
1810. In all directions guerilla bands came forth from their 
mountain fastnesses, and when defeated in one place reunited 
in another. While priests launched forth anathemas, liberal 
chieftains scattered broadcast their proclamations, which for 
a time resulted only in forced loans and levies, paralyzing 
trade and spreading misery in all directions. The latter 
spared the poorer classes as far as possible, but the conserva- 
tives pressed heavily upon all, and later committed the fatal 
blunder of calling in foreigners to aid them in their extortions. 

After a long period of continuous warfare, an entirely unfore- 
seen event gave a new aspect to affairs. At Ayotla General 
Echeagaray, on whom Zuloaga relied for the capture of the 
Juarist stronghold, pronounced in favor of a middle course 
between the liberal and conservative extremes, declaring that 
he would make an effort to save the nation by proposing con- 
ciliatory measures. To this end his army would occupy the 
capital, and there summon an assembly composed of three 
deputies elected from each department, for the purpose of 
framing a new constitution to be submitted to public vote. 
This project resembled somewhat the plan of Iguala, whereby 
Iturbide united the royalists and insurgents in the struggle for 
independence; but though adopted by the garrison, it failed 
to receive the support of the new congress, which was com- 
posed almost entirely of conservatives, and chose for president 
Miguel Miramon, who thus at the age of twenty-six found 
himself at the head of the nation and of the Mexican armies. 

Within a year and a half after the presidency was conferred 
on Juarez by the liberal party, no less than seventy battles 
were fought, three fourths of which were claimed as victories 
by the conservatives, this result being mainly due to their 
superior organization. So severely, however, were they strait- 
ened for means to carry on their costly operations, that in 
October 1859 a loan of $15,000,000 was contracted on very 
unfavorable terms, which afterward led to a disastrous foreign 
intervention. Juarez was also driven to similar straits. In 



464 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



April he had succeeded in obtaining from the United States a 
formal recognition of his government, greatly to the disgust of 
the conservatives; and a treaty was arranged by Minister 
McLane, whereby perpetual and unrestricted transit was 
secured across the isthmus of Tehuantepec, and across the 
northern states to the Pacific Ocean, together with exemption 
for American citizens from levies and loans, and permission to 
employ troops to enforce the observance of the stipulations. 




MiGUAL MiRAMON. 



In return for these concessions the liberals were to receive a 
few millions. The indignation caused by these measures, not 
only in Mexico, but in England and France, called the atten- 
tion of American statesmen to the danger of accepting privi- 
leges which were interpreted by foreigners as a virtual transfer 
of the country. The treaty was not ratified; and thus the 
liberals escaped the responsibility of a proceeding which might 
have been used as a formidable weapon against them. 

Another conspicuous act on the part of Juarez was the 
church confiscation decree of July 12, 1859, based on the 



THE DICTATORSHIP. 



465 



ground that the clergy had been the main support of the roy- 
alists during the war of independence, and since then the 
most powerful opponents of liberal ideas, promoting the pres- 
ent fratricidal war for the purpose of retaining their supremacy 
both in civil and religious matters. It restored to the nation 
all property held by the regular and secular clergy, and sev- 
ered the union between church and state, while granting to all 
denominations the right of public worship. Ministers were to 
receive for their services only voluntary fees, and could hold 
no I'eal estate, while all religious societies were dissolved, as 
dangerous to the public welfare. These measures aroused to 
greater bitterness the clerical party, which did not hesitate to 
oppose them through the confessional, the pulpit, and the 
curse of excommunication, taking advantage of the timid con- 
sciences of women and the fears of the people. 

During the latter part of 1859, the conservatives were again 
victorious in the field; but at the beginning of the following 
year the scale of victory turned in favor of the liberals, and on 
the 10th of August the former were totally routed by General 
Ortega, with the loss of their artillery, baggage, and a large 
number of prisoners. After some further triumphs, the forces 
of the Juarists, now mustering 25,000 strong, entered the capi- 
tal on the 1st of January, 1861. amid the plaudits of their 
long-suffering adherents. 




466 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



CHAPTER XLVIII. 
FOREIGN INTERVENTION. 

The appointment of Juarez to the presidency was due, as 
will be remembered, only to the accident of succession, and at 
the forthcoming elections several powerful personages came for- 
ward as competitors. The former was acknowledged, however, 
as a patriot whose self-abnegation, administrative ability, and 
tenacity of purpose had contributed largely to the defeat of 
the conservatives, and on him fell the choice of the liberals, 
though by a small majority. 

Of humble birth, the poverty of his relatives, and the iso- 
lated position of his home, in an obscure hamlet some eight 
leagues from the city of Oajaca, prevented him from receiving 
in early youth any education. When twelve years of age, he 
could neither read nor write, and was entirely ignorant of the 
Spanish language. In 1818 he entered the service of a worthy 
and charitable citizen, who resolved to train him for the priest- 
hood, and in due time entered his name on the books of a 
theological college. But though a gifted and diligent stu- 
dent, Juarez had no taste for theology, aud soon afterward 
resolved to prepare himself for the profession of law. Before 
being admitted to the bar, he took an active part in the politi- 
cal campaign of 1828, declaring in favor of the Yorkino fac- 
tion. Thenceforth his time was devoted rather to politics 
than to the practice of his profession, and in 1846 he was 
elected a deputy to the national congress. In the following 
year he was appointed governor of Oajaca, and held that posi- 
tion for several years, becoming a member of the cabinet -after 
the triumph of the revolution of Ayutla. 

The liberals were now divided into two parties, which may 
be termed the constitutionalists and reformists, the former 
abiding by the constitution of 1857, and the latter being in 



FOREIGN INTERVENTION 



467 



favor of radical amendments; while a third faction, sustained 
by the clergy, was somewhat in sympathy with the conserva- 
tives. Even in the cabinet there was dissention, caused 
mainly by financial questions, among them being the suspen- 
sion of payments on the national debt, and the necessity for 
forced loans and an increase of taxation. 




Benito Pablo Juarez. 



To suspend payments to foreign creditors was a measure 
against which their representatives decidedly protested, the 
French minister being especially urgent in insisting on the 
rights of his countrymen. Soon afterward came news of a 
convention between England, France, and Spain, whereby 
these powers proposed to intermeddle with Mexican affairs, 
first seizing the custom-house at Vera Cruz and holding it as 



468 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

security for claims. The government made preparations for 
defence; but as experience had proved that the fortress of 
Uliia could not be defended against foreign armaments, it was 
abandoned, and at the close of 1861 a Spanish fleet, followed 
a few weeks later by French and British squadrons, took pos- 
session of the principal harbor of the republic. 

Before the unyielding determination of Juarez, and the un- 
folding designs of Napoleon III., Spain began to waver, and in 
April withdrew her forces, followed soon afterward by the 
English, though not until the latter had. concluded an advan- 
tageous treaty. The French, however, boldly declared their 
intention to establish a monarchy in Mexico, and while dis- 
claiming any hostile intentions against the people, issued a 
proclamation inviting all who were friendly to their cause to 
rally round the standard of the most liberal nation in Europe. 

Meanwhile the emissaries of the reactionist party had been 
actively at work in the interior, fomenting rebellion and tam- 
pering with the loyalty of the troops. On the 19th of April a 
pronunciamiento was issued at Cordoba, wherein the authority 
of Juarez was denied, and General Almonte recognized as the 
head of the republic, the latter issuing a manifesto, calling on 
his countrymen to assist him in establishing, with the aid of 
the French, a more stable and trustworthy government. 

At first Juarez had intended to prolong negotiations until 
the approach of the rainy season, when fever and malaria 
would force the invaders to retire; but this hope being frus- 
trated, he adopted vigorous measures for defence, calling all 
the citizens to arms, and despatching a strong corps of obser- 
vation toward the coast. 

On the 4th of May a French division, 6,000 strong, under 
command of General Lorencez, encamped in sight of Puebla. 
On the following day was fought, in front of that city, a battle 
that will ever be memorable in the annals of the nation, the 
anniversary of this triumph being thenceforth numbered 
among the festal days of the republic. 

Puebla de los Angeles, the second city of the republic in im- 



FOREIGN INTER VENTION 



469 



portance, was the midway station on the road from Mexico to 
Vera Cruz, and mistress of the vast and fertile plains that 
intervened. Founded a few years after the conquest on the 
ruins of an ancient settlement, in the eighteenth century it ri- 
valled the capital, not only in size, but in architectural beauty, 
which was brought into relief by its numerous plazas, filled 
with flowers and shrubbery, and running fountains fed by the 




PUEBLA. 

1. Cathedral. 10, 11. Theatres. 

2. Palace. 12, 13. Bull-rings. 

3. Episcopal Palace. 14. Barrack. 

4. 5, 6, 7. Hospitals and Asylums. 15, 16. Parks. 

8. Academy of Fine Arts. 17. Main Plaza. 

9. Presidio. 



surrounding streams. Its wealth and position had frequently 
gathered around it the vultures of war, and fortifications had 
been constructed, fringed by a series of yet unfinished out- 
works, among them being the fort of Loreto, and the intrench- 
ments around the chapel of Guadalupe, on an oblong hill, 
commanding the city. 



4/0 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE 



Calling his generals together, Zaragoza, the commander-in- 
chief of the Mexicans, represented to them the danger men- 
acing their country, and the disgrace of allowing an invading 
army, however formidable, to advance unchecked on the capi- 
tal. " If we cannot defeat them, we can at least cripple them," 
he argued. In response all swore to defend the city to the 
last. 




The Field of Cinco de Mayo. 



The Mexican forces consisted of five brigades, the first un- 
der Escobedo, to whom was intrusted the interior line of 
defences, the second under Negrete, who covered the fortifica- 
tions of Loreto and Guadalupe, and three others, each about 
1,000 strong, under Diaz, Berriozabal, and Lamadrid, drawn 
up in parallel lines along the eastern front of the city, which, 
it was supposed, would be the objective point of attack. 



FORB/ON INTERVENTION. 471 

Instead of advancing against the east front, however, Loren- 
cez made a detour toward the north, and opened with round 
shot on Guadalupe, but at too long range to take effect. Zara- 
goza replied with a brisk fire, and ordered up Berriozabal's 
brigade, with Lamadrid in close support, leaving Diaz to cover 
the east line. Thereupon the French advanced in three col- 
umns, the first directed against the hill, supported at some 
distance by the second, and the third against Diaz. 

The configuration of the ground enabled the leading column 
to advance, with but few casualties, to within a hundred yards 
of the intrenchments, and then, in the face of a tremendous 
grape and musketry fire, in front and flank, it pushed forward 
to the summit and prepared to rush on the battery. At this 
juncture, Berriozabal's regiments, which lay concealed behind 
the crest, rose like a living wall, and delivered a withering 
volley at point-blank range, which threw the enemy's ranks 
into confusion. A bayonet charge drove them in disorder 
down the hill, and on reaching its base their discomfiture was 
completed by the onslaught of Alvarez's cavalry. 

But the second column advanced to their support, giving 
time for the leading division to rally, when both pushed for- 
ward to the base of the rampart, though under a raking fire 
which filled the ditches with their dead and dying, while over 
this human bridge the living still pressed onward. The bat- 
talion in charge of the parapet, composed of raw recruits, fell 
back before the assailants; but the reserve so efi'ectually en- 
fiUaded the position that the storming party wavered, and a 
momentary diversion was created. At this moment a gallant 
charge was made by one of the San Luis battalions, supported 
by the recruits, whose ranks had already been re-formed. 
And now the very heavens seemed to participate in the fray; 
for the lowering clouds poured down rain in torrents, and the 
incline, slippery with mud and gore, refused a foothold to the 
invaders, who were driven in headlong rout toward the camp. 

Meantime the third column had attacked the eastern front 
of the city, defended by the brigade of Diaz. His first line was 



FOREIGN INTERVENTION. 473 

driven in, but deploying to the right, free play was allowed for 
the artillery, while the Guerrero battalion made a dash against 
the French left. This being repulsed, Diaz ordered a simulta- 
neous advance against both flanks, in support of a charge, led 
by himself, against the enemy's front. Reserving his fire un- 
til the troops were within close range, he delivered a shattering 
volley along the entire line, and then led his men to the 
charge. The enemy broke and fled, pressed hotly by their 
assailants, until they were driven beyond a neighboring canal, 
where they rallied and continued their retreat. 

The two armies faced each other until seven o'clock in the 
evening, when the French returned to their camp, and thence, 
on the 8th, retreated to Orizaba, there to await the arrival of 
re-enforcements which were on their way from France. 

In this engagement Lorencez admits a loss of 476 men, while 
by the Mexicans, who collected the dead and wounded on both 
sides, it was estimated at 1,000. The casualties of the latter 
were reported at 240 in killed, wounded, and missing. The 
medals and decorations found on the battle-field, together with 
those taken from the captives, were forwarded to the capital; 
but Juarez returned them, and ordered the captives sent back 
to the French lines, provided with money for their journey. 

On the 7th and 8th Zaragoza's army was re-enforced by two 
divisions, mustering in all 6,000 men, whose arrival, a day or 
two earlier, would have rendered still more decisive the victory 
known throughout Mexico as El Cinco de Mayo, or the Fifth 
of May. 

Though not discouraged by this reverse, Napoleon foresaw 
that to establish imperialism in Mexico would be a task more 
difiicult than he had at first imagined. Re-enforcements were 
therefore despatched under General Forey, with instructions 
to enlist under his standard all the Mexican troops that could 
be induced to join him, and then form a provisional govern- 
ment, for the purpose of submitting to the people a new politi- 
cal system, framed, of course, with a view to French influence 
and ascendency. 



474 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

General Forey well understood what was expected of himj 
and in his manifesto, issued in September, took pains to con- 
ceal, under the plea of civilization and progress, his designs 
for invasion and conquest. In March 1863, he appeared 
before Puebla at the head of more than 26,000 men, and with 
an ample supply of siege artillery and ammunition. Here it 
had been determined to arrest the advance of the enemy, and 
vigorous preparations had been made for defence, the city 
being encircled by nine outworks, mounted with 200 cannon, 
and protected by ditches and ramparts, while the inner line 
consisted of blocks of fortified buildings, connected by barri- 
cades, and centring around the massive walls of convents and 
churches. The garrison now consisted of about 22,000 men, 
termed the Army of the East, under command of General 
Ortega. 

The French opened fire with 58 pieces of artillery, and ap- 
proaching the outer defences with an elaborate network of 
trenches, captured the redoubt of San Javier at the extreme 
west of the town. Breaches were then opened through the 
inner line, the success of the assailants at first creating no 
little consternation among the besieged. At this juncture. 
General Diaz, who commanded one of the infantry brigades, 
was ordered to take charge of the most exposed quarter, ad- 
joining the captured fort. Here he planned a new system of 
intrenchments; but before it was completed, the French were 
upon him, each stroke of bar and pick being accompanied with 
the crumbling of walls, while round shot came crashing through 
the meson San Marcos, which formed one of the strongest 
points in the interior line of defence. Then toward nightfall 
several companies of zouaves made a dash at the principal 
breach, driving back the defenders to the inner court. 

In the centre of the court, near the fountain, stood a single 
piece of cannon which commanded the entrance. Eager to 
save this position, Diaz sprang toward the gun, and finding it 
unloaded, charged it with his own hands, tearing up the pav- 
ing-stones for projectiles. ''Clear the way!" he cried to his 



FOREIGF INTERVENTION. 475 

men; and as the zouaves pushed forward, discharged it at 
close range, carrying destruction into the enemy's ranks. The 
storming party was then driven back at the point of the bayo- 
net, and by ten o'clock the building was regained, the breaches 
made by the artillery being repaired during the night. But 
close beyond the fight was still maintained, and again at the 
critical moment Diaz came up, his presence restoring confi- 
dence to the wavering troops. Here all night long the contest 
raged with varying success, and not until after daybreak were 
the assailants finally repulsed and the damages partially 
repaired. 

Soon after the reveille the assault was renewed, being di- 
rected first against the Calle de Cholula, where Colonel Gon- 
zalez, later president of the republic, held out manfully 
although wounded, and with the aid of Diaz repelled the 
attack. San Marcos was also assailed, but without result, ex- 
cept further to strew the ground with dead and wounded. 
Elsewhere the French were repulsed, and after repeated fail- 
ures, all further attempts in this direction were abandoned. 
On the 25th of April, little impression having been made on 
the enemy's works, a council of war was summoned, at which 
Forey proposed to suspend operations until heavier siege guns 
could be procured, or until after the capture of Mexico. His 
proposition was rejected as hazardous and inglorious, and 
operations were directed against the southern quarter, as the 
most vulnerable point in the lines of the besieged. Even here 
little progress was made, however, Diaz with a portion of his 
brigade, now relieved from pressure, coming to the rescue 
wherever danger was most threatening. 

Discouraged by these reverses, Forey invited the com- 
mander-in-chief to a conference, and to his aide-de-camp — for 
Ortega declined to meet him in person — pointed out the hope- 
lessness of protracting a defence which had already been 
prolonged further than was required by military usage, and 
apparently for the sole purpose of winning renown. If such 
was the case, he need not hesitate; fame should be his, and in 



476 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



the cause of humanity he might now resign the struggle with 
unsulhed reputation. Ortega was required only to concede a 
little to the prestige of a French general, and honorable terms 
of capitulation would be granted. Sooner or later the city 
must be surrendered, for already the garrison was sorely in 
need of provisions and ammunition. Yet more: the wily 
Frenchman even offered him the presidency, promising to 




Jesus Gonzalez Ortega. 

support him with his army, and made certain propositions 
which if accepted would bring about a settlement of the 
questions at issue. Should these conditions be rejected, he 
requested an interview with Ortega at such time and place as 
the latter might designate. To all this the Mexican com- 
mander replied that since the general's proposals involved 
French intervention in the affairs of Mexico, they could not 
be entertained, and that for himself he declined a conference. 



FOREIGN INTERVENTION. 477 

In the lines defended by Diaz and others, subterranean gal- 
leries had been made, for the purpose of blowing up the build- 
ings occupied by the French; but though the mines were 
completed, there was no powder wherewith to charge them. 
Toward the end of April provisions were entirely consumed, 
horses, mules, and even dogs being devoured by the starving 
garrison, and even of these, a few days later, there were none 
remaining. 

On the morning of the 8th of May heavy firing was heard in 
the direction of San Lorenzo, and for a moment the garrison was 
cheered with the hope that Comonfort was advancing to their 
relief at the head of the army of the centre. It was indeed 
Comonfort; but he had not even hinted that his movement 
would be made by way of San Lorenzo. Hence no effort was 
made to support him, and on the following day Ortega re- 
ceived a despatch from the French general, announcing the 
defeat of the Mexicans. Nevertheless the defence was con- 
tinued for a week longer, until there remained neither ammu- 
nition nor any scrap of food, the only rations served out to 
the garrison being an extract made from orange leaves. 

Finally, on the 17th of May, a general assault being ordered, 
of which due notice had been sent to Ortega, the garrison sur- 
rendered at discretion, terms of capitulation being refused. 
If we can believe the historian of the expedition, the number 
of prisoners amounted to 12,500, including 26 generals and 
more than 1,500 commissioned officers, many having deserted, 
while most of the cavalry cut their way through the enemy's 
lines. On the side of the French the casualties exceeded 1,300, 
of whom 185 were killed, and many were fatally wounded. 

The large number of captives made it impossible to provide 
a sufficient escort, and Diaz availed himself of the first oppor- 
tunity to escape, his example being followed by many of the 
officers, all of whom had refused to sign paroles. On reach- 
ing Mexico he was received with a tumultuous ovation, for his 
exploits at Puebla had already been noised abroad throughout 



478 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

the country. Offered by the president his choice of the com- 
mand of an army corps or the position of minister of war, "I 
thank your Excellency," he replied, "but my age alone would 
arouse discontent among older and more deserving officers, 
and perhaps endanger the cause by tempting them to disaffec- 
tion." 

Encouraged by the bold resistance offered at Puebla, Comon- 
fort prepared to make a stand in defence of the capital; but 
as he could muster only 14,000 men, inferior to Ortega's corps 
in arms and equipments, it was resolved to spare the city the 
horrors of a bombardment, and to remove the seat of govern- 
ment to San Luis Potosi, there to devise means for a more 
effectual resistance. Notwithstanding his scruples, Diaz was 
appointed to the command, and within three months reported 
the army in a thorough state of efficiency, submitting to the 
minister of war his plan for the approaching campaign, wherein 
he proposed to distract the enemy's attention by a series of 
operations directed from various points, without risking all 
on the issue of a single encounter. 

On the departure of the liberals the conservative party 
assumed control in the capital, and openly declared in favor 
of French intervention. On the 10th of June, Forey entered 
the capital, and on the 12th issued an address, wherein he de- 
clared the military occupation of Mexico an acknowledged 
fact, and tendered much superfluous advice as to the political 
issues at stake, in which the words " concord," " fraternity," 
and "patriotism" were freely interposed. The inhabitants 
must cease to be either liberals or conservatives and become 
Mexicans; meaning, as may be presumed, that they should 
cheerfully and of one accord accept the intervention. Though 
promising more than he could possibly accomplish, many 
were cajoled by his specious phrases, believing that after 
nearly half a century of republican rule and anarchy in guise 
of republicanism, any change must be for the better. 

B}'^ decree of June 16, 1863, Forey authorized the nomina- 



FOREIGN INTERVENTION. 479 

tion by the emperor's minister of thirty-five Mexican citizens, 
who were to form a Junta Superior de Gobierno, or governing 
council, and elect by absolute majority three citizens, in whom 
should be vested the executive authority. The junta was also 
empowered to select 215 citizens, without distinction as to 
rank or class, the latter, in association with the board, form- 
ing a so-called Assembly of Notables, which should decide on 
a definitive form of government, by a majority of at least two 
thirds of its members. 

On the 24th of June, the provisional triumvirate was in- 
stalled in the persons of Almonte, the figure-head president 
of the conservatives, the centralist ex-president Salas, and 
Archbishop Labastida, the last of these appointments tending 
to reassure the clergy and their sympathizers. With their 
natural bent for ridicule, the people nicknamed the trio the 
butterfly of San Juan, composed of Indian, dotard, and saint, 
denoting the pronounced aboriginal type of Almonte, the de- 
crepitude of Salas, and the sanctity of the archbishop. 

The assembly of notables met for the first time on the 8th 
of July, and two days later declared in favor of a limited 
monarchy, in the form of an hereditary empire, and in the 
person of Archduke Maximilian, brother to the emperor of 
Austria, and a descendant of Charles V., the first sovereign of 
Mexico. A foreign prince was selected in order to prevent 
rivalry between contending factions, and to surround the 
throne with the halo of royal prestige. While England favored 
his election, the United States was opposed to any European 
interference in the affairs of the northern continent, though 
at this juncture it was somewhat doubtful whether their gov- 
ernment would ever again be in a position to enter a formal 
protest. 

By the people at large the presence of an invading host and 
the prospect of a foreign dynasty were regarded with bitter 
indignation; for not even amid the calamities of civil war had 
they for a moment lost faith in the republic. The ephemeral 



480 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



empire of Iturbide, with its abrupt and ghastly episode, had 
already proved that royalty and viceroyalty would never more 
find in Mexico an abiding-place; and the weakness of the 
monarchists was further exemplified by the conservative party, 
which, with all its wealth, and supported even by the church 
of Rome, was compelled to appeal for aid to foreigners. 




THE EMPEROR MAXIMILIAN. 481 



CHAPTER XLIX. 
THE EMPEROR MAXIMILIAN 

Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian of Hapsburg, or Fer- 
nando Maximiliano as he was known in Mexico, was a brother 
of Franz Joseph, emperor of Austria, being the second son of 
Archduke Franz Karl and Archduchess Sophie. He was 
born at the palace of Schcenbrunn on July 6, 1832. After 
completing his education most creditably, and acquiring sev- 
eral languages, he fitted himself for the naval profession, and 
to obtain a practical knowledge of its intricacies, he made 
several sea voyages. In 1854 he was called to the chief com- 
mand of the Austrian navy. Two years later he visited sev- 
eral nations in western Europe, and during his sojourn in 
Paris was the guest of Napolean III., a warm friendship spring- 
ing up between them. Maximilian was wedded in Belgium 
to Princess Marie Charlotte Amelie, a daughter of King Leopold 
I., and his queen, Louise of Orleans. Some time after, he sailed 
for Brazil, leaving his bride to await his return at Madeira. 
When they went back home the emperor called him to fill the 
responsible position of governor-general of the Lombardo- Vene- 
tian kingdom, in which he acquitted himself with so much 
wisdom and moderation as to gain the good-will of the discon- 
tented Italians, as well as the approval of foreign govern-, 
ments, if not of his own. This was to be expected, from the 
fact that liberalism clashed with the despotism then controlling 
affairs in Austria. 

Maximilian was a constant worker, and besides attending 
to his official duties, spent many hours in preparing impor- 
tant works on scientific, artistic, and literary subjects. 

The choice of a prince for the throne of Mexico having, 
by the request of the notables, devolved on Napoleon, he 
tendered it to Maximilian, which being indorsed by Eng- 
31 



482 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

land, and tacitly approved by Austria, his mission being, as 
the French put the matter, to replace the tyranny of Juarez 
by an empire. 

The Juarez government attempted to counteract the meas* 
ures of the imperialists by promises and threats. In the 
pohtical circulars addressed to local authorities and foreign 
powers, the proposed empire was declared an infringement of 
national rights, and a cloak to cover the designs of the French 
to transform Mexico into a colony. The anger of the people 
was roused, moreover, by a publication of the outrages inflicted 
on sacred institutions, on feeble women, and on defenceless 
prisoners. As to the result of the invasion, it was declared 
that the French, already humbled by their reverses before 
Puebla, could not long withstand a nation which had driven 
from its soil the more powerful armaments of Spain. 

In August 1863, the imperial columns, mustering 35,000 
strong, still encircled the capital, their position extending along 
the highway to Vera Cruz, and occupying sixty towns and vil- 
lages. They were veteran troops, — men who had displayed 
amidst the battle-fields of Europe and Algiers all the bravery 
inherent to their race, — and commanded by able and expe- 
rienced ofl&cers. The ranks of the liberals were composed 
mainly of raw recruits, badly armed and equipped, and led 
by generals who seldom acted in concert. 

On the spot where, three centuries and a half before, Cortes 
had received, as the representative of Charles V., the homage 
of Montezuma's embassy, accompanied hj his wife, Carlotta of 
Belgium, landed Maximilian, amidst the pomp and circum- 
stance accorded to his position. " I care not for words but for 
hearts," he said to Mejia, who received him at Vera Cruz, and 
the manly and intelligent expression of his features reflected 
the kindness of his soul. But though a scholar and a prince, 
he was not a leader of men; and while brave and chivalrous, he 
lacked the energy needed in one who assumes control of a 
nation. 

The arms of the republic met with a series of reverses, the 



THE EMPEROR MAXIMILIAN. 483 

advance of the imperialists being checked, however, by the 
operations of Porfirio Diaz. On the 17th of January, 1865, 
General Bazaine established his headquarters in the neighbor- 
hood of Oajaca, his force mustering about 12,000 strong, of 
of which perhaps one third consisted of Mexican auxiliaries. 
Diaz had at his command some 3,000 regulars, and of guerillas 
about the same number. 




Maximilian. 

Penned in this stronghold, the ranks of the Mexicans were 
rapidly thinned by desertion, not through cowardice, but from 
a conviction that their cause was hopeless. An instance is 
related of one Carballido, a lieutenant of artillery, who at- 
tempted to leave his post to continue the struggle under a 
guerilla captain. He was tried by court-martial and con- 
demned to death. "General," pleaded the oflScer, "I am 
ready to die; but let me meet deat't? face to face with the foe." 
Touched by this appeal, Diaz permitted him to rejoin the 
ranks as a private soldier, and during an expedition in south- 
3rn Oajaca he was shot through the chest. "My fault is 



484 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

expiated," he exclaimed, sinking to the ground, as did one of 
the heroes of the battle of Cold Harbor, whose exploit has been 
celebrated in verse. The conflict over, his comrades found 
him amid the slain, with his hand clasped over his heart, it is 
said, and on his features an expression of content. 

On the 8th of February Diaz had but a handful of troops 
remaining) but with great tenacity of purpose resolved to 
bury himself amid the ruins of his native city. Planting a 
single howitzer on the convent of San Francisco, he faced the 
batteries, and to those who blenched before the withering fire 
of the enemy, exclaimed, "Hold, my friends; don't show your 
backs to Frenchmen!" Shot flew thick and fast, striking 
down the cannoneers, until only one remained, Diaz assisting 
him in loading the gun, and being almost dragged from the 
spot by the ofiicers assembled under cover of the parapet. 

At length, recognizing that further resistance meant only 
sacrifice of life, Diaz ofiered to capitulate. All terms, other 
than unconditional surrender, were refused, whereupon he 
proceeded to the headquarters of Bazaine, accompanied by 
two of his officers. "I will not allow you a final victory," he 
exclaimed. " The place would succumb to the first attack, for 
it is almost defenceless. I alone am responsible for the resist- 
ance offered, and I am now at your disposal. I ask only con- 
sideration for my valiant comrades and my native city." 

"By yielding sooner," replied the French general, "you 
might have stood well with the government, and exempt from 
the charge of high treason against your sovereign." 

"I never acknowledged a sovereign," exclaimed Diaz; "and 
shall ever oppose the enemies of my country." 

"Probably so," rejoined Bazaine; "but remember that you 
have broken the parole given at Puebla." 

"It is false," exclaimed Diaz; "I have broken no parole." 

Thereupon the commander-in-chief ordered his adjutant to 
band him a copy of the oath administered to prisoners of war 
placed on parole. It read: "I swear to defend the cause of 
liberty and of my country with all my strength, recognizing 



THE EMPEROR MAXIMILIAN. 485 

the riglit of the French to watch me." The general hesitated, 
and finally took leave of his captive with a courteous bow. 

At Puebla the prisoners, with the exception of Diaz and two 
others, were induced to sign a promise to remain neutral dur- 
ing the war. At this time Baron de Chismandie was in com- 
mand of the city, and hoping to win over the Mexican to the 
cause of the empire, offered him his freedom if he would make 
a public promise not to attempt escape. "My private word is 
as binding as a public promise," he exclaimed. "Neverthe- 
less, you are a gentleman and my friend," rejoined the other, 
"and I will trust you to leave the prison at any hour during 
the day, so long as you return before sunset.' 

While awaiting his opportunity, Diaz was in communica- 
tion with his friends, and it was resolved that on the evening 
of the 20th of September he should make the attempt. When 
tattoo sounded, he kept himself in the background, and after 
dusk slipped out toward the prison wall, over which it had 
been arranged that a rope should be flung at the least exposed 
point. On reaching the spot no rope could be found, and a 
rustling on the roof indicating the approach of a sentinel. 
Diaz crouched into a corner, holding his breath, and fearing 
that his friends in the street might attract attention; but the 
soldier turned, and his footsteps grew fainter in the distance. 
Again he searched for the rope, and was again disappointed. 
In this position he remained for several minutes, which seemed 
to him as hours. But presently a series of taps directed him 
to the right spot, and climbing the wall, he slid down into the 
arms of his friends. Then he hastened out of the town before 
the alarm could be given, and mounting a horse, made his way 
to southern Puebla, following by-paths, and travelling without 
a single halt. Nor was this precaution unnecessary; for within 
a few hours after his escape men were scouring the country in 
all directions, induced by a reward of $10,000 oflfered for his 
capture or proof of his death. 

The reverses sustained by Diaz broke up for a time the 
ranks of the republicans. The imperialists overran the entire 



486 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

country, except its northern fringe, where the Juarists main- 
tained for a time the shadow of a government, protected less 
by the shattered remnants of armies than by the wilderness 
which surrounded it. 

Soon, however, the aspect of affairs was changed when Diaz 
reappeared on the scene, and at the head of a small force 
gained victory after victory over the imperialists, directing the 
operations of guerilla captains until opportunity permitted a 
combination of their scattered bands for a decisive campaign. 
In the midst of the imperialist triumphs, moreover, had been 
received the news of decisive federal victories in the United 
States, whereby the government at Washington was left with 
large armies with which to enforce, if necessary, the provisions 
of the Monroe doctrine. Indeed, the American press already 
insisted on their enforcement; troops were being massed on 
the [^Mexican frontier, while the ministerial attitude toward 
France was assuming a threatening character. 

Thus the eyes of Napoleon were at length opened to the 
danger of his position, and to the futility of his design for 
founding a transatlantic empire. Though he might defeat 
the Mexicans, he could not crush them; for now they were 
everywhere gathering anew, and in such numbers that they 
would soon be strong enough to overwhelm their enemies. 
France had also become alarmed at the prospect of adding 
humiliation to pecuniary losses, and finally it was found 
necessary to announce the withdrawal of the troops, to take 
effect at the beginning of 1867. Wholly unprepared for this 
blow, Maximilian sent his consort to plead with the emperor; 
but in vain. Napoleon had done with him ; and if the prince 
desired to continue the struggle, he must do so on his own re- 
sponsibility. Bound, however, by written stipulations, the 
former could not withdraw all support, and reluctantly lent 
his aid to the organization of a national army, with which 
Maximilian still presented a formidable front, though ham- 
pered grievously by want of funds. 

Disasters to the arms of the imperialsts led to the surrender. 




1 



488 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



in June 1866, of Matamoros, while Monterey and Saltillo were 
abandoned as useless. Tampico and Tuxpan yielded in Sep- 
tember, and Sonora was evacuated during the same month. 
Thereupon the French and their allies began a retrograde 
movement toward the coast, purposing to embark for home, 
and hotly pursued by the republicans. On the 3d of October, 
the former suffered a defeat at Miahuatlan, which was followed 
by another reserve at La Carbonera. On the 31st Oajaca 
capitulated, and early in March 1867 we find Porfirio Diaz 




Battle of La Carbonera. 



in front of Puebla, which now for the third time during the 
French invasion became the theatre of war. 

The forces of Diaz mustered about 2,500 strong, with only 
six pieces of artillery, while the garrison included an equal 
number of veteran troops, supported by the citizen soldiery, 
the city being protected by eight formidable outworks 
mounted with more than 100 cannon. Though the former 
were re-enforced by the division of Alvarez, consisting of 
1,500 men, with a few guns, a portion of the command was 



THE EMPEROR MAXIMILIAN. 489 

afterward despatched to Queretaro, where, as will presently 
appear, Maximilian was closely besieged. No wonder that 
even Bazaine paid a tribute of respect to this nimble and 
ubiquitous leader, who, escaping from prison, had collected 
and disciplined an army composed of the mere fragments of 
the republican forces. " But," exclaimed the general, " he 
will meet his doom, if he attempts the siege of Puebla. I 
would undertake to defend it with one third of its present 
garrison." It is probable that if such an officer as Bazaine 
had been in charge the defence would have been successful, 
or at least long protracted; but the one in command was Gen- 
eral Noriega, a conceited and dull-witted soldier, whose old- 
school tactics were, however, somewhat modified by the advice 
of his lieutenant, Quijano, who had won repute during the 
war with the United States 

Establishing his headquarters on the hill of San Juan, 
about a mile west of the city, Diaz commenced operations, 
and was allowed to push forward his parallels against the 
western and southern lines almost without opposition. Steady 
and sure was the progress of the siege, and point after point 
was carried by assault. First fell the formidable redoubt of 
San Javier, which was taken by General Carrion; and this 
success was followed by the capture of La Merced and of San 
Marcos, where Gonzalez was severely wounded. Gradually 
the batteries were advanced nearer and nearer to the works of 
the besieged, and soon, amid this city of monumental struc- 
tures, church-walls gaped in unsightly ruins, while shattered 
turrets were hurled down on crumbling altars, censer fumes 
gave place to sulphurous smoke, and the crash of falling bells 
foreboding the doom of an empire. 

When victory was almost within their grasp, news reached 
the camp of the besiegers that Marquez with a strong force of 
cavalry had escaped from Queretaro, and was about to set 
forth, at the head of several thousand choice troops, for the 
relief of Puebla. Diaz fully recognized the threatened danger, 
for encumbered as he was with an unwieldly train, an attack 



490 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

in such overwlielming force could not fail to prove disastrous. 
Still more did he feai the demoralization that attends retreat, 
and the sacrifice of his own reputation and his hard-won suc- 
cess. Revolving plan after plan, he at length came to a con- 
clusion, and appeared that evening at the mess-table serene as 
usual, while those around him exchanged stolen glances, and 
for a time no word was spoken. " Gentlemen," he said, at 
length breaking the silence, " I have a presentiment that we 
shall celebrate the anniversary of the 5th of May within or 
near the capital." 

Orders were then given to stop the siege operations, and to 
make ready for breaking camp. The guns were removed from 
the batteries, the wagons collected behind the hill of San Juan, 
and fatigue parties could be seen at work filling sacks with 
straw and twigs. ''What means this?" inquired certain of 
the soldiers. " They are for bonfires to hide our flight," was 
the ready response. Meanwhile the Pueblans, who had already 
been informed as to the movements of Marquez, were frantic 
with joy. "We wager you are gone to-morrow!" came the 
sneering cry from the garrison outposts. " These brawlers are 
right," exclaimed Diaz, when, on the same evening, he sum- 
moned a council of war. " We shall not be here to-morrow; 
we shall be in the city." At first his listeners failed to catch 
his meaning; but the seeming absurdity was quickly explained 
when the general unfolded his design. 

It was proposed to make a feigned assault on Fort Carmen, 
the most southerly of the outworks, with a view to attract the 
attention of the garrison and draw in that direction the reserve. 
Then a simultaneous attack was to be made on thirteen differ- 
ent points along the west and south-east fronts, so selected that 
the capture of a portion of them would prepare the way for 
the storming of the stronger positions. The sacks were intended 
to be used as fascines in crossing the ditches, and between two 
towers on the Iiill of San Juan were stretched on wires a num- 
ber of cotton strips, dipped in resinous matter, which when 
lighted were to give the signal for assault. 



THE EMPEROR MAXIMILIAN. 491 

The plan was approved, and a zealous rivalry arose among 
the officers for the honor of leading the storming parties, which 
barely averaged 100 men. To most of the generals was in- 
trusted a detachment, Alatorre, as chief of the first division, 
taking a command of the reserve, to be used where most it 
should be needed. 

Before daybreak on the 2d of April, Diaz opened fire on fort 
Carmen, in front of which guns had been unlimbered, and 
three of the detachments stationed. After a brisk cannonade, 
the columns advanced in succession, each one retiring in 
feigned disorder before the storm of grape and canister which 
swept over their ranks as they ascended the slope of the hill. 
Then was heard the bugle call, and instantly flames appeared 
on the summit of the Cerro San Juan, shedding a lurid light 
over city and valley, and displaying to the startled garrison 
the numerous storming parties which had quietly crept upon 
their defenses, and were now rapidly closing around them. 

The struggle was brief but desperate, much more so than 
had been expected, and anxiously, but at first in vain, did the 
commander-in-chief peer through the smoke of battle, await- 
ing some token of success. He beheld column after column 
charge fearlessly on the guns, only to be driven back again 
and again; he saw Alatorre, at the head of the reserve, hasten- 
ing to the support of the wavering troops in front of La Merced; 
while Pacheco, one of his bravest officers, was twice repulsed 
before Siempreviva. But suddenly a change occurred in the 
aspect of the fight. Once more Pacheco, though severely 
wounded and with a crippled arm, led his men to the assault, 
and at length gaining the battlements, sank with a cry of 
triumph to the ground. And now the ranks of the besieged 
broke in disorder; for at the same moment several of the 
storming parties made good their foothold, and falling simul- 
taneously on the rear of the enemy's lines, drove them back in 
confusion, many throwing down their arms, and others seek- 
ing refuge under the hill fortresses of Loreto and Guadalupe. 

The rays of the rising sun slanted athwart the republican 



492 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

colors, now planted on palace and steeple, though, from the 
guns of San Lorenzo was still maintained for hours a sullen 
and persistent fire. Batteries were planted at close range 
around this stronghold, and on the 3d of April a demand was 
made for an unconditional surrender, with an intimation that 
the assault was ordered for the following day, Avhen all nego- 
tiations would cease. During the night commissioners were 
sent to the camp of Diaz; but finding that no other terms 
could be obtained, the general in command tendered his 
sword. "Retain it, comrade," was the reply; "it has been 
kept well tempered, and may yet serve the republic." 

Thus fell Puebla, in some respects the most formidable of 
the strongholds which still remained to the imperialists. The 
achievement of April 2d shook the empire to its foundation, 
and spread dismay in the capital and in Queretaro, contribut- 
ing in no small degree to the ultimate triumph of the republi- 
can arms. 

According to existing decrees, and the practice so far estab- 
lished, all captured ofiicers were to be shot as traitors, even 
foreigners coming within this category after the withdrawal of 
the French armies. But to carry out such laws appeared to 
Diaz a measure revolting to the spirit of the age. He had no 
authority to hold them as prisoners; and to release them would 
bring on him the ill-will of the government. Nevertheless, 
he resolved to take on himself the responsibility, and sum- 
moning into his presence the eleven generals and six hundred 
inferior officers captured at Puebla, "Seiiores," he said "it 
is too painful for me; it is impossible to exact the penalty 
demanded by the law. The only other alternative is imprison- 
ment; but I remember well my own sufferings as a captive in 
this very spot, and wish to spare you a similar ordeal. Go, 
therefore; be free! All I ask is the promise that you will 
hold yourselves at the disposal of the supreme government if 
summoned. The nation will pass sentence on the empire, but 
should be lenient to her erring children." 



DOWNFALL OF THE EMPIRE. 493 



CHAPTER L. 
DOWNFALL OF THE EMPIRE. 

In order to counteract the effect of the many disasters of 
the imperialists, Maximilian had been induced to place him- 
self at the head of the army, and on the 13th of February, 
1867, set forth from the capital with 1,600 men and twelve 
pieces of artillery. On the 19th the emperor reached Quere- 
taro, where a considerable force was stationed, and was re- 
ceived with all the enthusiasm to be expected from one of 
the stanchest of imperial strongholds, and withal of decided 
clerical proclivities. Lying within a narrow valley, on the 
southern banks of the Rio Blanco, the city was built in the 
shape of a quadrangle, about 8,000 feet in length by 4,000 in 
breadth, the houses being freely interspersed with churches, 
chapels, convents, and public edifices. It was not only the 
capital of the state which bears that name, but one of the prin- 
cipal manufacturing centres of the country, sustaining a popu- 
lation of nearly 40,000 souls. For strategic purposes, however, 
its position was unfavorable; for it was commanded by hills 
on every side, and the river could be forded at several points. 

At a review held a few days after the emperor's arrival the 
forces at his disposal were found to consist of 9,000 men, in- 
cluding about 600 French, together with 39 pieces of cannon. 
To General Miramon was given the command of the infantry, 
of whch Castillo and Casanova each received a division, while 
Mejia was placed in charge of the cavalry, Reyes of the engi- 
neers, Arellano of the artillery, and Mendez of the reserve. 
The troops were of fair quality, though a large proportion con- 
sisted of raw levies, forcibly enrolled, and somewhat indifferent 
as to the cause. They were kept in good humor, however, by 
the presence and conduct of Maximilian, who gave his personal 
attention to every detail, mingling freely with the soldiers and 



494 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



citizens, in plain uniform or national garb, often joining with 
the crowd, and living like a subaltern officer in two scantily 
furnished rooms. His coolness under fire excited general ad-- 
miration; for his commanding stature and his never-absent 
field-glass made him a conspicuous target for the foe. 




Plan of Queretako. 



At a council of war held on the 22d of February, it had been 
decided to march forth from the city and attack the republi- 
cans in detail, before they had time to unite their forces. 
Through the advice of Marquez, however, whose influence out- 
weighed all other considerations, no attempt was made, though 
at this juncture a determined effort might yet have won vic- 
tory for the imperial arms. Thus the precious moments were 
allowed to pass, the troops remaining inactive until the Juarist 



DOWNFALL OF THE EMPIRE. 495 

forces had invested the city, shutting them up in what the 
emperor termed their mouse-trap. 

On the 5th of March, the republicans, under Escobedo, ap- 
peared before Queretaro, at first occupying positions along the 
southern and western fronts, extending later, as additional 
troops arrived, toward the north and east, and protected by 
the batteries constructed on the surrounding hills. Their 
forces included the army of the north under Treviiio, to whom 
Escobedo had relinquished the immediate command, the army 
of the west under Corona, and the army of the centre under 
Regules and Riva Palacio, the last of these corps being among 
the later arrivals, with the usual admixture of veterans and 
half-drilled recruits, and with a sprinkling of foreigners, prin- 
cipally Americans, the Juarist array was fully equal in mate- 
rial to that of the imperialists, and before the close of the 
siege outnumbered them four to one. 

The northern lines of the imperialists extended from the 
Cerro de la Campana, an oblong hill some seventy feet in 
height, which formed the western apex of their works, toward 
the Convent of La Cruz, built on a slight elevation, around 
which was the eastern line of defence. Thence their fortifica- 
tions ran parallel with the river, along the southern face of the 
city, turning from its south-west angle toward the Cerro de la 
Campana. Only a portion of the walls and earthworks had 
been finished before the siege began, the remainder being com- 
pleted under a galling fire. The Convent of La Cruz was the 
key-note to the position, the points next in importance being 
the bridge of Miraflores Street, crossing the centre of the town, 
the Campana hill, and the Pueblito gate at the south-east 
corner, where were the strongest batteries. 

Observing that the republicans were extending their lines 
eastward, Maximilian removed his headquarters to the Con- 
vento de la Cruz, which was within short range of the enemy's 
batteries, and soon became the objective point of attack. This 
convent, founded in the days of Cortes, had formerly been 
occupied as a Franciscan college. It was a solid stone edi- 



496 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

fice of great strength, standing at the lower end of the grounds, 
which were enclosed with heavy walls, and beside it was a 
smaller but equally substantial building, known as the Pan- 
theon, the burial-place of the friars. 

On the 14th of March a general assault was made on the 
town in three divisions, the first directed against the bridge of 
Miraflores, the second against the convent, and the third 
against the line west of the alameda, a fourth movement, di- 
rected against the Campana, being merely a feint. The attack 
was delivered simultaneously under cover of the batteries, the 
cavalry advancing against the south side, where, however, 
they were driven back in disorder by Mejia's squadrons, and 
in a second attempt were again routed. Meanwhile Castillo 
defended the bridge with equal spirit, the cazadores especially 
distinguishing themselves, and earning the title of Zouaves 
of Mexico. Nevertheless the summit of San Gregorio was 
captured by one of Trevino's brigades. 

The main struggle, however, was in the convent-grounds, 
where, through some unaccountable negligence, the Pantheon 
had been left unprotected, and was captured without opposi- 
tion. The importance of this point was at once recognized by 
the imperialists, and to regain it, Marquez ordered up his re- 
serve, recapturing the building after a severe struggle and 
with considerable loss. And now the attack was repulsed at 
all points, though the besieged made no attempt to follow up 
their advantage; for already their casualties amounted to 
600, while those of the republicans exceeded 1,000 in killed, 
wounded, and missing. 

Then followed days of inaction, during which the project 
was discussed of cutting through the enemy's lines and march- 
ing on the capital; but this was rejected as too hazardous, and 
it was resolved to continue the defence and await the arrival of 
re-enforcements. The task of procuring them was intrusted 
to Marquez, who, escaping by night at the head of 1,200 cav- 
alry, made his way to Mexico, and there demanded the con- 
tributions in men, money, and material, promised by the 
conservative leaders. 



DOWNFALL OF THE EMPIRE. 497 

The garrison was now reduced to less than 7,000 men, while 
the besieging forces had been largely increased, whereupon the 
Juarist leaders resolved on another assault, which was made 
on the 24th against the south line, where the fortifications 
were still incomplete. The divisions of Palacio and Martinez, 
which had arrived a day or two before, were mainly employed 
in this attempt, under the direction of Corona, as second in 
command. Amid the play of batteries in every direction, 
Martinez's column charged bravely on the line west of the ala- 
meda; but Miramon was there, supported by Mendez, and 
after a sharp struggle, the assailants were repulsed. 

Meanwhile Palacio was moving in force on the Casa Blanca, 
which was the real point of attack. The first onset was re- 
pelled by Mejia's cavalry; but a second effort was more suc- 
cessful, and advancing with a determined rush, the republicans 
carried all before them. It was a critical moment; but Are- 
llano saw the danger, and in person trained his guns on the 
densest masses of the enemy. Again the attacking column 
wavered, giving time for re-enforcements to arrive from the 
alameda, whereupon a counter-charge was made by the im- 
perialists with resistless impulse, amid cries of " Viva el em- 
perador!" The Juarists were finally defeated with a loss of 
2,000 in killed and wounded, and several hundred prisoners. 

After these reverses, the republicans determined to complete 
the investment of the city and turn the siege into a blockade, 
though still maintaining a perpetual bombardment. By the 
imperialists relief was hourly expected; but the days passed 
away in ever-increasing suspense, and in vain did they scan 
the horizon and listen for the sound of firing toward the south, 
which should herald the approach of Marquez. As if to mock 
their hopes, came news of his defeat, of the fall of Puebla. and 
of the investment of the capital by the republicans, though all 
these disasters were kept a secret, except among the most 
trusted ofiicers of Maximilian. 

It was now resolved to force a passage through the republi- 
can lines, and as a preliminary measure, Mixamon planned an 

32 



498 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

attack on the Cimitario hill, which commanded the southern 
lines. On the morning of the 27th of April he advanced on 
this point at the head of 2,000 men, while another column was 
led by Castillo against the Garita de Mexico, in order to divide 
the enemy's forces. So resolute and unexpected was the on- 
slaught that the Juarists fell back in disorder, and within an 
hour the entire army was in full flight, while guns, ammu- 
nition, and provision trains were abandoned to the assailants, 
and thousands dispersed, never to return. 

The joy of the imperialists at this unexpected triumph was 
boundless, and joined by the famished citizens, they began to 
secure the booty, paying little heed to the retreating foe. Even 
Miramon appeared to be thunder-struck at his own victory, 
strutting about the field and pondering over its effect and his 
future movements. At this juncture it was due to the dispo- 
sitions and presence of mind of General Corona that a serious 
disaster was averted. Rallying his troops, he obtained from 
Escobedo the choicest battalions of his reserve, which he pushed 
forward to the summit of the hill, and when the imperialist 
leaders, after losing two precious hours, at length collected their 
men, they found the enemy occupying a commanding position 
in their front. Then followed a severe repulse, the assailants 
being put to rout, notwithstanding the efforts of Maximilian 
and his generals, with a loss of several hundred men. 

Death and desertion had further reduced the ranks of the 
garrison to 5,000 men, and these were in pitiable plight. The 
cavalry were for the most part unmounted, their horses having 
died of starvation or been killed for food. Other meat there 
was none, and flour and maize were rapidly disappearing, pro- 
visions of all kinds commanding enormous prices. It cannot 
be said, however, that discontent was loudly expressed; for the 
Mexicans are a long-suffering race, inured to hardship, and the 
Queretanos patiently bore their fate. The emperor aided not 
a little in maintaining harmony by sharing freely every hard- 
ship and danger, by visiting the hospitals, cheering the sick 
and wounded, and alleviating as far as possible the sufferings 



DOWNFALL OF THE EMPIRE. 



499 



of the poor. But soon it became evident that the defence could 
not be much longer maintained, and again it was determined 
to break through the enemy's lines and make for the ranges of 
the Sierra Gorda, where were impregnable strongholds, occu- 




Ramon Coeona. 



pied by a sturdy race of mountaineers, all of them followers 
of Mejia. On the 14th of May all was in readiness, and the 
last scanty distribution had been made of beans and maize, 
horse-flesh, and red wine, other baggage being reduced to the 
smallest compass, and only the lightest field-pieces and a few 
portable bridges being carried on the backs of mules. 



500 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

Among the most favored of the imperialist officers was 
Miguel Lopez, a tall, portly man of imposing presence, and a 
colonel in the Empress dragoons. Cashiered for infamous 
conduct at Tehuacan during the war with the United States, 
he was employed in 1863 as a spy in the Franco-Mexican 
army. One of Maximilian's escort when first he landed at 
Vera Cruz, his suave courtesy and polished address rapidly 
won for him preferment, and in 1867 he was intrusted with 
secret missions by the emperor, who had even become sponsor 
for his child. 

But the good graces of Maximilian had roused against 
Lopez the jealousy of the Mexicans, and the treasonable acts 
of which he stood accused further increased their dislike. 
When, therefore, the emperor proposed to confer on him the 
rank of general, the leading officers protested, and exposed 
his former career. The confidence of Maximilian remained 
unshaken, however, for he appointed him to the command of 
his own escort, and on the eve of departure presented him 
with a medal, although no claim existed for such a distinc- 
tion, or for the cross of the legion of honor which already 
decorated his breast. 

Lopez was not entirely devoid of gratitude; but gratitude 
was not his ruling passion. More revengeful even than Bene- 
dict Arnold, he could not forgive a slur, and mercenary as the 
archtraitor, he found at length an opportunity to satisfy at 
once his hatred and his greed. Moreover, the empire was 
doomed, and as for himself he was already branded as a 
criminal. 

On the night of the 14th of May, the colonel stole forth from 
the city, and repairing to the headquarters of Escobedo, dis- 
closed to him the design of the imperialists, and for a certain 
sum of gold agreed to betray them to the enemy. The treach- 
ery could be consummated with little difficulty, for Lopez was 
now in charge of the reserve, stationed at the Convento de la 
Cruz. Already he had removed a portion of his troops, re- 
placing them with men under the command of a fellow-con- 



DOWNFALL OF THE EMPIRE. 501 

spirator, and on returning from the republican camp, lie made 
further changes, ordering the horses to be unsaddled and the 
cannon removed. Then he admitted to the convent-grounds 
a detachment of Juarist troops under General Velez, and 
under cover of darkness led them from post to post, explain- 
ing to the officers on guard that they were a portion of the re- 
lieving force. 

When the city had thus been delivered over to the republi- 
cans, Lopez sent warning to the emperor and certain of his 
generals, for whom, it would appear, he had provided means 
of escape. Maximilian at once summoned his body-guard, 
and ordered those around him to hasten to the Cerro de la 
Campana, there to decide on further action. Then, in com- 
pany with Castillo and others, he crossed the convent-grounds, 
and in the plaza beyond was confronted by a party of Juarists, 
at the head of whom was Lopez. Escape was impossible; 
but a whisper from the traitor to the officer in command 
caused the latter to open his ranks, saying to his men, " Le': 
them pass; they are civilians." 

On their way to the Cerro, Lopez overtook them, on this 
occasion alone and still unsuspected. He entreated Maxi- 
milian to hide himself in a certain house, where his safety 
would be assured. " I do not hide," exclaimed the emperor, 
who even refused to mount the horse which Lopez ordered to 
be sent to him, remarking that as his companions must walk 
he would accompany them on foot. 

At daybreak the city was completely in possession of the 
Juarists. A feeble resistance was made; but soon the republi- 
can ranks surrounded the Cerro, upon which fire was opened 
from their batteries. "Oh, for a friendly bullet!" exclaimed 
Maximilian, as he beheld the darkening prospect. Then turn- 
ing to Mejia, he proposed to cut their way through the enemy's 
ranks. "It is useless, sire," exclaimed the latter, as he sur- 
veyed the dense array of the republicans; "yet if your 
Majesty commands, it can be tried." A moment later the 
white flag was hoisted; and as the emperor gave up his sword. 



502 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

he declared that his abdication had already been sent to 
Mexico, and that he was prepared to leave the country. To 
this Escobedo replied that the republican government could 
alone decide as to his disposal. 

Little heed was paid to the exalted rank and pretensions of 
the captive, who was lodged in a scantily furnished chamber 
in the Capuchin convent, his generals, Miramon and Mejfa, 
occupying adjoining cells. A few days afterward an order 
arrived from the minister of war to arraign the " so-called 
emperor," and his two leading abettors, the " so-called gen- 
erals," Miramon and Mejia, before a court-martial, under a 
decree of January 25, 1862, whereby traitors and invaders of 
the soil were declared amenable to death. 

The trial opened on the 13th of June, in the Iturbide theatre, 
the stage being reserved for the officials, the prisoners, and 
their counsel, while the auditorium was crowded with specta- 
tors. The members of the court-martial consisted of a lieut- 
tenant-colonel and six captains, some of them unfitted to 
decide on the weighty questions involved. Mejia and Mira- 
mon were first summoned before the court, and the dignity of 
their bearing deeply impressed the audience. Their case was 
disposed of in a few hours, and then came that of Maximilian, 
who pleaded sickness, in order to spare himself the humilia- 
tion of appearing in public. 

The charges, thirteen in number, may be reduced in sub- 
stance to the following points: That he had placed himself at 
the head of the French intervention, aiming at the overthrow 
of constitutional government, and playing the part of a usurper; 
that at the head of an armed force, swelled by foreign enlist- 
ments, he had disposed of the lives and liberty of the people, 
permitting outrages of every description; that he had retained 
his assumed title of emperor after the departure of the French 
armies, signing an abdication which was to take effect only in 
case of his capture; and that he had protested against the 
jurisdiction of the court, refusing at his preliminary examina- 
tion to answer the charges brought against him, on the ground 
that they were of a political character. 



DOWNFALL OF THE EMPIRE. 503 

To influence a court-martial summoned under the decree of 
1862, and consisting of men whose reputation could not suffer 
by implicit obedience to the orders of their superior officers, 
was of course a hopeless task. The arguments of counsel were 
therefore directed mainly against the jurisdiction of the court. 
It was urged that the conflict between the empire and the re- 
public was a civil war, and not a mere party uprising, for the 
former had long controlled the greater portion of the country, 
and had been recognized by several foreign powers. This 
being the case, the prisoner could not be treated as a rebel; 
nor was he a usurper, for he had come by invitation of a rep- 
resentative council, confirmed by popular vote. The measures 
of his administration, his liberal policy, and the entire absence 
of persecution for political creed or attitude proved that he had 
not come as an oppressor, and after the withdrawal of the 
French armies, he had remained only to prevent a new gov- 
ernment from being forced upon the people. 

These arguments had little weight with the members of the 
court, who ignored the claims of Maximilian to be treated as 
a prisoner of war, and within a few hours after the conclusion 
of the trial passed sentence of death on all the captives. On 
the 16th the sentence was confirmed by Escobedo, and the 
execution ordered for three o'clock on the afternoon of the same 
day. Meantime petitions for mercy came pouring in from all 
directions, the ambassadors of several foreign powers exerting 
themselves to the utmost, but without avail. The ostensible 
reasons for refusal were that Maximilian would renew his pre- 
tensions, and that to extend pardon in such a case would 
afford a dangerous precedent. Among the real reasons were 
the jealousy of foreign interference and dictation, and the de- 
sire to show that Mexico could act independently. It was also 
flattering to national vanity thus to aim a blow at the divine 
right of kings, by putting to death a prince so widely con- 
nected among European rulers. The most effectual interces- 
sion would doubtless have come from the United States; but 
except for instructing its minister to recommend a humane 



504 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

policy, the government of that country remained passive, 
though such men as Garibaldi and Victor Hugo pleaded 
earnestly in his favor. 

On the morning of the 16th Maximilian and his companions 
prepared for death, and after partaking of the communion, 
stood awaiting the escort, the former in converse with his 
attendants and the latter with their confessors. The moment 
arrived, but no guard appeared; and an hour later an officer 
came to announce that a reprieve had been granted by the 
government until the 19th, in order to give them time to settle 
their aflfairs. " It is a pity," exclaimed the prince; " for I 
was prepared to have done with this world." During this 
interval came a report that the Princess Carlotta was dead. 
At first Maximilian was deeply affected; but soon his grief 
gave way to resignation, and he exclaimed: "It is one bond 
the less holding me to life." 

At six o'clock on the morning of the 19th the condemned 
were driven in carriages, each with his confessor by his side, 
to the Cerro de la Campana. The site was guarded by a large 
body of troops, who had orders to keep at a distance the vast 
throng of people, most of the latter being loud in their ex- 
pressions of sympathy. Stepping lightly from his carriage, 
the prince walked with unfaltering step to the spot assigned 
for his execution, in front of a shattered wall, which like 
the adjacent fields and slopes bore evidence of cruel con- 
flict. "Ah, what a splendid day!" he observed; "I always 
wished to die on such a day." Then turning to Miramon, who 
stood on the right, he remarked as he placed him in the centre: 
"A brave soldier is always respected by his sovereign; permit 
me to yield to you the place of honor." Bidding adieu to 
Mejia, he said: " General, what has not been rewarded on 
earth will be in heaven." After distributing some gold pieces 
among the soldiers detailed for the firing platoons, he bade 
them fire straight at his heart, exclaiming in a firm voice: 
"May my blood be the last shed in sacrifice for this country; 
and if more is required, may it be for the good of the nation, 
and never on account of treason." 



DOWNFALL OF THE EMPIRE. 



505 



With equal composure, Mir anion uttered a few words pro- 
testing against the imputation of treason, and Mejia, at first 
unnerved by sickness, but now recovering himself, exclaimed: 




RtTBAL Guard, 



"Viva Mexico, viva el Emperador!" The signal was then 
given, and the prince and his generals fell simultaneously, 
Miramon dying instantly, while a second shot was needed for 
Mejia and for Maximilian, who received a bullet through the 
heart, as he faintly whispered the word " hombre." 



506 HISTORY OF JHE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

In accordance with the wishes of Maximihan, his body was 
embalmed and conveyed to the chapel of San Andres in 
Mexico, there to await the arrival of a formal requisition 
from Austria. In November it was placed on board the same 
vessel which three years before had carried the unfortunate 
prince to his adopted country and to his doom. He had re- 
quested that his remains be laid side by side with those of 
Carlotta; but the princess, deprived of reason by accumu- 
lated misfortunes, still lived her living death. 

That the empire had a legal existence by virtue of a large 
vote among those who expected from it a more orderly and 
prosperous administration of affairs, is generally admitted. 
Unfortunately, the new government was established on an in- 
secure foundation; Maximilian failed to understand the peo- 
ple, or rather his sphere among the people, and was shackled 
by the weight of foreign armies and foreign interests. Though 
in favor of progress and reform, he lacked the means and the 
qualities to enforce them, and wasted his energies in futile 
and misdirected efforts. To control the various and ever- 
struggling factions required a strong arm and a resolute will, 
combined with subtilty and discrimination, none of which 
qualifications the prince possessed. Nevertheless he atoned 
to some extent for his errors and his weakness by standing 
firm to his party in the hour of trial; and it was in no vain 
spirit of boastfulness that he declared in a dying message to 
the dearest of his earthly friends : " I have done my duty as 
a soldier." 

All the same, whatever fatalities might intervene, it was 
foreordained from the beginning by the United States of 
America as well as by the United States of Mexico that no 
archduke of Austria, or any other potentate or person should 
ever rule as emperor in this land of the Aztecs. And though 
innocent of intentional wrong, the chivalrous prince suf- 
fered justly. 



PART VI.— THE GROWTH AND CONDI- 
TION" OF THE REPUBLIC. 

CHAPTER LI. 

ADMINISTRATIONS OF PRESIDENTS JUAREZ, LERDO, DIAZ, 
GONZALEZ, AND DIAZ AGAIN. 

After the surrender of Queretaro, the siege of the capital 
was pressed with firmer persistence, a strict blockade being 
maintained, and soon the inhabitants began to suffer from 
scarcity of food. In vain did Marquez with 6,000 men attempt 
to break through the enemy's lines. Met by Diaz in person at 
the head of two brigades, he was driven back under a heavy 
fire, and soon afterward the arrival of new army corps made 
further sallies hopeless. 

Like Puebla, Mexico could easily be carried by assault; but 
knowing that the city must soon be reduced by famine, Diaz 
forbore to spill blood unnecessarily, directing the fire of his 
artillery only against fortified positions. With the prospect 
of surrender near at hand and now inevitable, oflers of sub- 
mission were freely tendered by imperialist leaders, on condi- 
tion of receiving a pardon not liable to be revoked by the 
government; but the commander-in-chief declined thus to en- 
croach on the prerogatives of Juarez. 

At length, on the 20th of June, the garrison surrendered at 
discretion, all other terms being refused. Thereupon strict 
orders were issued that none should enter or depart without 
permission, special corps being detailed for police service, and 
judges and municipal authorities appointed. Meanwhile pro- 
visions were distributed among the starving citizens, and 
means of transport placed at their disposal. Quarters were 



508 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



assigned to the prisoners according to their rank, with due 
regard to their comfort and freedom from espionage, and all 
civil and military officers above a certain rank were ordered 
to tender their submission under penalty of death. 

During the wars of the intervention and of the empire, com- 
mencing in April 1863, and ending in June 1867, there 
occurred 1,020 engagements and skirmishes, in which 73,547 
Mexican republicans and 12,209 Mexican imperialists were 




General Juan W. Mendez. 



placed hors de combat. If to these figures be added the casu- 
alties which occurred among the Austro-Belgian contingent, 
mustering about 7,500 strong, it is probable that at least 
40,000 lives were sacrificed to the ambition of Napoleon III., 
during his vain efibrt to foist on the nation imperial rule, and 
ending with his shameful desertion of the prince whom he had 
himself appointed to the throne. 

On the 15th of July Juarez made his entry into Mexico, and 
on the same day issued a manifesto, stating that during his 
four years' absence from the capital he had contracted no 



PRESIDENTIAL ADMINISTRATIONS. 



509 



obligations prejudicial to the independence and sovereignty of 
the republic, the integrity of her empire, and the respect due 
to her laws and constitution. 

On entering the capital, Juarez received an address from the 
municipal commission, thanking him for his forbearance, and 
for his scrupulous consideration of the rights and property of 
others. The moderation which he had displayed during the 




Juarez's Residence at Paso del Norte. 

war was also acknowledged, a war accompanied until recently 
with revolting outrages, with forced levies of men, with greedy 
extortion of funds, with the sack of defenceless cities, and with 
the relentless butchery of prisoners. 

To Diaz, however, belonged the military honors attending 
the re-establishment of Mexican independence. With a single 
army corps he had regained possession of the south by a series 
of hard-fought campaigns, and then swept the central prov- 
inces, among his achievements being the taking of Puebla, the 
route of Marquez, and the capture of Mexico. Soon afterward 
fell Vera Cruz, the last stronghold of imperialism; and then 
the channels of trade were reopened, and the country once 
more resumed its normal condition. 



510 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

Among the first measures of the Juarez administration was 
a reduction in the four army corps named Centre, Oriente, 
Norte, and Occidente, into divisions, each of 4,000 men; while 
a fifth division under Alvarez was ordered to garrison Aca- 
pulco. This measure, which reduced to poverty two thirds of 
those who had fought the battles of the republic against impe- 
rialism, aroused the indignation of the soldiery; but the presi- 
dent preferred the welfare of his country to that of his army, 
and firmly insisted on the reduction. 

The discretionary powers invested in Juarez were ap- 
plied by him to several purposes in promoting his country's 
welfare, as in the construction of railroads, and the founding 
of schools of jurisprudence, engineering, mechanic arts, and 
agriculture. The government had the opportunity of carry- 
ing out its intended reforms; but the reorganization of the 
several administrative departments was a wearisome task, and 
much pruning was needed to retain in office only competent 
and reliable men. 

In December 1867 Juarez was re-elected to the presidency, 
and during his second term political disturbances were of 
frequent occurrence, lasting almost until the day of his death. 
Insurrections broke out in several of the states, and in Yuca- 
tan there was a serious outbreak, the insurgents, even after 
being several times defeated, continuing to harass the various 
settlements. There was also sedition in Guerrero, Puebla, 
Vera Cruz, Mexico, Queretaro, Jalisco, Sinaloa, and elsewhere, 
the most formidable of these movements being headed by 
Miguel Negrete, though none were successful. 

Early in 1868 the feeling of insecurity assumed alarming 
proportions, robbery, kidnapping, and murder being of frequent 
appearance. The year 1869 opened under more favorable 
auspices. Liberal institutions were becoming more firmly 
rooted; the administration was reorganized; material improve- 
ments were pushed forward; and it was hoped that no further 
serious outbreaks would occur; but the hope was in vain. 
Revolutions broke out at Puebla and San Luis Potosi; and 



PRESIDENTIAL ADMINISTRATIONS. 511 

though both were suppressed, and the passing of an amnesty 
law in October 1870 tended for a time to restore order, the 
approach of the presidential election again threw the country 
into a turmoil. 

The choice lay between Juarez, Diaz, and Lerdo de Tejada, 
as. the principal contestants, and the votes were respectively 
and in the order mentioned 5,837, 3,555, and 5,874. It was 
provided, however, in the constitution that an absolute major- 
ity of the total vote must be given in favor of the successful 
candidate, and the Lerdists siding with the Juarists gave to 
the latter the election. 

The followers of Diaz protested against the legality of the 
choice, and threatened armed opposition; but their leader pro- 
tested against bloodshed, or even a display of force directed 
against a former comrade and a patriot. Several of the states, 
however, took up the matter in earnest, and as the chosen 
leader of the party, Diaz could no longer resist the movement. 
The banners of his supporters were unfurled in all direc- 
tions, and once more there was civil war, in which many 
battles were fought, with varying success, among the victims 
being General Felix Diaz, brother of Porfirio, and a soldier 
who had already won repute during the campaigns against 
the French. 

In the midst of the conflict occurred the death of Juarez, 
who in October 1870 was seized with an attack of brain fever, 
from which he rallied, though already he had a presentiment 
that his end was near, and in conversing with his friends ex- 
pressed regret that his span of life would not be so far prolonged 
as to aflbrd him an opportunity of reconstructing the affairs 
of his coimtry. On the 18th of July, 1872, the president re- 
tired to his home at an earlier hour than was his custom, in- 
tending to pass a portion of the following day in walking 
through the forest of Chapultepec, which exercise, together with 
an early bath, usually relieved his ailments. At night he was 
attacked with heart disease, and though every remedy known 
to science was applied, at eleven o'clock he breathed his last, 
surrounded by his family and friends. 



512 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

As minute-guns proclaimed that the spirit of the great 
chieftain had departed, there was a feehng of profound sorrow 
throughout the capital, and there remained only the recollec- 
tion of his firmness as the standard-bearer of liberty, his un- 
faltering faith in his mission, and his many noble qualities of 
mind and heart. If he had encroached somewhat on national 
rights, and occasionally committed infringements of constitu- 
tional law, such acts were attributed rather to his advisers 
than to himself. Meanwhile he had borne abuse with admir- 
able resignation, and had neither displayed malice against 
his foes, nor boasted of his triumphs, nor shown harshness 
toward vanquished enemies. Temporizing and petty wran- 
gling he disdained; traditional dictates he ignored; and in- 
tent on carrying out his duty and his policy, he set himself 
firmly against those who attempted to thwart his course. By 
his tenacity of purpose he sustained the republic during the 
darkest period of the struggle with the French. During this 
contest it may be said that while the former represented the 
cause of the republic, the latter was its champion and aveng- 
ing arm. A country grateful to both has erected in honor of 
the former a monument more stable than all the sculptured 
cenotaphs of European monarchs; and while eternal night en- 
shrouds his form, the deeds and character of Juarez will ever 
be engraven on the page of history. 

Upon the death of President Juarez, Sebastian Lerdo de 
Tejada, as president of the supreme court, became the chief 
executive ad interim of the republic, and pursuant to the con- 
stitution caused elections for the presidency to take place. 
On the 16th of December, 1872, congress, declaring the result 
of the elections, proclaimed that Lerdo had been chosen presi- 
dent for the unexpired portion of Juarez's term by 9,520 votes, 
against 604 for Diaz, and 136 for other candidates. 

Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada entered into office with all the 
eclat attached to his career as an able minister. In youth he 
had studied for the church; but afterward adopting the pro- 
fession of law, he became a bitter opponent of the clergy. 



PRESIDENTIAL ADMINISTRATIONS. 



513 



This change was due to principle rather than to policy; 
he was a man who held control of himself, and was in some 
respects well fitted for the command of others. But Lerdo's 
course found little favor with the people; for when making 
before congress the customary protestations of loyalty and 
patriotism, he made no allusion to the banner-cries of the 
liberal party, among which were freedom of suffrage and the 
restriction of the presidency to a single term. For this, among 
other reasons, his administration proved a disappointment. 




Leedo de Tejada. 

The nation had expected that a new cabinet would be 
formed, composed of Lerdists and supporters of Diaz, and a 
change of ministry, effected by the pressure of public opinion, 
would have been almost equivalent to a peaceful revolution. 
According to the principles proclaimed in a recent pronuncia- 
miento, it was illegal for Lerdo to assume the ofiice of presi- 
dent, since, as was alleged, Juarez had usurped the presidency. 

Toward the Diaz party Lerdo displayed a marked hostility, 

and in his opening speech he disappointed, by vague promises, 

the expectations of members of congress, who had hoped for 

vigorous measures, and for the reform of manifold abuses. 

33 



514 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

Thus he roused the enmity of the people whom he had sworn 
to serve. 

On the 1st of August, 1872, Manuel Lozada, who held al- 
most despotic sway in the district of Tepic, issued a procla- 
mation stating that the towns of Nayarit would no longer 
support the government. In October the authorities of Tepic 
were forcibly removed, and others of insurgent tendencies 
appointed in their place. In November Lozada sent commis- 
sioners to Lerdo with instructions to lay before the president 
propositions for the settlement of affairs relating to that dis- 
trict, and in January of the following year the Nayarit tribes 
issued a pronunciamiento, styling themselves the "ejercito 
Mexicana popular restaurador," appointing Lozada their com- 
mander-in-chief. 

Lozada had at his command some 12,000 to 15,000 men, 
well provisioned and equipped, and with about half his force 
marched on Guadalajara, directing the remainder of his divis- 
ions against Sinaloa and Zacatecas. Town after town fell into 
his hands, and about the close of January we find him at the 
rancho of Mqjonora, some four leagues from Guadalajara, 
where on the 28th he was defeated by General Corona, with 
the loss of 1,000 men and three pieces of artillery. On the 
preceding day the Sinaloa division had been defeated, while 
the force despatched to Zacatecas also met with reverse. On 
the 2d of March, Corona again routed the insurgents at 
Guadalajara, driving them to the neighboring sierra, where 
for a few months they still maintained a fitful resistance. 

Peace was now established in Mexico, and for two years or 
more little opposition was offered to Lerdo's administration. 
The periodic tumults which had thus far marked with but 
few and brief intervals the course of the Mexican republic 
were for the most part local, and not as a rule directed against 
the government. At the time of Lerdo's election it would not 
have been a difficult matter for him to break down, by liberal 
and well-concerted measures, the barriers which separated 



PRESIDENTIAL ADMINISTRATIONS. 515 

rival factions, and had he done so it is probable that he would 
have gathered around him a circle of adherents against whom 
opposition would have been almost in vain. But Lerdo was 
strangely wanting in certain qualities, his overweening self- 
confidence dulling his powers of perception; and while making 
enemies of the Diaz faction, and giving sore cause of offence 
to his own party, he paid no heed to the gathering storm 
which he had himself called into being, by causing his re- 
election to the executive chair in 1875. 

On the 15th of January, 1876, General Fidencio Hernandez 
issued a pronunciamiento denouncing Lerdo and his govern- 
ment, and proclaiming Diaz general-in-chief of the revolution- 
ary forces. Already the nation was thoroughly roused, and 
within a few weeks the disaffection spread throughout the 
states. 

On the 22d of March, Diaz published in a revised form a 
plan issued by Hernandez at Tuxtepec, wherein it was affirmed 
that Mexico was ruled under a system subversive of her insti- 
tutions and laws; that freedom of suffrage had been virtually 
abolished, and that the elections were controlled by the presi- 
dent, to whom the courts of justice were made subservient. 
It was also declared that Lerdo and his ministers were no 
longer recognized, and that a provisional executive would be 
appointed by governors of states to whom the plan was ac- 
ceptable, substitutes being appointed in place of those who 
refused to recognize it. 

At the head of some 400 followers, Diaz marched against 
Matamoros, in the neighborhood of which city the plan was 
first proclaimed, and through the defection of the garrison 
gained possession of the place without a struggle. But al- 
ready the government forces, mustering 6,000 strong and in 
several columns, were approaching the frontier, and Diaz was 
compelled to retreat. It was at first his intention to penetrate 
into the interior; but he afterward decided to return to Oajaca, 
and passing through Texas and Louisiana, took passage at 
New Orleans for Vera Cruz, disguised as a Cuban doctor. 



516 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



The voyage was an adventurous one. On reaching Tam- 
pico, a detachment of troops came on board the vessel, and 
among them Diaz recognized some of the prisoners whom he 
had captured and released at Vera Cruz. Under the close 
scrutiny of these men he could not hope to escape detection, 
and soon perceived that preparations were being made for his 
arrest. At this juncture the ship lay far from shore, off the 
mouth of the river; but he was a good swimmer, and if he 




Matamoros and Vicinity. 



could escape the sharks and make his way to shore, there was 
fair prospect of arriving in safe quarters. At dusk he slipped 
noiselessly into the water and struck out for land. He had 
been watched, however, and soon there fell on his ears the cry 
of "Man overboard!" followed quickly by the stroke of oars. 
^Dragged into the boat half unconscious, Diaz was brought 
back to the vessel and placed under arrest; whereupon he 
claimed protection of the United States flag, the craft being 
an American steamer, named the City of Havana. The com- 
mander assured him that he was safe, at least until Vera Cruz 
was reached; but as the government troops were numerous 



PRESIDENTIAL ADMINISTRATIONS. 517 

and could readily gain possession of the vessel, that officer 
suggested that he seek protection on board a man-of-war an- 
chored near by. This alternative the general refused, as it 
would interfere with his plans; but soon he found a sentinel 
placed at his cabin door under some frivolous pretext. 

On the following day there was a heavy gale, and while the 
sentry was in the throes of sea-sickness, Diaz passed unno- 
ticed into the cabin of the purser, who had promised to be- 
friend him, proposing, when the steamer neared land, to swim 
ashore with the aid of a life-buoy. He was persuaded, how- 



CiTY OF Oajaca 

ever, by the purser to hide within a sofa-trunk and fling the 
buoy overboard, in order to make it appear that he had es- 
caped. 

Not until daybreak was it discovered that the cabin of 
Diaz was deserted; and after a careful search had been made 
in all parts of the vessel except the real hiding-place, though 
often in its close proximity, an official notice was drawn up 
as to his disappearance, the belief being expressed that he 
had been drowned. For an entire week he lay cramped in 
his narrow quarters, often barely venturing to draw breath, 
for the purser's cabin was the favorite lounging-place of the 



518 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

oflQ.cers, where they drank, smoked, and gambled till long after 
midnight. 

On the arrival of the steamer at Vera Cruz, the command- 
ant resolved to guard against contingencies by placing armed 
boats around the steamer; but after the troops had landed, the 
general donned the garb of a sailor, and joined the labor gang 
on board one of the freight barges, thus making his way to 
land. Near by two horses were in readiness in charge of a 
servant, and mounting one of them Diaz made his way to 
Boca del Rio, some four leagues distant. While dismounting 
for the purpose of making arrangements to continue his jour- 
ney, a detachment of cavalry came up, and as he passed out 
of the hostlery he was suddenly confronted by Colonel Escobar, 
to whom he was well known. Instantly he gave the sailor's 
salute, thus covering his face as the colonel's eyes were turned 
upon him, and observing only a man in sailor's garb, the latter 
passed on his way. Meanwhile the servant left in charge of 
the horses had taken fright and fled. After passing the night, 
on the wet ground, without fire and exposed to a heavy storm. 
Diaz made his way to the hacienda of one of his friends, and 
as he set forth on the following day, the gleam of the arms and 
uniforms of an approaching body of Lerdist troops warned 
him to hasten his departure. Finally, without further adven- 
ture worthy of note, he reached the camp of General Vela, 
where he was in safe quarters, and in September we find him 
again at Oajaca in command of 4,000 men. 

On the 26th of October Lerdo was re-elected to the presi- 
dency, but by deception so palpable that the chief justice, Jose 
Maria Iglesias, secretly left the capital and denounced the elec- 
tion as fraudulent. Then by virtue of a clause in the consti- 
tution, which provides that the head of the judiciary shall 
assume the executive office ad interim in the absence of a 
duly elected president, he formed a cabinet, and with the 
forces collected by his generals entered the city of Guanajuato. 

Lerdo's position was now becoming serious; for he must con- 
teiid not only with this new combination, but with the forces 



PRESIDENTIAL ADMINISTRATIONS. 



519 



organized by Diaz in Oajaca, and by Gonzales, who had already 
entered Tlascala. In the middle of November a decisive bat- 
tle was fought at Tecoac, in which Diaz was on the point of 
being defeated, when Gonzalez came to his support, and falling 
unexpectedly on the enemy's flank, restored the fight, the re- 
sult being a total rout of the Lerdist forces, with the loss of all 
their material of war. 




i 1 \l \i 1 \ Ji 1 1 -J \- 



When news of this disaster reached Mexico, the ministry 
was seized with panic, and various plans were discussed, only 
to be rejected, for the members were not sufficiently in accord 
to meet such an emergency. Finally it was decided to leave 
the capital, and on the night of the 20th, Lerdo, accompanied 
by Escobedo, Mejia, and others, started toward the coast, at- 
tended by a strong escort of dragoons, and taking with him a 



520 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

considerable portion of the public funds. Reaching Acapulco 
without molestation, he embarked for the United States, and 
finally made his residence in New York, where we will take 
our leave of a man to whom few were reluctant to bid adieu. 

Soon after the victory at Tecoac, Diaz set out for Mexico at 
the head of 12,000 troops, and no resistance being offered, he 
entered the city amid a tumultuous ovation, accorded less on 
account of the triumph of his party than as a mark of appre- 
ciation of the man. Five days later, in accordance with the 
revolutionary plan, he assumed the executive power. Thus 
there were three presidents of the republic, each being recog- 
nized by his own faction; for Lerdo, though he had abandoned 
the field, had by no means relinquished his claim. Most of 
his followers had, however, transferred their allegiance to 
Iglesias, who found himself at the head of 20,000 troops; but 
at the approach of the army of Diaz, desertion thinned their 
ranks. Soon afterward their chieftain, seeing the hopelessness 
of his position, followed the example of Lerdo, embarking 
early in 1877 for San Francisco, accompanied among others 
by his ministers Palacio, Alcalde, and Prieto, all of whom 
ranked among the foremost politicians and leaders of thought 
in Mexico. On the 2d of May, 1877, congress formally an- 
nounced the election of Diaz to the presidency by the almost 
unanimous vote of nearly 200 districts. 

Porfirio Diaz, whose public career has already in part been 
laid before the reader, was educated at the religious and scien- 
tific institutes of Oajaca, and in early youth adopted the pro- 
fession of arms. At the time of the French invasion, he 
declared against the establishment of monarchy, and his 
brilliant achievements raised him to the foremost rank among 
military leaders. A man of remarkable administrative abil- 
ity, he had already given promise, as chief of a district and 
as governor of a state, of the qualities which he afterward dis- 
played as president. As a statesman, he was free from the 
obstinacy and subtlety which characterized Juarez and Lerdo, 
and his mind was of the firmly knit texture which reaches 



PRESIDENTIAL ADMINISTRATIONS. 



521 



out instinctively to right conclusions. He possessed in a re- 
markable degree that most admirable of qualities, practical 
sense, which was combined with a rare insight into the nature 
of men and things, with clearness of head to direct and 
strength of will to enforce. 




PoBFiRio Diaz 



Linked with Juarez as the savior of his country, he 
proved himself more far-seeing than his colleague in selecting 
the best measures for the welfare of the people ; and few great 
leaders, whether military or political, have been so seldom 
accused of mistakes. Neither blinded by ambition, nor daz- 
zled by power, nor puffed up by success, he ever stood 



522 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 



firmly to the principles which he avowed when entering on his 
political career. 

Diaz assumed ofiice with the simplest necessary forms, de- 
clining to occupy the palace, except on state occasions and for 
the transaction of business, and then retiring to his unpreten- 
tious residence in the street of La Moneda. 




Residence of Diaz 1877-80. 



For a time a few war clouds remained on the political hori- 
zon. Lerdo and Iglesias had issued manifestoes in support of 
their claims to the presidency. The latter soon recognized 
the futility of his efforts, and returning to Mexico, retired into 
private life; but Lerdo's party, having interests of their own 
to serve, organized their forces to maintain the struggle in the 
northern states. Escobedo also raised an army in Texas, and 



PRESIDENTIAL ADMINISTRATIONS. 523 

invaded Coahuila in the autumn of 1877, while Amador held 
out in Tamaulipas. The government troops pressed them 
closely, and after being several times defeated, Escobedo was 
captured and taken as a prisoner to the capital, where he was 
released on parole. Amador was less fortunate, being killed 
in action after sustaining many reverses, and with his death 
the campaign came practically to an end. During the years 
which ensued there were occasional disturbances in several of 
the states; but they were quickly suppressed, the only one 
that assumed formidable proportions being in the Sinaloa 
region, with Marquez de Leon as leader. 

After the first year of the Diaz administration, it may be 
said that the country enjoyed more complete repose than dur- 
ing any portion of the republican period. This was due in 
part to the growing contentment of the people amid the new 
order of things, and to the energy, precautions, and concila- 
tory measures of the president, who frankly appealed for aid 
to men of all parties, kept around him the most able officials, 
irrespective of religious or political creeds, and distributed 
the civil and military preferments mainly as rewards for 
efiiciency and patriotism. One by one those who had formerly 
been arrayed against him tendered their friendship or submis- 
sion, and even the clergy expressed their confidence in a man 
who protected them from all encroachments, and required 
from them only what was in accord with the constitution and 
the welfare of the people. 

While striving to promote harmony among the several par- 
ties, Diaz never swerved from his self-imposed task of reform- 
ing the many abuses which had been tolerated under former 
administrations. The pruning-knife was applied to all depart- 
ments of the service; the public ofiices were cleared of all 
superfluous employes; the pay-lists were altered, and while 
important reductions were made, premiums were awarded to 
those who displayed aptitude and integrity. The consular 
service was also remodelled, and measures were adopted to 
prevent the wholesale peculation which for years had depleted 



524 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE. 

the treasury. No favoritism was displayed in these sweeping 
measures of reform, the only exception being in the case of 
pensions granted to invalids and to the widows and orphans 
of soldiers who had died in the cause of the revolution. 

Thus through the application of sound practical sense and 
close economy, a remedy was found for the chronic depletion 
of the treasury, and that without any increase of the public 
burdens. The revenue, which for 1876-77 amounted only to 
about $16,000,000, increased during the following year to 
more than $20,000,000, and for 1883 to $34,000,000. This 
improvement was brought about, however, not only by eco- 
nomic measures, but by the development of national resources, 
and by opening up the avenues of trade and industries. 
Roads were built connecting the seaports with the principal 
marts of commerce; piers and light-houses were erected^ 
canals were made, and the navigation of rivers improved, sub- 
sidies were granted to oceanic steamship lines, and railroads 
were constructed, forming a complete network of communi- 
cation. 

No less commendable was the foreign policy of the admin- 
istration, whereby the balance of trade, which had been largely 
against the country, was considerably reduced. Notice was 
given to several nations of the termination of commercial 
treaties, concluded by former ministries on disadvantageous 
terms, especially those with Germany, Italy, and the United 
States. 

For several years, relations with the United States had been 
strained, partly on account of the refusal of the government 
to allow American troops to enter its territory in quest of 
marauders, though a similar privilege had been granted to the 
Mexican forces. The outcry raised in Texas led to instructions 
being given to General Ord to cross the Rio Grande, and war 
appeared imminent; but the attitude of Diaz, at once firm and 
conciliatory, had a favorable effect, and the dispute was ad- 
justed without bloodshed In 1882 a convention was framed, 
allowing the troops of either nation to cross the border in pur- 
suit of raiding parties and hostile Indians. 



PRESIDENTIAL ADMINISTBATIONS. 525 

The settlement of these difficulties was aided by the prompt 
payment of the indemnity agreed on by the joint commission 
on claims, which, after sessions extending over seven years, 
had in 1876 awarded $4,125,622 to United States claimants, 
and $150,498 to Mexican claimants. The demands of the 
former amounted originally to $470,000,000, and of the latter 
to $86,000,000, many of them being entirely fictitious, and all 
of them exorbitant. The payments were to be made in yearly 
instalments of $300,000, and with the exception of the first 
all were defrayed by the treasury, without having resort to 
forced contributions. 

By act of May 5, 1878, a president or governor was declared 
ineligible for re-election until after four years from the end 
of his preceding term. Nevertheless, as the time drew near, 
several of the states declared in favor of retaining in power 
one who was so eminently fitted to be at the head of affairs. 
As this measure would, however, conflict with the revolu- 
tionary plan to which he had pledged himself, Diaz refused 
to allow his name to appear as a candidate, and the election 
was decided in favor of Gonzalez, who assumed office on the 
1st of December, 1880. 

Manuel Gonzalez, a son of a small landed proprietor in 
the State of Tamaulipas, was born in Matamoros, in the year 
1833. His first years passed in a small cattle-range belonging 
to his father. After receiving the rudiments of a common 
education, in his early boyhood he went to live with an uncle, 
named Campuzano, acting as his chief assistant at his shop 
and bakery in Matamoros. At the age of 18 he joined the 
national guaxd of said city, but soon after transferred himself 
to a battalion of regular infantry, in which his courage and 
intelligence were rewarded with, rapid promotion. At 
Puebla he lost his right arm; at Tecoac he was severely 
wounded, and his person bore the scars of a dozen injuries 
received during the civil wars or in the campaigns against 
the French. 

The policy of Diaz was for peace. And truly there was 



526 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE 

peace throughout the land, and friendly relations existed 
with nearly all foreign powers, the only question of serious 
import being a frontier difficulty with the United States and 
a boundary dispute with Guatemala, both of which were 
amicably settled. 

Compared with the political events of former administra- 
tions, those which occurred during Gonzalez's term of office 
were few and of little import, this period of Mexican history 
being marked by almost uninterrupted peace and prosperity, 
while the progress of the republic was rapid and of stable 
character. Nevertheless the rule of Gonzalez was a signal 
failure. If he loved his country, his affection was by no means 
disinterested; for during his term he acquired enormous 
wealth, and retired from office with the opprobrium of the 
jjiation. The treasury was exhausted ; the customs were heav- 
ily mortgaged; the salaries of officials were largely in arrear; 
the floating debt had been considerably increased, and al- 
though some $5,000,000 had been paid as subsidies to rail- 
roads, it has never yet been ascertained how much of this 
amount passed into the pocket of the president. Diaz was 
thoroughly disgusted; Gonzalez was indifferent. 

Among his measures was the proposed recognition of the 
debt to English bond-holders, and a plan for the conversion of 
Mexican bonds held by British subjects into a new issue to 
be termed the Consolidated Debt of Mexico in London. The 
amount represented was $17,200,000; but when it became 
known that nearly ten per cent of this sum was to be set apart 
for the expenses of conversion, or in other words, for the ex- 
ecutive, it was resolved to defer the matter until after the in- 
auguration of Diaz, who in September 1884 had been reelected 
to the presidency by 15,969 out of 16,462 votes. Though 
nothing could better indicate his popularity than this all but 
unanimous choice, his opponents had spared no efforts to cause 
his overthrow, employing for that purpose the vilest measures, 
and even attempting his assassination. On one occasion he 
narrowly escaped being poisoned, and on another a heavy 



PRESIDENTIAL ADMINISTRATIONS 527 

stone was rolled across the railroad track on which he was 
travelling by special train, while men armed with rifles lay 
concealed under a bridge near by, prepared to shoot him in 
case of his escape. Fortunately the engineer perceived the 
obstruction in time to prevent the crash. 

On the 1st of December, 1884, Diaz was for the second time 
inaugurated as president. Promptly at 9 o'clock the general 
drove up to the chamber of deputies, where the senators, the 
public functionaries, and the diplomatic corps, all in full uni- 
form, awaited his arrival. Dressed in plain black, and escorted 
by a slender guard, he entered the building, and after taking 
the oath of office, withdrew within five minutes as quietly as he 
had entered. The second and succeeding administrations of 
Diaz were marked by the same wisdom on the part of the ruler 
and progress of the people as characterized the first, the whole 
forming what may truthfully be called the Golden Age of 
Mexico. 

Amid the many proofs of progress appearing under the 
peaceful regime of Porfirio Diaz were : — 

A deliverance of the country from anarchy following the 
discouragement of kingcraft and foreign intervention. 

Curtailed power of the clergy and aristocracy. 

The breaking up of large holdings, and a more general dis- 
tribution of land. 

School extension and the education and elevation of the 
masses. 

Progress at home and peaceful relations abroad. 

A thousand public improvements and private enterprises, 
as the Nacional, the Central, the Interoceanic, and other rail- 
systems ; the telegraph lines and postal routes; the drainage 
canals; agricultural, commercial, manufacturing, and mining 
industries, and all the great and small achievements that make 
for the elevation and progress of the nation. 



528 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE 



CHAPTER LII 

FALL OF DIAZ AND ANARCHY; MADERO, HUERTA, VILLA, 
CARRANZA, ZAPATA, AND AMERICAN INTERVENTION 

In northeastern Mexico lived the patriarchal family of 
Madero, consisting of father, grandfather, sons, and relatives 
to the number of 130 of no more remote degree than first 
cousin. The family enjoyed great wealth, having many 
estates in Coahuila and elsewhere, and a town house in the 
national capital. 

One of the brothers, Francisco, a diminutive figure of 
refined nature and scholarly tendencies, born at the hacienda 
del Rosario, in October, 1873, was destined while yet a young 
man to overthrow the most popular personage in Latin Amer- 
ica, the most absolute ruler in Christendom, and plant him- 
self in his place. 

Large of head, with small hands and feet, only five feet 
four in height and weighing rather less than 137 pounds; 
of light complexion for a Mexican though dark for a Euro- 
pean, brown hair and mustache; a warm sympathetic face, 
a kindly voice yet shrill under excitement; yielding in non- 
essentials yet stubborn where his convictions were involved, 
he presented a fascinating personality, and early drew around 
him his family and friends espousing his cause. 

Idealist, spiritualist, or what you will, the young man's 
fanaticism was tinged with patriotism, a rare thing in a 
Spanish-American revolutionist. He was conscientious. He 
believed he could govern Mexico better than Porfirio Diaz, 
better than any one except himself. And the result — pro- 
tracted anarchy, the senseless slaughter of thousands, his 
own family bathed in blood and ten thousand other families 
brought to starvation and dire distress, the land laid waste, 
industry paralyzed, foreign invasion, and the far-away end 
still not in sight. 



FALL OF DIAZ AND ANARCHY 



529 







530 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE 

Better for the Maderos, the quiet enjoyment of their broad 
lands and numerous flocks and herds as heretofore; better 
for Mexico — perhaps, who can tell? — the beneficent rule of 
a mild dictatorship than anarchy under the domination of 
bandits and assassins. 




Fhancisco Madeko 

Admit all the charges against Porfirio Diaz to be true; 
apply to him the worst names in the language, as autocrat, 
dictator, despot, where can be found in Europe or America 
a man who under like conditions has done better, who under 
like conditions can do as well, wresting from disorder by the 
indomitable power of his own personality a great nation, 
and holding it in an iron grasp of enforced peace and pros- 
perity for some thirty years, and this with a people so limp 
and sodden as to fall back into their former state the moment 



FALL OF DIAZ AND ANARCHY 53 1 

his hand is removed. Let them answer, our northern purists, 
who hold crime against a party more heinous than crime 
against a people. 

Everywhere was political unrest, from which indeed this 
land is never wholly free, when in 1903 young Madero went 
forth upon his crusade, incited more immediately thereto by 
an election riot at Monterey. 

Bred to the law while devoted to agriculture, he was defi- 
cient neither in learning nor in oratory, and of these advan- 
tages he was not slow to avail himself. Early in his career 
he wrote a book, entitled The Presidential Succession, in 
which he mildly criticized the Diaz government. Later he 
traversed the country, lecturing, forming clubs, and writing 
pamphlets. At the July election of 1910 he announced 
himself a candidate for the presidency, charging Diaz with 
autocracy, military despotism, inflation of the national debt, 
sequestration of natural resources, fraudulent elections, and 
other like irregularities. 

Some of the charges were true, others false, the true ones 
being as a rule falsely colored. But whether true or false, 
whether he ruled by line and plummet or by the inexorable 
necessities of the case was not with him the question. Diaz 
never attempted to disguise his acts, which in the minds of 
all but the more mechanical the result justifies. Madero 
himself indulged in all these or worse irregularities the mo- 
ment he assumed office. Huerta was worse than Madero, and 
Carranza and Villa worst of all. It is not in Mexican nature 
to restrain itself where power or plunder is involved. 

Continuing his incendiary efforts, Madero was arrested on 
a charge of sedition and confined in the San Luis Potosi 
prison until after election, when he was released on bail. 
This he forfeited and escaped to the United States, where he 
purchased arms and raised the cry of revolution. Before 
leaving Mexico he issued a pronunciamento declaring for 
effective suffrage, non-reelection of executive officers, and 
restoration of lands to the people. Fighting began at Mai 



532 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE 

Paso, where the rebels won a victory, followed shortly after 
by defeat at Ojinaga. Official steps were taken toward peace 
between Madero and the Diaz government on April 23d, when 
an armistice was signed, followed by a peace pact at El Paso 
May 21st. After a futile attempt at reconciliation, a decisive 
battle at Juarez, with the ever-increasing revolutionary senti- 
ment throughout the country, won for Madero eventually his 
cause. 

Meanwhile hostilities were set on foot in the mountains of 
Chihuahua, in November, by Castulo Herrera and Pascual 
Orozco, while in the south insurrection v/as urged on by 
General Emiliano Zapata and Eufemio his brother in More- 
los, and by Ambrosio Figueroa in Guerrero, Federal troops 
were sent against them, but with poor success. Orozco was 
leader of the rebel forces in the north until sometime in 1912, 
when he revised his principles and joined the federals. 

So thick became the atmosphere with insurgency and revolt 
that on May 25, 1911, Diaz was forced to resign and flee 
the country. In his escape from the capital with his family 
he was attended by General Huerta, then at the head of the 
army, who secured for him safe conduct, protected him from 
the rabble, and placed him in safety on board of a German 
steamer en route for Paris, firing a farewell volley in his 
honor. 

On the resignation of Diaz, Francisco Leon de la Barra 
was proclaimed provisional president. On June 7th Madero 
entered Mexico city amid enthusiastic demonstrations, was 
elected president with little or no opposition October 1st, and 
inaugurated on the 6th of November. All very like the Diaz 
methods. 

Madero was ill-fitted to cope with the situation. It required 
a man with some brute force, having much brute force to 
contend with. Idealism cannot long usurp the place of can- 
non and common sense. 

One of his first acts was to order paid to his brother Gus- 



FALL OF DIAZ AND ANARCHY 533 

tavo $700,000 for alleged expenses incurred in the revolution 
which raised him to power. He filled the important offices 
of government with his relatives, making uncle Ernesto sec- 
retary of the Treasury, cousin Rafael Hermandez secretary 
of Fomento, Gonzales Sales secretary of War, Manuel Calaro 
minister of Foreign Affairs, Jose Maria Pino Suarez vice- 
president, and so on. 

He ignored the Leyes de Beforma, and denied that he had 
ever promised lands to the people. He sought to strengthen 
the army instead of lessening it as he had promised, making 
the fatal blunder, however, of reducing the pay of General 
Huerta, whom he distrusted. He repudiated his pledge of 
free ballot, setting aside in seven of the states their election 
of governor, and imposing upon them his own selections. His 
rule was brief. 

In October, 1912, General Felix Diaz, nephew of Porfirio 
and a graduate of the Chapultepec military academy, brought 
about a defection in the army, where he enjoyed no small 
influence. Handing in his resignation, he opened a campaign 
against the government at Vera Cruz. His efforts failed ; he 
was captured, brought to the city, imprisoned, and doomed 
to death. 

Certain of the government troops, with cadets from the 
Tlalpam military college, entered the capital on the night of 
the 8th of February, 1913, and took possession of the national 
palace, releasing next morning Felix Diaz and General Eeyes, 
likewise in prison for insurrection, and arresting Gustavo 
Madero and the minister of war. 

Upon their liberation Diaz and Reyes hastened away to 
gather up their forces; but meanwhile the palace had been 
recaptured by the federals, and on their return Reyes was 
shot and killed. President Madero then appeared upon the 
scene with his guard and some Chapultepec cadets, and Felix 
Diaz, with General Mondragon, retired to the citadel where 



534 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE 

the arms were kept, having then at his command some three 
or four thousand men. 

Next morning La decena trdgica, the tragic ten days of 
the capital, as the Mexicans call it, from the 9th to the 18th 
of February, began in earnest. Though the streets ran blood, 
and dire distress prevailed, comparatively few of the mili- 
tary were killed, such a course being apparently understood 
between the contending factions. Six thousand non-com- 
batants, it was said, men, women and children, were slain 
or disabled. 

The mystery was solved when at the expiration of the 
tragic ten days Huerta, who led the government forces, be- 
trayed Madero and went over to Felix, later to betray Felix 
and usurp the place of Porfirio. The president and vice- 
president were arrested in the palace. At midnight, while 
being conveyed to a place of greater safety, as was alleged, 
under pretext of the ley fuga — he who attempts to escape 
may be killed — they were ruthlessly slain. Four days before 
this Gustavo Madero had been killed. Other members of the 
Madero family were assassinated later. Felix and Huerta 
jointly cabled Porfirio in Paris that at last he was avenged 
of his enemies. Drastic, though not without its advantages, 
the Mexican method of putting rivals at rest. 

It was understood that after the murder of the Maderos 
Felix Diaz was to be president, and up to this time Huerta 
had declared that he did not want the office and would not 
have it, which was pretty sure evidence that he would get it 
if he could. 

Having gradually assumed ascendancy over Felix, and with 
a superior military force behind him, on the 18th of Febru- 
ary, 1913, Huerta proclaimed himself provisional president, 
ordering an election for October 17th to make the appoint- 
ment permanent. In peril of his life Felix retired to Havana. 

Victoriano Huerta, like Benito Juarez, was an Indian boy 
born in a distant hamlet. He attended the village school, 



FALL OF DIAZ AND ANARCHY 



535 



and afterward was sent by President Juarez to the national 
military academy, where he graduated with credit. He 
served under' Porfirio Diaz, though in common with others 
the president mistrusted him. 




ViCTOBIANO HtJEBTA 



In that species of diplomacy, or shall we say trickery, in 
which Latin Americans are most at home, the more ingenuous 
nations of Christendom were no match for Huerta. Supe- 
rior in cunning, in manners loose, in morals disreputable, he 
still displayed genius, evil genius perhaps, though scarcely 
so diabolical in his nature as Villa. But in Mexico men are 
cheap and murder easy. The new president played upon men 
high in station as upon an instrument. 

On the 29th of November, 1913, Huerta opened his new 



536 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE 

congress, his coarse features showing dark in evening dress, 
a tall, heavily built figure of 69 years, in white shirt and 
Mexican sash, the bald head bordered by closely cut gray 
hair. His eyes though weak were bright, and he read off his 
orders, by courtesy called message, with fluency. Should his 
legislators ever prove intractable he would arrest and im- 
prison them all in a bunch, which indeed on one occasion 
he did. 

Insurrections, many times pluralized, came on apace. Con- 
spicuous now among the freshly emboldened was Venustiano 
Carranza, who raised the cry of Constitution in the north, 
while in the south were still the Zapata brothers hovering 
with a large efficient force about the very outskirts of the 
capital. 

Villa was a friend of Madero's who had twice delivered 
him out of the hands of Huerta. Nor so far as known had 
Carranza formulated his plans for a constitutionalist revo- 
lution until after the death of Madero, when that catastrophe 
brought home to him the possibilities of the situation with 
overwhelming force. 

Excited by Villa's success, also presently to appear, besides 
Carranza in Coahuila and Zapata in Morelos, Puebla soon 
also to be his, were Pablo Gonzales, the coming hero of 
Tampico, Natera in Zacatecas, Carrera Torres at San Luis 
Potosi, Urbina and the Arrieta brothers in Durango; on the 
west coast Pasquiera and Maytorena keenly alive. General 
Pascual Orozco, on any side or for any cause, federal or rebel, 
next after himself. General Luis Gutierrez, the tiger of Con- 
cepcion del Oro, General Lucio Blanco at Tepic; General 
Rafael Buelna at San Bias; and in the northwest a strong 
force under General Alvaro Obregon, now in Sonora, now 
at Mazatlan, with brigades under generals Dieguez, Rafael 
Iturbe, Juan Cabral, and Benjamin Gil, these and a hundred 
others scattered throughout the land good constitutionalists 
all, that being for the moment the popular term, yet each 
first of all for himself, ready at any moment to take advan- 



FALL OF DIAZ AND ANARCHY 



537 



tage of opportunity, and all indifferent to the miseries in- 
flicted upon their countrymen. 

But before them all Venustiano Carranza and his arch- 
executioner Pancho Villa were making flattering progress, 
looting and laying waste the land in the same name of con- 
stitutional republicanism. Theirs was a quality of patriotism 




Pancho Villa 



differing from that of the Huerta school, in that they robbed 
and murdered by the book, though it is said that Zapata 
while acting independently was early of the same persuasion. 
Carranza presented rather a pleasing personality, tall, dig- 
nified, with high forehead and long gray beard, while Villa 
was the j oiliest cutthroat in all the land. In picturesque 
charro costume, fine head, high and broad forehead, open 



538 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE 

mouth with always a semblance of a smile, save when under 
hellish excitement the whole face became wreathed in malig- 
nant passion, he was indeed what he seemed, the Fra Diavolo 
of Spanish America. 

The stories of rapine and cruelty that are told of him, and 
which he tells of himself, would put to blush a seventeenth 
century pirate. He boasted of his villainies both as inde- 
pendent bandit and as constitutional cutthroat. In both 
capacities he had slain scores with his own hands. It is said 
that, coming out of the mountains in March, 1913, with one 
mule, nine men, and a little flour, to join Carranza, he soon 
found himself at the head of 2,000 men with half a million 
dollars, presently swelling to five millions, finally with 20,000 
men and all the wealth of northern Mexico practically his 
own. Better this than playing Rob Roy in the wilderness. 

He delighted in relating his achievements, how when Diaz 
offered $20,000 for his head, and 48 rurales went out to 
catch him, he had killed 37 of them ; how when he first turned 
bandit he had followed the sheriff of Chihuahua, who had 
run away with his sister, forced him to marry her, ordered 
his brother-in-law to dig a grave, then shot him to death and 
tumbled the body into it. 

He might have added, not untruthfully — " Then I went 
hunting, constitutionally, for Venus, Carranza, and^ soon I 
had in my following all the men I wanted, more than I could 
furnish with arms, and more money than I ever before knew 
was in the world. I killed twenty thousand soldiers of the 
republic, laid waste the land and left homeless and hungry 
tens of thousands of the poor and unoffending populace. 
I looted the banks and levied contributions upon the wealthy. 
I took what women I wanted for myself and gave the rest to 
my soldiers. I shot all the generals and other officers above 
the rank of lieutenant left over after each battle and all active 
federal sympathizers; the soldiers I annexed; I had no use 
for prisoners. 

' ' All this I did and more, and from disinterested motives, 



FALL OF DIAZ AND ANARCHY 539 

out of pure patriotism, so that a good government might be 
established for my people, all that were left of them; that 
my country might obtain the recognition and approbation 
of Christian nations everywhere, to the end that peace and 
prosperity might reign throughout the land, and that paci- 
fication might become so firmly established as to enable me 




Ventjstiano1Carra.nza 

henceforth constitutionally to rob and murder ad libitum 
forever after. ' ' And this is he who goes before to prepare 
the way for Carranza and his constitution. 

A yet more horrible catalogue of crimes is given in the 
London Daily Telegraph of April 15, 1914, which tells, of 
youthful outrages, how he was born at Las Nieves, Durango, 
in 1868, and was in prison for stealing cattle and homicide 
before he was fourteen ; how he tortured his victims, violated 



540 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE 



girls, and after joining the Madero revolution in January, 
1911, lined up prisoners four deep to make one bullet do 
the work for all, thus saving ammunition, few of the unfor- 
tunates at the first shot being killed outright, the details of 
which may be spared the reader of these pages. 




Emiliano Zapata 



Overriding the whole vast region of the north, one after 
another of the cities and strongholds fell before him, Tierra 
Blanca, Juarez, Ojinaga, Chihuahua, Torreon, and San Pedro, 
and on the 13th of May, 1914, Tampico was captured by the 
constitutionalists which made them masters of the whole 
region north of Guanajuato, from sea to sea, with the larger 
part of Michoacan, Guerrero, Durango, Morelos, and Puebla. 
Thus it was that success attended the so called constitutional 



FALL OF DIAZ AND ANARCHY 541 

cause, although for a time the transfer of arms across the 
northern border was prohibited. General Zapata, though 
wholly independent, was claimed by Carranza as a disciple, 
yet destined in due time to present another enigma in the 
endless chain for the consideration of those who favored in- 
tervention, while Carranza looked forward in due time to 
have both Villa and Zapata to reckon with. 

None of the Mexican leaders sought unnecessarily to offend 
foreign powers or impose upon their subjects, though Villa 
was somewhat careless of consequences, in the matter of 
William S. Benton, a wealthy Englishman, recklessly so. 
Benton was a fine fellow, brave, outspoken, with a warm 
heart and many friends, but with a little temper lying back 
of a placid front. Somewhat injudiciously he went in per- 
son to Villa to complain of inroads on his extensive orchards 
and cattle. The interview waxed a little warm, and shortly 
afterward it was ascertained that Benton had been killed. 
Villa asserted that his own life had been threatened, and that 
Benton was shot after a formal court martial. Perceval, the 
British consul, after due investigation reported that Benton 
had been stabbed to death in Villa's office. Carranza 's com- 
mission affirmed that he was shot by Major Fieno while in 
his custody on a train between Juarez and Chihuahua. Villa 
and Carranza should have agreed upon some one story, at 
least in the elaborate report sent by Villa to Washington, 
with names of witnesses and judges. 

The personnel of insurgent armies in Mexico, as distin- 
guished from the government forces, consisted in the main 
of bandit chiefs, usually having some good soldiers to depend 
upon, but with a following of doltish peons and rustic boys 
out for plunder and a good time, all preferring fighting to 
work. They had modern weapons, those of them who were 
armed, though employing little skill in using them. Their 
battles, Mexicans fighting Mexicans, were more like medieval 
slaughterings at close range than modern warfare. 



542 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE 

Pancho Villa hated Huerta personally for having had him 
arrested and threatened with death, as before stated. From 
this fate Madero saved him, but only again to be caught by 
Huerta and imprisoned. From this second incarceration he 
escaped. And now if there were anything he would like better 
than to kill Huerta 's men it would be to kill Huerta himself. 

Huerta 's war policy was not to scatter his forces in the 
north, but when Villa approached the capital to crush him. 
Villa however did not consider it probable that he would be 
the one to be crushed. 

Madero 's ideal was a perfect republic, or an approximation 
thereto, a thing attainable least of all in Mexico by Madero. 
Huerta and Villa were self-seeking villains, lusting for blood 
and personal supremacy. Carranza and Zapata were of the 
same piece, but perhaps of a little higher quality, affecting 
as they did constitutional law, economic reform, an equable 
tax system, and distribution of lands, measures promised by 
all and given by none. 

During this period of pronounced infelicities the northern 
republic looked on with anxious eye. Resident in Mexico 
during Madero 's time, and after, were foreigners, the citizens 
or subjects of various nations. Many of these had received 
injuries ; some had been killed, others despoiled of their prop- 
erty. Of Americans alone it was claimed that over 150 lives 
and many millions of property had been destroyed. 

The foreign powers, while usually considerate in their pre- 
tensions, yet did not hesitate to express the opinion that it 
was the duty of the American government either to assume 
the losses and stop the disturbance, or waiving the Monroe 
doctrine permit them to enter the country and settle their 
affairs for themselves. To concede the latter course would 
in all probability result in the dismemberment of the southern 
republic, with European and Asiatic spheres of influence 
scattered over such lands as were left. Yet so widely apart, 



FALL OF DIAZ AND ANARCHY 543 

SO isolated the sufferers, and so intangible the charges that it 
was impossible satisfactorily to make reprisals. 

At length an incident occurred which seemed to open a 
way to plausible intervention. On the 9th of April a boat's 
crew in charge of the paymaster from the United States ship 
Dolphin, landing for supplies at the Iturbide bridge in Tam- 
pico were arrested, but were soon released with apologies 
from the commander of the post and from General Huerta 
at the capital. The apologies were not deemed sufficient, and 
a salute of twenty-one guns was demanded and refused. The 
case was brought before congress by the president and ap- 
proval asked to use the armed forces of the United States to 
compel Huerta to salute the flag. After some delay and much 
discussion, war vessels were called from various parts to 
Vera Cruz and the west coast, and troops sent south from 
Texas and the San Francisco presidio. A German vessel 
arriving with munitions of war for the Mexican govern- 
ment was the signal for landing marines and seizing the 
custom-house. The German vessel was turned back, this and 
another which followed, but only to effect a quiet landing of 
their stores elsewhere on the Mexican coast. Possession of 
the city was taken, with a loss of 19 Americans killed and 
321 Mexicans killed and wounded. 

"With the seizure of Vera Cruz by the United States, out- 
rages against foreigners broke forth throughout the republic 
in a fourfold degree. On the west coast particularly federals 
and rebel leaders alike denounced the invasion, and swore 
revenge on the Americans, who to save their lives swarmed 
by the hundreds on vessels from Guaymas, Mazatlan, Manza- 
nillo and other ports of the Pacific for San Francisco. 

And in the war between Carranza and Huerta, it was 
becoming monotonous the wholesale slaughter both during 
and after battle, as was it also for the federals to remain 
stolidly at their post and be slain; wherefore on the 15th 
of May the federal garrison of 4,500 men evacuated Mon- 
clova, Villa being north and General Francisco Lurguia, 



544 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE 

commanding at Piedras Negras, advancing from the south, 
while federal General Gustavo Maas evacuated Saltillo with 
12,000 men on the approach of Villa with 25,000 on the night 
of the 20th of May. After this to Villa with an ever increas- 
ing force Queretaro and Mexico seemed easy. 

Again in Mexico city were the inhabitants between the 
devil and the deep sea, fearing at the same time a rising 
against Huerta as the cause of all their ills and the coming 
of Zapata with his Indians, the tales of whose prowess and 
cruelties filled the hearts of the people with horror. On the 
18th of May another refugee train pulled out of the city for 
Vera Cruz with 600 Americans on board. 

Then fell also cities in the central and western parts, both 
before and after this Zacatecas, Tepic, Guadalajara, and the 
rest. 

All this time, and previously, as before stated, there were 
sufficient outrages upon the lives and property of foreigners 
in various parts of the country to justify intervention. But 
it was fated that this poor incident, the mistake of a sense- 
less subaltern at the Tampico landing, a mistake quickly and 
voluntarily acknowledged by the highest authorities, and par- 
don begged, should stand as an excuse for invasion and 
slaughter. 

Is then the honor of a great nation of so flimsy a texture 
as to be rent to shreds by so frivolous an accident? And 
while considering their wounded dignity should not a humane 
and superior people consider also the poor Mexicans, some 
thousands of whom through no fault of their own must be 
slain before the arch offender could be reached at all ? Three 
special years of infamous treatment they had had at the hands 
of their own countrymen, and now the foreign invader is at 
their door to bring them happiness in the form of thirty 
years more of war and bloodshed, for without this and more 
the promised pacification will never come to pass. 

Many ultimata were promulgated from Washington, while 



FALL OF DIAZ AND ANARCHY 545 

Huerta placidly sipped his cognac at the clubs, apparently- 
alike indifferent to assassination plots at home and threats 
from abroad. In vain he was ordered to resign and give place 
to a better man. He laughed over the mandate and prevari- 
cated in his reply. Interference was threatened ; he laughed 
at that also; he courted it. With the able Zapata on his 
southern border and the terrible Pancho Villa coming down 
upon him from the north he knew his time was short, and it 
were less humiliating to submit to a neighboring republic 
than to a Mexican bandit. 

Following the Baltimore convention, the 63d congress 
shortly after taking its seat at Washington presented itself as 
an enigma before the world. Composed for the most part of 
earnest and honest men, though not renowned for evenly bal- 
anced mentalities, who would faithfully serve their country 
so far as they knew how, and so far as consistent with their 
retention in office, they formulated a tariff which was to 
increase wealth and reduce the cost of living, but which 
brought on hard times for all and ruin for many. 

Then Japan must be placated, because California dared to 
manage her affairs in her own way, and a high official sent 
to lecture the legislature in matters regarding which he knew 
little and cared less — a show of timidity on the part of the 
United States the surest way to increase the arrogance of 
the Asiatics. 

Regardless of former promises there next appeared in this 
most peculiar of legislative bodies a craving to yield to Eng- 
land and the railways the primary benefits of the Panama 
canal ; also of flinging to Colombia a gratuity of $25,000,000, 
the giving of which were a criminal waste of the people's 
money and an unmerited reflection of dishonor upon previous 
administrations. 

But the greatest puzzle of all was the invasion of Mex- 
ico. Why was it, was the inquiry at home and abroad. For 
what purpose, if for a purpose, and if for a purpose why not 
35 



546 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE 

go forward and execute it ? Huerta had been ordered to elimi- 
nate himself, which ingenuous command he declined to obey. 
War was threatened not on the people of Mexico but on 
Huerta; was it expected that Huerta would come forth and 
fight the invaders alone? 

General Funston and Admiral Badger were directed to 
hold Vera Cruz, but the American forces were not to pene- 
trate the interior without further orders. They might land 
their armies and with hostile front seize the city, seal up the 
custom-house, shoot any that opposed them, but they must 
not make war on Mexico, whose leaders and people were to 
be won over to peace and rectitude by moral suasion, but only 
with an army at hand to give emphasis to precept. After 
capturing the capital, should Villa attack him Funston would 
doubtless be allowed to defend himself. 

Simply to salute the flag! All that was required in the 
beginning ; if only this slippery Mexican would fire some guns 
the invaders would retire with ships and soldiers content and 
honor satisfied. But as time passed by and no satisfaction 
given the demand increased and the invaders said, now we 
will not go or release this city until we have given this coun- 
try a good republican government, and fraternal peace to the 
people. 

Again the American government pronounced its so-called 
final ultimatum: — that the United States would bring about 
the pacification of Mexico, peaceably if possible, forcibly if 
necessary, and that the troops at Vera Cruz would not be 
withdrawn until this was accomplished, which easily written 
words augured a long stay for brave men in this ancient 
pest-hole of yellow fever, and in the end inglorious retreat. 

Political proselyting buzzed the bee; enforced liberty, fra- 
ternity; inquisitional extension with Badger's battleships in- 
stead of Torquemada's rack and wheel for aid and argument. 
No Diaz might dictate, but only the blessed lambs of a su- 
perior civilization fresh from Baltimore protestations and 
promises. 



FALL OF DIAZ AND ANARCHY 547 

What the term pacification here signifies is not stated, — if 
to kill the people and possess the land, that is one form of 
pacification : if to accept a play at peace, the Mexicans lying 
low until the invaders have departed only to rise in renewed 
force and fall to fighting again, this is what may be expected; 
or, to remain at Vera Cruz for a half century until the pres- 
ent generation shall have passed away and a new people ap- 
pear born under the teachings of the northern nation into a 
clarified atmosphere of self-control, would be another form 
of military mission work. 

A peace convention was held at Niagara Falls in May, 
which of course proved a fiasco. The plenipotentiaries of 
Brazil, Argentine, and Chili acted as mediators, with Lamar 
and Lehmann as United States commissioners. The condi- 
tions imposed upon the convention by the Washington gov- 
ernment were the retirement of Huerta ; the so vital salute to 
be fired by his successor to wipe out the Tampico insult; 
Carranza, Villa and the rest to lay down their arms and join 
the peacemakers; while Vera Cruz was to remain held by 
United States troops until perfect pacification was accom- 
plished; — ^measures on their face impossible of accomplish- 
ment. 

Carranza with the help of Villa might reach the capital, 
might even seat himself where sat Porfirio Diaz, in which 
event there were still distress in store either for Carranza 
or for his constitution. For as heretofore the people would 
fail to appreciate the advantages of murder, robbery, and 
lands laid waste under a code of written words as against the 
placid rule of a beneficent despot with the constitution quietly 
reposing under the dust upon the top shelf. And as for pure 
Mexican republicanism, because an election is held, and one 
of two is fairly chosen, is that to hold in check the uprising 
of a score of aspirants in various parts each waiting his oppor- 
tunity 1 

Logical truly! To secure an election void of coercion, 
coercion of a rarer quality is used than any ever employed 



548 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE 

by Porfirio Diaz. Huerta, repudiated as president, is 
ordered as president to fire some guns, Huerta, who is 
not president, is ordered as president to resign, to make 
way — for what, for a fair election by the people for the 
people ? Ah ! no, not yet. It could be only for that scourge 
of Satan Venus. Carranza, and his arch fiend Villa, who even 
now might be speculating as to how many United States' 
generals he could catch and kill before a change of adminis- 
tration at Washington. 

Carranza intended to be master of Mexico even though 
Villa were master of Carranza. Yet in the late Washington 
war councils it was assumed that both Villa and Carranza 
would regard with placidity the person or power that should 
coolly request them to step down and out, and so yield to 
the fantastic idealism of a neighboring nation the fruit of 
all their victories ; wherefore the sapient tribunal at Niagara 
Falls, while thus ignoring the substance in pursuing the 
shadow, soberly declares the mediatorial eJEforts successful, 
as if expecting men of sense to believe it. 

Madero was not fool enough ; Huerta was not vile enough. 
To make intervention plausible one must be recognized as de 
facto head of the government tenfold more the child of perdi- 
tion that ever was dreamed on in the days of Caesar or of 
Caligula. Fresh from the assassination of Benton, fresh 
from the unprovoked slaughter of thousands of his country- 
men, Carranza comes to England and America asking recog- 
nition. With his bloody rag of ravage he would spread his 
constitutional table and invite all the world to a perpetual 
feast of peace on earth, good will to men ! 

While with only half the area of the republic under his 
control, yet expecting soon to be master of the other half, 
Carranza had set himself up as chief executive, with officers, 
ministers of state, and a house which he called the palace. 
Though foisting himself into power, with his constitution as 
an emblem in his political rise and progress, he pays no more 
attention to the rules and principles he promulgates than 
does any of the others. 



FALL OF DIAZ AND ANARCHY 549 

Villa perhaps might be reckoned with. He might prefer to 
the drudgery of office work a free hand in a position made 
permanent as prince of peace, pacifier of the republic, and 
lord high executioner to Carranza and the constitution, and 
so silence contentious factions, and secure continuous re- 
election for his chief, as befits a proper government by the 
people and for the people, forever. 

Or, Villa might choose to reckon for himself, as also might 
Zapata, or Natera, or any one of twenty other generals with 
a successful army at command who would be in no haste to 
deliver up for the asking the results of their victories. 

But for lese majesty, complaints over the anomalous posi- 
tion of the American government would be louder and more 
general throughout the land, but no fear of such imputation 
will still the public voice when after years of conflict and 
expenditure of human life and treasure beyond belief, affairs 
will stand very much as at the beginning. 

First it was to discipline Huerta; then it was to restore 
the prestige of the flag ; then it was said that the army should 
not leave Mexico until pacification was accomplished and a 
proper government established. This will never be. The idea 
of eradicating insurgency and forcing upon this wild-eyed 
people loyalty and obedience to fair republicanism, or any 
other form of stable government, at the hand of foreign in- 
tervention is chimerical. "As well try to stop a volcano with 
a sheet of tissue paper," says Albert J. Beveridge. Out of 
the predicament there appears for the United States one of 
two courses, open inglorious retreat, or conquest, protection, 
and dismemberment. 

Well knowing his fate should he fall into the hands of 
Villa, on the 15th of July, 1914, Huerta resigned and fled the 
country, Francisco Carbajal succeeding him under title of 
provisional president. And while negotiations were going 
on for placing Carranza in possession of the capital the 
land still bristled with revolt. 



550 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE 

CHAPTER LIII 

MEXICO PAST AND PRESENT 

Prom the first hour of Independence Mexico was opposed 
to the renewal of kingcraft in any form or by whatsoever 
name called. Her dream and aspiration was a republic mod- 
eled after that of her northern neighbor. If a republic in 
name only, erected upon a substratum of despotism, better 
that than open imperialism. 

Yet, even after national independence had been achieved, 
many years elapsed before the Mexican nation was finally re- 
leased from the shackles of a restrictive form of government. 
For several decades, as we have seen, a struggle was carried 
on between the champions of progress and popular rights, 
and those of class privilege and superstition, an appeal to 
arms being usually the only method of arriving at a decision. 
Bitter party spirit, caste distinction, and tribal differences 
long deferred the advent of freedom, which was ultimately ac- 
quired rather by political evolution, though aided to a great ex- 
tent by extraneous influences. The aristocracy, in league with 
the clergy, long struggled to maintain their predominance. 
Through their efforts the unstable and short-lived empire of 
Iturbide was created, and after his fall, when the organiza- 
tion of the two distinct parties federalists and centralists 
severed the ranks of the republicans, the aristocratic element 
by attaching itself to the former still maintained its ascend- 
ency and held control of the most valuable offices. 

In 1835 the centralists aided by Santa Anna were victori- 
ous, and in the same year we find this popular leader invested 
with the powers of a dictator, soon however to be overthrown, 
banished, and recalled. Again he figures as an autocrat, and 
again he is dragged from his self-created pinnacle of fame, 
until in 1857 comes the ultimate triumph of federalism. Dur- 
ing the period 1821-57 Mexico was ruled under divers forms 



MEXICO PAST AND PRESENT 551 

of government with at least fifty different administrations, 
these incessant changes in the affairs of state being attended 
with more than two hundred and fifty revolutions. 

The last effort of the conservative party was the invitation 
extended to Maximilian to reestablish the Mexican empire, 
and the failure of this ill-judged enterprise in 1867 was the 
death-blow to centralism. Since that time republican princi- 
ples under the federal system gradually gained ground, rep- 
resented it is true by various political parties, but all more 
or less progressive and of distinctive character, the several 
factions being designated after their respective leaders, as 
Juaristas, Lerdistas, and Porfiristas. Reforms followed in 
quick succession. From the church was wrested some portion 
of her power, religious tolerance was proclaimed, and mar- 
riage by civil contract legalized, while vast improvements were 
made in the material condition of the country, which during 
the colonial period languished under . oppressive restrictions, 
and in later days was depressed by chronic internal strife. 

From the twelve Intendencias and the northern provinces 
of the colonial period, with a population in 1810 of a little 
over 6,000,000, the political divisions of Mexico have increased 
to twenty-eight states and two territories, with a population 
estimated in 1914 at more than 15,000,000. 

In their several constitutions the states differ from each 
other in many features, as in the number of legislative cham- 
bers, sessions, and representatives, and all of them, though 
enjoying full autonomy, resemble in their organization the 
central government. Governors usually hold office for four 
years, assisted in some instances by one or more secretaries 
of state. Districts are under charge of jefes politicos, or 
prefects, and municipalities usually elect annually their local 
boards, with one regidor for each thousand inhabitants, and 
with an alcalde and one or two sindicos. Hitherto municipal 
positions have, as a rule, been in the hands of men who used 
them for their own purposes; and though the people are 
gradually taking a great interest in local affairs, it is prob- 



552 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE 

able that as yet not more than one in ten of those who are 
qualified care to exercise the suffrage. 

The Federal Congress consists of a house of deputies and 
a senate, both elected by indirect popular vote, the former 
for two years, in the proportion of one deputy to every 
40,000 inhabitants. The senate, abolished in 1853 and re- 
stored in 1874, is composed of two members for each state, 
half of the entire number retiring each year. Two sessions 
are held yearly, the second one, commencing on the 1st of 
April, being occupied mainly with financial matters. 

The president of the republic is elected for four years, his 
term of office commencing on the 1st of December. In case 
of his disability or resignation, the chief justice, or, as he 
is termed, the president of the supreme court, still becomes 
his substitute. With his right of conferring appointments, 
especially in the army, which regards him as its chief, with 
the control of large funds, and with a preponderating influ- 
ence in many of the states, through the power of influencing 
elections, installing officials, and granting concessions, the 
chief magistrate may become virtually an autocrat; for con- 
gress can be readily manipulated by party intrigue and by a 
judicious distribution of money. 

The functions of the executive are divided among six sec- 
retaries; namely, those of foreign affairs, justice and public 
instruction, the interior, the treasury and public credit, war 
and navy, and public works. The first of these officials be- 
comes ex-officio premier of the republic, and holds possession 
of the great seal. An interior ministry known as goberna- 
cion, divides with the public-works department the control of 
home affairs not included in the functions of other ministers, 
the secretary of the latter attending to matters connected 
with trade, industries, and colonization, public roads, build- 
ings, lands, and scientific operations. 

Of the original elements which are blended in the modern 
population of Mexico from the contact of races, extending 



MEXICO PAST AND PRESENT 553 

over a period of nearly four centuries, have arisen innumer- 
able combinations which cannot be fully traced or classified. 
Thus the offspring of a European and an Indian is termed 
a mestizo; of a European and an African a mulatto; of an 
Indian and an African a zambo or chino. A mestizo union 
with a European, Indian, or African produces respectively a 
castizo or trigueno, a mestizo-claro, and a mulatto-obscuro ; 
from a corresponding mulatto union spring a morisco or 
terceron, a chino-obscuro, and a zambo-negro ; and from a sim- 
ilar intermarriage with a zambo come a chino-blancho, a 
chino-cholo, and a zambo-chino. These are the terms most 
frequently used, though varying in different parts of the re- 
public, and for practical purposes it is unnecessary to proceed 
further. 

As before remarked, there are but two classes of society 
in Mexico, those who work to live and those who live by the 
labor of their fellow-man, the one including all the wealth and 
intelligence of the country, members of the professions and 
public officials, and the other consisting only of those who 
serve. Between the two there is an almost impassable gulf; 
for the poor are hopelessly poor, and looked upon with con- 
tempt, while the high-born if reduced to poverty prefer star- 
vation to manual labor, which is considered degrading. At 
present there is no great and powerful middle class, though 
such an element is being gradually evolved through the so- 
cial and material progress of the country. There is not, as 
in most of the countries of Europe and in the United States, 
a great body politic consisting of farmers, traders, and 
artisans, many of them owning the land which they till, the 
wares which they sell, and the shops and dwellings which 
they occupy. This most important factor in the community, 
forming as it does the very backbone of a nation, is still in 
process of development. Thus the term lower classes, in 
whatever sense it may be used, signifies in Spanish America 
something different from its meaning elsewhere on this con- 
tinent and perhaps elsewhere in the world. 



554 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE 

The present condition and status of the lower classes are 
matters easy of explanation. Given as a base the conquered 
aboriginals, merged into innumerable castes by intermarriage 
with Africans and Europeans; steep them in ignorance and 
superstition ; grind them for centuries under the heel of polit- 
ical, ecclesiastical, and social despotism, and the result is 
exactly what might have been expected. 

In physique the Mexican peon is somewhat below medium 
stature and of slender build, but hardy and remarkably pa- 
tient of fatigue. The men frequently carry for a considerable 
distance packages of two or three hundred pounds weight, 
the load being borne on the back and shoulders and balanced 
by a leathern strap around the forehead and chest, while 
women support lighter burdens on their heads after the fash- 
ion of the French and Italian peasantry. Their condition is 
pitiable in the extreme; for in the cities they are the serv- 
ants of servants, and in the country, bound by debt or family 
ties, they live almost as bondsmen on the haciendas or in the 
mines where dwelt their fathers and forefathers. 

The lowest grades include some of the most abject crea- 
tures on earth, beings who are a reproach to humanity, or 
rather to the European civilization which placed them in a 
condition far more degrading than that of their ancestors 
under aboriginal regime. They are thinly and but partially 
clad, in coarse cotton garments, barefoot and bareheaded as 
a rule. Their food consists of whatever they can pick up, 
and at night they huddle together in adobe huts, or sleep 
on the ground wherever they may chance to be when night 
overtakes them. 

Even those who are a little higher in the scale are utilized 
in the cities as pack-animals, and in the mines in place of 
machinery; and yet so fearful are they of losing their em- 
ployment that they destroy if possible all labor-saving im- 
plements, even though they may tend to relieve them of a 
portion of their burdens. In the streets and on the high- 
ways they may be seen bearing huge timbers, loads of adobes, 



MEXICO PAST AND PRESENT 555 

and boxes and packages of enormous weight ; and heavy arti- 
cles, as pianos and iron safes are carried for miles across 
barrancas almost impassable for vehicles. 

But degraded as is the conditon of the lower classes in 
Mexico, it has vastly improved since the era of the revolution. 
Descriptions which have been handed down to us of the 20,000 
leperos, or lazzaroni, who forty years ago infested the suburbs 
of the capital, represent a scene of poverty, filth and wretch- 
edness almost beyond belief. Not long afterward a law was 
passed requiring vagrants to go to work or suffer imprison- 
ment, and this regulation produced a wholesome effect. Not 
that the reform proved radical; for to this day beggars may 
be seen who pass their lives standing like statues by the way- 
side or on the street corners rather than raise a hand to 
provide themselves with food. Others, shockingly deformed, 
obstruct the sidewalks, and exhibit their twisted frames in 
mute appeal for aid. 

There are few classes of laborers who do more work for 
less money than the Mexican peon. There are few Chinamen 
present except on the plantations of the lowlands, for Mon- 
golians cannot compete with them, either in amount or qual- 
ity of labor, or in the straitness of their economy. 

The employer who keeps faith with his Mexican laborers, 
paying them promptly according to agreement, receives faith- 
ful service, being acknowledged as master by divine right; 
for the peons and their ancestors have been drilled for cen- 
turies in the school of servility. So accustomed are they 
to kicks and curses that they regard this species of abuse as 
incidental to their sphere in life. Even when making their 
purchases at the stores they look with suspicion on the shop- 
keeper who addresses them politely; for such treatment is 
regarded as significant of dishonest intent. Expecting to be 
asked an exorbitant price for goods, and then to obtain a 
reduction, if a fair equivalent is demanded, from which there 
is no rebate, they seldom purchase, though knowing that they 
can do so at cheaper rates than they must pay elsewhere. 



556 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE 

In no respect are the several classes so strictly divided as 
in the regulation of traffic. The tradesmen who receive the 
patronage of the rich never come into competition with the 
provision stores, or bakeries, or pulque-shops which supply the 
wants of the poor. The latter dwell and toil apart; they 
build their own houses, provide their own food and clothing, 
and even when sick do not venture to seek the aid of a 
physician of aristocratic repute. On the one side there is 
arrogance and contempt; on the other antipathy and indif- 
ference ; and there is no powerful middle class to stand be- 
tween these opposing elements. And yet the people thor- 
oughly understand each other; for each one knows his place 
and his sphere in life. Though the streets of the capital are 
usually thronged, there is neither hustling nor crowding, and 
there are few of those unseemly brawls and sickening trag- 
edies which occur so frequently in the cities of the northern 
republic. There is little scolding or altercation among the 
women, and there is little violence either in word or deed 
among the men. Even rival journalists are urbane, and 
politicians are seldom turbulent, however fiercely may burn 
the fires which underlie the surface. 

Among the upper classes, as among the lower, may be 
found all gradations of caste, in addition to the pure-blooded 
European and the pure-blooded American. In point of abil- 
ity, education, wealth, comfort, and refinement, the former 
far excel the standard to which in the estimation of foreign- 
ers they are entitled; for in these respects they are by no 
means behind other nations. Those who are most prominent 
in society and in politics are exclusive and reticent, making 
no parade of their resources and accomplishments; but he 
who attempts to impose on them by superior subtlety and 
shrewdness will surely meet with disappointment. Wealth, 
education, and gentility are the principal passports to soci- 
ety ; but the possession of wealth alone does not win recogni- 
tion for its owner, and all who are but one or two degrees re- 
moved from the brute condition of the peon have rights which 



MEXICO PAST AND PRESENT 557 

are duly respected, though they may not possess a dollar in 
the world. 

Before the revolution, nearly all the wealth of the country 
was centred in the church, or in the hands of the Spaniards 
and their descendants. Most of those who could properly be 
called Spaniards afterward left the country, taking with 
them all the money and valuables that they could collect, or 
rather all that they were permitted to remove. As for the 
rest, there was not always, and there is not to-day, the differ- 
ence which the abject condition of the poorer classes and the 
extravagant luxury of the rich would seem to indicate. 
Among all classes there is a lack of energy, thrift, and fore- 
sight, and except for the low-born there are few avenues of 
employment, handicraft in whatever shape being considered 
a degradation. Those who have retained their haciendas or 
their city property are for the most part in comfortable 
circumstances; but there are many who mortgaged their pos- 
sessions when land was inflated in value and lost all when 
compelled to realize. Many families there are who from 
one generation to another struggle merely to keep themselves 
above the surface beneath which their respectability would be 
no longer recognized. 

The number of Spaniards in Mexico has been estimated at 
20,000, and of other foreigners, apart from Americans, in 
1914, at 26,000, the latter being variable though constantly 
increasing. The term foreigner is applied to all who are 
not born in the country, whatever may be their parent- 
age. On the other hand, a native of Mexico, though of 
foreign descent, is called a Mexican, if by any political act as 
voting or accepting office he has proclaimed his nationality. 
As a rule Europeans are not in sympathy with Mexican in- 
stitutions, holding themselves apart, frequenting their own 
clubs and places of resort, and regarding the natives with 
offensive siiperciliousness. Moreover, European merchants 
have sought to monopolize the trade of the country by spread- 
ing false reports, by smuggling and taking advantage of 



558 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE 

official corruption, and by helping to keep the masses in pov- 
erty and ignorance, while charging the evils produced by 
their own baseness to the faults of a government, which they 
openly despise in common with everything else that is Mex- 
ican. 

Upon the central and southern table-lands are stretches of 
soil as fertile and beautiful as any in the world, producing 
with irrigation three crops a year, while towns and cities 
become more numerous, some of them owing their origin 
to missionary convents, some to the efforts of wealthy land- 
owners, and some to the course of trade. 

Travelling by stage, one used to pass on the road long 
trains of carts piled high with merchandise, the native prod- 
ucts being thus conveyed toward the sea-coast and foreign 
products to the capital. All of them were covered with light 
canvas, giving to them the appearance of lime-kilns on wheels, 
and were drawn by mules driven by swarthy mozos, at whose 
side was the conductor or owner on horse-back and arrayed in 
gaudy trappings. 

In the carrying trade the arrieros, or drivers of trains, 
played an important part, conveying merchandise from one 
city to another with scrupulous care. On account of the 
roughness of the roads, which pass through numerous alid 
deep ravines, pack-animals are still often preferred to vehicles. 
In former times thousands of pack-mules might be seen start- 
ing from Mexico, or from a sea-port, laden for a journey of 
1,500 or 2,000 miles. The treasure trains, which bore the prod- 
uct of the mints and the coin of the merchants to the capital, 
frequently carried several millions in specie and bullion, and 
were escorted by a strong guard of soldiers, the wealthier 
citizens and their families travelling with them for protec- 
tion. With the advent of railroads and express companies 
this mode of conveyance along the lines has of course become 
a thing of the past, and with it has departed the prosperity 



MEXICO PAST AND PRESENT 559 

of many of the interior towns, which depended largely for 
their existence on the trade of the caravans. 

At the national capital already the waters of the lake of 
Mexico are nearly a league distant from the city ; canals have 
given way to roads and streets; pyramid temples to domes 
and spires ; and palaces, with their hanging gardens and ter- 
raced lawns, to the less romantic structures of modern times. 

The modern capital of Anahuac occupies a site nearly three 
miles square, its six hundred streets and lanes being well de- 
fined and regularly laid out, while its population may be 
estimated at somewhat more than a quarter of a million. All 
the principal thoroughfares converge on the main plaza, which 
covers an area of fourteen acres, and around which are 
grouped the principal public buildings. Prominent among 
them is the cathedral, acknowledged as one of the finest archi- 
tectural structures on the continent, founded in 1573 and 
finished nearly a century later, on the site of the temple of 
Huitzilopochtli, the Aztec god of war. Near by are the gov- 
ernment palace, the museum, the libraries, the art galleries, 
the school of mines and a number of ecclesiastical and be- 
nevolent institutions. At a short distance to the westward 
is the alameda, a park of some ten acres. 

The city of Mexico in common with other places has been 
termed the Paris of America. Although situated in the heart 
of the country, it is no less cosmopolitan in character than are 
New York and San Francisco, containing as it does a large 
percentage of foreigners and of citizens who have resided 
and travelled in foreign countries. 

The capital has been subject to remarkable changes, as well 
of a physical as of a social and political character. Once 
it was the Venice of the continent, enthroned amid the lake, 
and surrounded with a sheltering circle of forest- crowned 
heights and green meadows, among which were tributary 
settlements bright with garden foliage. 

Canals intersected the city in every direction, filled with 
swiftly gliding canoes and stately barges, and on gala days 



560 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE 

the expanse was crowded with spectators, intent on witness- 
ing the imposing ceremonies at the temple of the war-god. 
Now unsightly marshes fringe the ever-narrowing surface of 
the lake, while the forests have been wantonly destroyed, and 
ancient structures razed to the ground by the early conquer- 
ors or defaced by the ravages of civil war. 

To the west are the remnants of the floating gardens, and 
beyond the famed castle of Chapultepec. In the midst of 
the cypress forest which surrounds it were the abodes of 
Aztec sovereigns, of Spanish viceroys, and of Mexican presi- 
dents. Many strange scenes these venerable groves have wit- 
nessed, scenes unwritten and never to be recorded, of wars 
and state craft, of love-makings and merry-makings ; for in 
the days when Quauhtemotzin was offered by Cortes in Chris- 
tian sacrifice to the lust of gold they were hoary and with 
aged arms. 

The site of the capital is somewhat below the level of the 
lakes, and digging anywhere through some three or four feet 
of century debris and mouldering Aztec ruins, water is 
reached. In winter the streets are covered with a fine dust, 
and the climate resembles somewhat that of San Francisco, 
with the seasons reversed, and with slight difference between 
the winter and summer temperature. 

During the viceregal period the church grew rich through 
its fees and gifts, and the increase in the value of its landed 
property, until as was alleged it possessed nearly one-third 
of the wealth of the country. The revenue of its nine sees, 
together with that of Chiapas, was estimated at the close of 
the eighteenth century at $13,000,000 a year, of which nearly 
one-third belonged to the archbishop. At this epoch the 
power of the clergy was sustained by many privileges, as 
by exemption from the jurisdiction of other tribunals than 
their own, by the influence wielded through the confessional, 
and by the dread torture-chambers of the Inquisition, which 



MEXICO PAST AND PRESENT 561 

like the wings of a fallen angel still cast the dun spectre of 
its huge eclipse athwart the hemispheres. 

With the triumph of republicanism the church sustained 
a severe blow, the effect of which was greatly increased by its 
pronounced attitude in favor of Spain, sustained by an en- 
cyclical letter from the Vatican. The hostility this engen- 
dered served to lower its influence as well as that of the pope. 
Moreover, the corruption pervading the republican ranks ex- 
tended to the clergy, members of the cloth being accused 
of avarice and sensualism, and being dragged more and more 
into the field of politics to be bespattered with the abuse and 
ridicule of the press and indecorously buffetted by contend- 
ing factions. 

The result was a growing disposition on the part of the 
people to restrict their privileges, to render them subject to 
civil law, to prevent the further accumulation of their wealth, 
and to withdraw from them the control of educational mat- 
ters which had thus far been entirely in their hands. The 
religious orders were the first to suffer, the number of mem- 
bers of the Franciscan, Dominican, and Augustinian orders 
decreasing from 7,000 or 8,000, at the close of the eighteenth 
century, to about 1,700 in the third decade of the nineteenth. 
In 1834 the missions were secularized, and as they had already 
outlived their usefulness there were few among the people 
at large who regretted this measure except for the fact that 
their riches were absorbed by corrupt administrators. 

The constitution of 1857 inflicted a heavy blow on the 
church, permitting entire freedom in educational matters, 
together with liberty of the press, subordinating church to 
state, and embodying the famous laws of Juarez and Lerdo, 
which abolished the legal privileges of the clergy, and their 
right to hold real estate, thus cutting at the very root of 
their political influence. Finally confiscation hastened the 
blow, their tithes being seized and their fees reduced, while 
church and state were virtually severed, though an allow- 
ance was made to nuns and to deserving friars. In 1859, 
36 



562 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE 

however, church property was still valued at nearly $200,- 
000,000, with tithes and fees representing annually several 
additional millions. 

Long and bloody was the struggle which achieved the final 
result, the church even Invoking foreign aid and helping to 
establish the empire of Maximilian, It was a time of puri- 
fication for state as well as church, and it was only after a 
severe contest that the latter yielded. At present all creeds 
and societies are tolerated; free-masons perform their rites 
without molestation, and free-thinkers are at least as numer- 
ous in Mexico as in the United States or among the more 
enlightened countries of Europe. 

Greed and godliness were the two incentives which induced 
the Spaniards to overrun and occupy the lands discovered by 
Columbus. These two qualities, so apparently opposite and 
yet in this people so strongly blended, resulted not only in 
the partial extermination of the native American races but 
reacting on themselves, dimmed the ancient glory of Spain 
and caused the leading power in Europe to become a by- 
word of the nations. "In this climate," says the historian 
Gomara, **as in Peru, the people turn yellow. It may be 
that the desire for gold which fills their hearts shines forth in 
their faces. ' ' It has been related that within a single century 
after the conquest, there was shipped from the New World 
to Spain enough silver to build a bridge across the Atlantic 
a yard and a half in width and two inches in thickness, or 
that if piled together in the form of a pyramid it would 
overtop the mountains of Potosi. 

More skilled in arms than in arts, the conquerors of Mex- 
ico failed to invent or to introduce any new system of mining, 
adhering simply to the one in use among the Aztecs. Expert 
as were the latter in the manipulation of metals, the working 
of the mines was still in a primitive condition, consisting of 
little more than a skimming of the surface, or washing the 
sands of rivers. Their smelting apparatus was also of the 



MEXICO PAST AND PRESENT 563 

rudest kind, and the only means at their disposal to increase 
the heat of their small furnaces was the use of blow-pipes of 
bamboo. In course of time intelligent miners arrived from 
Spain, and brought with them improved methods of opera- 
tion, such as smelting by the aid of bellows. Thenceforth 
new mines were discovered in every direction, especially in 
the northern districts, which proved to be richer in minerals 
than the region toward the south. 

In 1548 the famous silver lodes of Zacatecas and San Luis 
Potosi were discovered and profitably worked, and soon after- 
ward those of Pachuca and Guanajuato, though the science 
of mining was still in so backward a condition that only the 
richest ores could be treated. In 1557, however, one Bar- 
tolome de Mediana, a miner of Pachuca, discovered the amal- 
gamation process, a boon of which Mexico has good reason to 
be proud. His plan of extracting the precious metal with the 
aid of quicksilver produced results so satisfactory that few 
improvements have since been introduced. Little is known 
of the discoverer, a fact which implies that he derived but-^ 
slight benefit from an invention which was of vast importance 
to the mining industry. Ore-bodies which had formerly been 
considered worthless were now speedily developed ; veins held 
to be unproductive were worked anew, and so rapidly was 
the process adopted that within five years Zacatecas alone had 
no less than thirty-five reduction-works. 

The most remarkable progress in gold and silver mining 
occurred during the latter half of the eighteenth century, 
under the auspices of the board formed by representative min- 
ers for mutual aid and protection, and authorized to maintain 
its own bank, college, and tribunal, the last privileges almost 
as exclusive as those of the army and clergy. The conse- 
quence was a large increase of production, reaching at the be- 
ginning of the nineteenth century an average of $23,000,000 a 
year. To this a certain percentage must be added for bullion 
wrought into jewelry, and for that which was not included in 
the offieial returns. These results were due, not only to the 



564 



HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE 



influence of the mining board, but to a reduction in the price 
of quicksilver, and to a more liberal colonial policy on the part 
of the home government. 

The mining region of New Spain covered in 1800 an area 
of about 12,225 square leagues, and was divided into 37 
departments with about 500 subdivisions containing approxi- 
mately 3,000 mines. 



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Central Mining District ^ 

The most prominent districts were those of Guanaguato 
and Catoree in San Luis Potosi and Zacatecas, and all of 
them situated between latitude 21° and 24°. The first was 
discovered in the middle of the sixteenth century by muleteers 
employed on the route between Zacatecas and Mexico. Official 
returns give the aggregate product from 1701 to 1809 at 
37,290,617 marks of silver, and 88,184 marks of gold, valued 
at $318,935,554. A single vein, the Valenciana, yielded in 



MEXICO PAST AND PRESENT 555 

less than five years about $14,000,000, and in 1791 as much 
silver as all the mines of Peru. 

Even these results were eclipsed by the veins in the Catorce 
district, discovered in 1773 and worked with success since 
1778. One mine alone, belonging to a priest named Flores, 
yielded during the first year $1,600,000. The product of the 
whole district from 1778 to 1810 was estimated at $4,000,000 
a year, and the total output of the entire intendencies of San 
Luis Potosi from 1556 to 1789 at 92,736,294 marks of silver, 
representing $788,258,212. Other mines in this region also 
yielded enormously, giving rise to the belief that they were 
practically inexhaustible. 

A similar impression prevailed concerning the district of 
Zaeatecas, which since its discovery in the middle of the 
sixteenth century had always offered a vast field for enter- 
prise. That it was not unfounded is evident from the fact that 
for 180 years ending with 1732 the total product was esti- 
mated at $832,232,880. The principal vein, the Veta Grande, 
produced in eighteen years from 1790 to 1808 $11,317,792. 
Even more successful for a time were operations in the dis- 
trict of Sombrerete, where the celebrated Veta Negra mine 
produced within six months more than 700,000 marks of silver, 
the ore yielding a net profit of some $4,000,000. To this 
period belongs the story of the rich miner of Zaeatecas, who 
on the occasion of his daughter 's wedding ordered the streets 
from his house to the church to be paved with bricks of 
silver. 

At the time when prospects seemed brightest the revolu- 
tion broke out, and within a few years was swept away the 
work of centuries. Machinery was destroyed and the mines 
filled with water and debris ; operations ceased in many local- 
ities ; elsewhere work was carried on in a random and waste- 
ful manner, and the output was decreased by one half. In- 
dependence achieved, the government attempted to revive 
this industry by inviting foreign capital and skill, reducing 
taxes, and issuing certain regulations. The result was a rush 



566 HISTORY OF THE MEXICAN PEOPLE 

of foreign adventurers, who under heedless and unskilful 
management for the most part retired with loss. The dis- 
couragement which followed, together with the disturbing in- 
fluence of incessant revolutions, fitful changes of administra- 
tions, and forced contributions, counteracted the effects of 
introducing superior methods and machinery, so that during 
the first three decades of republican rule there was little 
increase in the yield of precious metals. The total returns 
for the period 1823-52 have been estimated from the mint 
statistics at $401,000,000, or an average of less than $14,000,- 
000 a year, Zacatecas taking the lead with over $120,000,000 
and Guanajuato and Mexico following with about $90,000,000 
and $60,000,000, respectively; next come San Luis Potosi, 
Durango, and Jalisco, with from $19,000,000 to $25,000,000, 
while the products of other states sink greatly below these 
figures. Later the yield increased considerably, the eleven 
mints in operation in various parts of the republic reporting 
a total coinage for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1885, of 
$25,598,849, the amount varying but slightly during several 
preceding years. 

It may be stated approximately that during the nineteenth 
century, and a portion of the eighteenth, Mexico has fur- 
nished one half of the world's supply of silver, in addition 
to a vast amount of gold, though the latter is by comparison 
almost insignificant. The total yield of the precious metals be- 
tween 1537 and 1880 has been valued, according to a very low 
estimate, at about $3,100,000,000, though one authority gives 
the amount of coinage almost at that figure, and another 
calculation, based on a report of the Mexican mint, places the 
total in 1914 at over $5,200,000,000. Accepting, however, the 
smallest estimate, and taking silver at the low average price of 
one dollar an ounce, the weight of this huge mass of bullion, if 
the bars were piled together, would reach nearly 90,000 tons, 
and would require a hundred large vessels for its transporta- 
tion to Europe. Thus we m.ay gain some idea of the enormous 
wealth which has been gathered in the land of the Montezu- 



MEXICO PAST AND PRESENT 



567 



mas, and which stated merely as so much coin is almost 
beyond the grasp of human comprehension. 

The mines of Zacatecas, San Luis Potosi, Pachuca, and 
Guanajuato, old and new, and the extensive oil developments 
at Tehuantepec and Tampico are but an earnest of the wealth 
a pacified Mexico will give forth in the centuries to come. 
And so all around the great ocean, from Alaska to Australia, 
as long as time lasts the earth will continue to give up her 
treasures, the mountains their silver and gold and the plains 
the fruits of the soil. Across from Panama, where progress 
is marked by one of the world's great achievements, the far- 
thest East is awakening, throwing aside its old despotism 
for a new, the despotism of enlightenment and culture. 




CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 



RULERS OF MEXICO, AND DATES UPON WHICH 
THEY ASSUMED OFFICE. 



GOVERNORS. 
Hernan Cortes, governor and captain-general. Oct. 15, 1522, 
Licenciate Luis Ponce. July 2, 1526. 
Licenciate Marcos Aguilar. Aug. 1, 1526. 
Alonso de Estrada and Gonzalo de Sandoval. March 1, 1527. 
Alonso de Estrada. Aug. 22, 1527. 

FIRST AUDIENCIA. 

Nunc de Guzman, president; Matienzo, Delgadillo. Dec. 1528. 

SECOND AUDIENCIA. 

Sebastian Ramirez de Fuenleal, president; Lie. Juan de Salmeron, Alonso 
Maldonado, Francisco Ceinos, Vasco de Quiroga. 1531. 

VICEROYS. 

Antonio de Mendoza, commander of Socuellanos in the order of Santiago. 
April 17, 1535. 

Luis de Velasco. Nov. 1550. 

Gaston de Peralta, marquis of Falces. Oct. 16, 1566. Visitador Alonso 
Munoz ruled till the coming of the fourth viceroy. 

Martin Enriquez de Almansa. Nov. 5, 1568. 

Lorenzo Suarez de Mendoza, count of la Coruna. Oct. 4, 1580. 

Pedro Moya de Contreras, archbishop of Mexico and visitador. Sept. 25, 
1584. 

^Ivaro Manrique de Zuniga, marquis of Villa Manrique. October 17, 1585. 

Diego Romano, bishop of Puebla. Visitador. ■. 

Luis de Velasco, second of the name. Jan. 27, 1590. 



570 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 

Gaspar de Ziiaiga y Acevedo, count of Monterey. From Nov. 5, 1595, to 
Oct. 1603, when lie departed for Peru. 

Juan de Mendoza y Luna, marquis of Montesclaros. From Oct. 27, 1603, 
when he made his public entry accompanied by his wife Ana de Mendoza, 
to July 1607, when he went oflf to Peru. 

Luis de Velasco, second of the name, for the second time. From July 2, 
1607, to June 1611. 

Friar Garcia Guerra, of the order of Preachers, archbishop of Mexico. 
From June 19, 1611, to Feb. 22, 1612, date of his death. Oidor Otalora ruled 
till Oct. 28, 1612. 

Diego Fernandez de Cordoba, marquis of Guadalcazar. Came with his wife 
Maria Riederer; ruled from Oct. 28, 1612, to March 14, 1621. The audiencia 
then governed a few months. 

Diego Carrillo de Mendoza y Pimentel, marquis of Gelves and count of 
Priego. From Sept. 12, 1621, to Jan. 15, 1624. He lied from the enraged 
populace to a church, leaving the government in the hands of the audiencia, 
which ruled till his successor arrived. 

Rodrigo Pacheco Osorio, marquis of Cerralvo. From Nov, 3, 1624, to Sept, 
16, 1635. 

Lope Diaz de Armendariz, marquis of Cadereita. From Sept. 16, 1635, to 
Aug. 28, 1640. 

Diego Lopez Pacheco Cabrera y Bobadilla, marquis of Villena, and duke of 
Escalona, a grandee of Spain. From Aug. 28, 1640, to June 10, 1642. 

Juan de Palafox y Mendoza, bishop of Puebla. From June 10, 1642, to 
Nov. 23d of the same year. 

Garcia Sarmiento de Sotomayor, count of Salvatierra, marquis of Sobroso. 
From Nov. 23, 1642, to May 13, 1648, when he was transferred to the viceroy- 
alty of Peru. 

Marcos de Torres y Rueda, bishop of Yucatan. Though commissioned not 
as viceroy, but merely as governor, he is placed in the series of viceroys, 
in order not to cause interruption therein. He began his rule upon the de- 
parture of his predecessor for Peru on the 13th of May, 1648, and retained 
the ofl&ce until the 22d of April, 1649, when he died, and was interred in the 
church of San Augustin. 

Luiz Enriquez de Guzman, count of Alba de Liste, marquis of Villaflor. 
From June 28, 1650, when he took the oath of office, making his public entry 
on the 3d of July, to Aug. 1653; he then went off to Peru, having filled the 
three years' term as viceroy of Mexico. 

Francisco Fernandez de la Cueva, duke of Alburquerque, grandee of Spain. 
Entered Mexico on the 15th of August, 1653, accompanied by his wife Juana 
de Armendariz, marchioness of Cadereita, and ruled till Sept. 1660, being 
promoted to the viceroyalty of Sicily. 

Juan de Leiva y de la Cerda, marquis of Leiva and of Ladrada, count of 
Banos. His rule was from Sept. 16, 1660, to June 1664. 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 571 

Diego Osorio de Escobar y Llamas, bishop of Puebla. From June 29, 1664, 
to Oct. 15tli of the same year. 

Antonio Sebastian de Toledo, marquis of Mancera. From Oct. 15, 1664, to 
Dec. 8, 1673. He brought his wife Leonor Carreto, who died at Tepeaca on 
her journey back to Spain. 

Pedro Nuno Colon de Portugal, duke of Veraguas, marquis of Jamaica, 
grandee of Spain, and knight of the Golden Fleece. From Dec. 8, 1673, when 
he made his public entry, to the 13th of the same month and year, when he died. 

Payo Enriquez de Rivera, of the order of Saint Augustine, archbishop of 
Mexico. From Dec. 13, 1673, to Nov. 30, 1680. 

Tomas Antonio de la Oerda y Aragon, count of Paredes, marquis of La 
Laguna. From Nov. 30, 1680, to a similar date in 1686. 

Melchor Portocarrero Laso de la Vega, count of la Monclova. From Nov. 
30, 1686, to Nov. 1688, when he left for Peru. 

Gaspar de Sandoval, Silva y Mendoza, count of Galve, He arrived in Cha- 
pultepec on the 11th of Nov., 1688; took possession of the office at the hands 
of the royal council on the 20th of that month, and made his public entry on 
the 4th of December. He ruled until February 1696. With him came his 
wife Elvira de Toledo, a daughter of the marquis of Villafranca. 

Juan de Ortega Montanes, bishop of Michoacan. From Feb. 27 to Dec. 18, 
1696. 

Jose Sarmiento Valladares, count of Moctezuma and of Tula. From Dea 
18, 1696, to Nov, 1701. He brought his wife Maria Andrea Moctezuma, 
Jofre de Loaisa, 3d countess of Moctezuma, a granddaughter in the fourth 
line of the second emperor of Mexico of this name, through his son Don 
Pedro Johualicahuatzin Moctezuma. He was created, on the 25th of Nov., 
1704, duke of Atlixco, and a grandee of Spain. 

Juan Ortega Montanes, a second time. From Nov. 4, 1701, when the com- 
mand was surrendered to him by the count of Moctezuma, to Nov. 27th of 
the next following year. 

Francisco Fernandez de la Cueva Enriquez, duke of Alburquerque. From 
Nov. 27, 1702, to Jan. 15, 1711. He had with him his wife Juana de la Cerda. 

Fernando de Alencastre, Norona y Silva, duke of Linares, marquis of 
Valdefuentes. From Jan. 15, 1711, to Aug. 15, 1716. 

Baltasar de Ziiniga, marquis of. Valero, duke of Arion. From Aug. 16, 
1716, when he made his public entry, until Oct. 1722, when he was promoted 
to president of the royal council of the Indies. 

Juan de Acuna, marquis of Casafuerte. From Oct. 15, 1722, to March 17, 
1734, the date of his demise. 

Juan Antonio de Vizarron y Eguiarreta, archbishop of Mexico. From March 
17, 1734, to Aug. 17, 1740, when he delivered the office to his successor. 

Pedro de Castro y Figueroa, duke of la Conquista, and marquis of Gracia 
Real. From Aug. 17, 1740, when he took charge of the viceroyalty at Gua- 
dalupe, to Aug. 22, 1741, the day of his death. 



572 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLIS. 

Pedro Cebrian y Agustin, count of !Suenclara. From Nov. 3, 1742, to July 
1746. The royal audiencia had ruled from Aug. 22, 1741, until his arrival. 

Francisco de Giiemes y Horcasitas, first count of K-evilla Gigedo. From 
July 9, 1746, to Nov. 9, 1755. 

Agustin de Ahnmada y Villalon, marquis of Las Amarillas, a lieutenant- 
general of the royal armies. From Nov. 10, 1755, to Feb. 5, 1760, the date 
of his death. 

Francisco'Cagigal de la Vega. From April 28 to Oct. 5, 1760. 

Joaquin de Montserrat, marqviis of Cruillas. From Oct. 6, 1760, to Aug. 
24, 1766. . 

Carlos Francisco de Croix, marquis of Croix. From Aug. 25, 1766, to Sept. 
22, 1771. 

Antonio Maria de Bucareli y Urstia, a knight-commander of the order of 
Saint John. From Sept. 23, 1771, to April 9, 1779, when he died. The au- 
diencia ruled till the arrival of a successor. 

Martin de Mayorga. From Aug. 23, 1779, to April 28, 1783. 

Matias de Galvez. From April 29, 1783, to Nov. 3, 1784, when he died. 
The audiencia again had charge of the government. 

Bernardo de Galvez, count of Galvez, a son of the preceding. From June 
17, 1785, to Nov. 30, 1786, when his death occurred. The audiencia re- 
assumed the governraent. 

Alonso Nunez de Haro y Peralta, archbishop of Mexico. From May 8 
to Aug. 16, 1787. 

Manuel Antonio Flores. From Aug. 17, 1787, to Oct. 16, 1789. 

Juan Vicente de Gtiemez Pacheco de Padilla, second count of Revilla 
Gigedo. From Oct. 17, 1789, to July 11, 1794. 

Miguel de la Grua Talamanca y Brancif orte, marquis of Brancif orte. From 
July 12, 1794, to May 31, 1798. 

Miguel Jose de Azanza. From May 31, 1798, to April 30, 1800. 

Felix Berenguer de Marquina. From April 30, 1800, to Jan. 4, 1803. 

Jose de Iturrigaray. From Jan. 4, 1803, to Sept. 16, 1808. 

Pedro Garibay. Sept. 16, 1808, to July 19, 1809. 

Francisco Javier de Lizana y Beaumont, archbishop of Mexico. From July 
19, 1809, to May 8, 1810. 

Francisco Javier Venegas. From Sept. 14, 1810, to March 4, 1813. 

Felix Maria Calleja. From March 4, 1813, to Sept. 20, 1816. 

Juan Ruiz de Apodaca. From Sept. 20, 1816, to July 5, 1821. 

Juan O'Donojri. He recognized the independence of Mexico on Sept. 28, 
1821. 

REGENCY AND EMPIRE. 

Agustin de Iturbide, Manuel de la Barcena, Juan O'Donojti, and at his death 
Bishop Perez, Jose Isidro Yauez, and Manuel Velazquez de Leon; these two 
last named and Bishop Perez were succeeded by the Count de las Heras, 
Nicolas Bravo, and Miguel Valentin. They constituted the imperial regency. 



CHRONOLOOICAL TABLE. 573 

Sept. 28, 1821. Agustin de Iturbide, emperor, June 21, 1822. Abdicated 
March 20, and was exiled May 11, 1823. Shot at Padilla, July 19, 1824. 

EXECUTIVE AUTHORITY. 

Guadalupe Victoria, Nicolas Bravo, and Pedro Celestino Negrete, a trium- 
virate. Substitutes Mariano Michelena and Miguel Dominguez. March 31 
and April 1, 1823. Owing to resignations, the persons who finally had charge 
of the executive authority were Bravo, Victoria, Vicente Guerrero, or Do- 
minguez, until the republican government became constituted. 

PRESIDENTS. 

Gen. Guadalupe Victoria. Oct. 10, 1824. 

Gen. Vicente Guerrero. April 1, 1829. 

Jose M. Bocanegra, provisional. Dec. 16, 1829. 

Pedro Velez, Liicas Alaman, and Luis Quintanar, in charge of the govern- 
ment Dec. 1829. 

Gen. Anastasio Bustamante y Oseguera, vice-president in charge. Jan. 1, 
1830. 

Gen. Melchor Mtizquiz. Aug. 14, 1832. 

Lie. Gomez Pedraza. Dec. 24, 1832. 

Valentin Gomez Farias, vice-president; Gen. Santa Anna, president. April 
1, 1833. 

Gen. Barragan, in charge. Jan. 28, 1835. 

Jose Justo Corro. Feb. 27, 1836. 

Gen. Anastasio Bustamante. April 19, 1837. 

Gen. Santa Anna, provisional president. Oct. 7, 1841. 

Gen. Santa Anna, president. June 3, 1844. 

Gen. Jose Joaquin Herrera, provisional. Dec. 5, 1844. 

Gen. Jose Joaquin Herrera, president. Sept. 16, 1845. 

Gen. Mariano Paredes y Arrillaga, provisional. Jan. 3, 1846. 

Gen. Nicolas Bravo, provisional vice-president. July 28, 1846. 

Gen. Jose Mariano Salas, provisional vice-president. Aiig. 22, 1846. 

Gen. Santa Anna, provisional. Dec. 23, 1846. 

Gen. Pedro Maria Anaya, substitute. April 2, 1847. 

Lie. Manuel de la Pefia y Pena, provisional. Sept. 26, 1847. 

Gen. Pedro M. Anaya, ad interim. Nov. 2, 1847. 

Lie. Manuel de la Pena y Pena, as president of the supreme court. Jan, 
8, 1848. 

Gen. Jose Joaquin Herrera. June 3, 1848. 

Gen. Mariano Arista. Jan. 15, 1851. 

Lie. Juan B. Ceballos, president of the supreme court. Jan. 6, 1853^ 

Gen. Martin Carrera. Aug. 1855. 

Gen. Lombardini. Feb. 7, 1853. 

Gen. Santa Anna, dictator. April 20, 1853. 



574 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 



Gen. Juan Alvarez, ad int. Oct. 4, 1855. 

Gen. Ignacio Comonfort. Dec. 8, 1855. 

Licentiate Benito Juarez, liberal, president of the supreme court. Jan. 19, 
1858. 

Gen. Felix Zuloaga, conservative. Jan. 22, 1858. 

Gen. Miguel Miramon, conservative. Dec. 30, 1858. 

Maximilian, emperor. Aug., 1863. 

Benito Juarez, constitutional president. Oct., 1867. 

Benito Juarez, president, reelected. 1870. 

Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada, provisional. July 18, 1872. 

Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada, constitutional. Sept., 1872. 

Gen. Porfirio Diaz, provisional. Dec, 1876. 

Porfirio Diaz, constitutional. April 2, 1877. 

Gen. Manuel Gonzalez. Dec. 1, 1880. 

Gen. Porfirio Diaz. Dec. 1, 1884. 

Francisco de la Barra, provisional president. May 25, 1911. 

Francisco I. Madero, president. Nov. 6, 1911. 

Victoriano Huerta, provisional president. Feb. 18, 1913. 

Venustiano Carranza, proclaimed himself constitutional president. Feb. 
19, 1913. 

Huerta resigns and leaves the country; Francisco Carbajal becomes provi- 
sional president. July 15, 1914. 




INDEX 



Acapulco, captured by Morelos, 1813, 
352-3. 

Aculco, affair at, 1810, 310. 

Acxitl, Toltec king, reign of, 13-15. 

Administration of justice, among the 
Aztecs, 65-7. 

Agriculture, Aztec, 68-9; on the table- 
land, 558. 

Ahuitzotl, Mexican monarch, reign of, 
26-7. 

Allende, I. de, biog., etc., 280-1; por- 
trait, 280; battle of Las Cruces, 
1810, 303-6; defence of Guanajuato, 
312-15; capture of, 329; execution, 
330. 

Alvarez, J., president, 1855, 458; por- 
trait, 458. 

America, ancient races of, 6-9; dis- 
covery of, 138-40. 

Amusements, of the Aztecs, 79-84. 

Andhuac (see also Mexico), name, 3; 
early records of, 10-29; myths and 
traditions, 30-41; sacrifices, 41-2. 

Antiquities, 109-21. 

Apodaca, J. R. de, viceroy, 1816, 365; 
deposed, 374. 

Arista, Gen., president, 1851, 452; 
administr., 453-4. 

Audiencias, description of, 202-5. 

Avila, A. de, exped. to Yucatan, 218 
-20. 

Axayacatl, Mexican monarch, reign 
of, 25-6. 

Aztecs (see also Mexico), annals of 
the, 19-29; myths and tradition, 
30-41; sacrifices, 41-2; empire of 
the, 43; govt., 43-4; royalty, 44- 
55; royal palaces, etc., 48-51; no- 
bility, 56-60; priesthood, 60, 63-4; 



slavery, 61-2; land-tenure, 63-4; 
taxation, 64-5; administr. of jus- 
tice, 65-7; agric, 68-9; the chase, 
69-70; manufactures, 70-1; fairs, 
72-3; currency, 73-4; traffic, 74-5; 
food, etc., 76-7; feasts, 77-9; amuse- 
ments, 79-84; dress, etc., 84-6; lan- 
guage, 87-90; hieroglyphics, 90-6; 
education, 96-9; calendar, 99-103; 
war and weapons, 104-8; cities, 122- 
3; dwellings, 124-7; temples, 127- 
30. 

Barra, F. L. de la, prov. pres., 532. 

Barradas, Brigadier, invasion of, 1829, 
413-15. 

Baudin, Admiral, capture of Ulua, 
etc., 429-33. 

Bazaine, Gen., capture of Oajaca, 1865, 
483-4. 

Benton, William S., details of assassi- 
nation, 541. 

Berriozdbal, Gen., battle of Cinco de 
Mayo, 470-1. 

Bravo, N., portrait of, 402; vice-presi- 
dent, 1823, 402. 

Bustamante, A., revolution of, 1829, 
416-17; biog., etc., 417-18; presi- 
dent,1830, 418; 1837, 427; revolution 
against, 1832, 420-2; 1840, 435-8. 

Calderon, battle of, 1811, 319-23. 

Calleja, Gen. F., campaigns of, 1810- 
11, 309-23; 1813-15, 350-65; cap- 
ture of Cuautla, 1812, 336-40; vice- 
roy, 1813, 346; administr., 346-7. 

Caravel, picture of, 144. 

Carbajal, Francisco, prov. pres., 649. 

Carranza, V., personality, 637; por- 
trait, 539; successes and attitude 
of, 548-9. 



576 



INDEX 



Casas Grandes, ruins of the, 109-11. 

Celaya, Hidalgo at, 285. 

Centeotl, Nahua goddess, worship, 
etc., of, 38-9; picture of, 39. 

Chalcans, Nahua nation, wars of the, 
22-4. 

Chalchiuh Tlatonac, Toltec king, 
reign of, 11. 

Chichimecs, Nahua nation, annals of 
the, 17-21. 

Chilpancingo, congress of, 353-5. 

Cholula, city, legend of Quetzalcoatl, 
36-7; massacre at, 1519, 166-9. 

Church and State, 551; wealth of 
church, 560; inquisition, 560; mis- 
sions and secularization, 561; greed 
and godliness, 562. 

Cinco de Mayo, battle of, 470-3. 

Civilization, definition, etc., of, 7. 

Climate, of Mex., 1-6. 

Coats of arms, Mex. republic, 199; 
Pueblo de los Angeles, 206; Gua- 
dalajara, 207; Jalapa, 233; Guana- 
juato, 288; ValladoHd, 300. 

Columbus, C, biog., 138; voyages of, 
138-9. 

Commerce, Aztec, 74-5. 

Commerce, travel and transportation, 
558. 

Comonfort, I., portrait of, 456; presi- 
dent, 1855, 459; administr., 459- 
60. 

Congress, national, proceedings, etc., 
of, 378-9, 395, 400-4. 

Congress, representative, established, 
etc., 1813, 353-5; seal of, 354. 

Coporo, Mount, plan of, 360; Ra- 
yon's victory at, 1815, 360-1. 

Corona, Gen. R., siege of Queretaro, 
1867, 495-8; portrait, 499. 

Cortec, H., biog., etc., 148-9; exped. 
of, 1518, 150-4; at Vera Cruz, 154- 
8; defeat of the Tlascaltecs, etc., 
160-6; massacre at Cholula, 166-9; 
meeting with Montezuma, 170-2; 
enters Mex., 171; Montezuma's im- 
prisonment, etc., 173-80; la noche 
triste, 180-4; captures Mex., 1521, 
186-94; returns to Spain, 200; death, 
201. 

Cruz, Gen. J. de la, campaign of, 1810, 
318-19. 

Cuautla, siege of, 1812, 336-40; plan 
of, 336. 



Diaz, F., revolutionary attempts, 533; 
failure and imprisonment, 533; 
fighting Madero in the capital, 533- 
34. 

Diaz, P., battle of Cinco de Mayo, 
470-3; siege of Puebla, etc., 1863, 
474-8; defence of Oajaca, 1865, 483 
-4; escape from Puebla, 485: recap- 
tures Puebla, 1867, 488-92; recap- 
tures Mex., 507; revolution of, 515 
-20; president, 1877, 620; 1884, 
527; character, 520-2; portrait, 521; 
administr., 522-5, 527; resignation 
and flight, 532. 

Dolores, revolution at, 1810, 282-3. 

Dress, of the Aztecs, 84^6. 

Ech^varri, Brigadier, defection of, 
391-2. 

Education, among the Aztecs, 96-9. 

Encomienda system, origin, etc., of, 
202-3. 

Escobedo, Gen., siege of Queretaro, 
etc., 1867, 495-502. 

Escoceses, party, mention of, 405-6. 

Europe, affairs in, 1776-1830, 260-7. 

Farias, V. G., portrait of, 423; acting 
president, 424; revolution against, 
424. 

Floating gardens, description of, 68. 

Flon, Gen., operations at Calderon, 
321-3. 

Food, of the Aztecs, 76-7; of the 
Mexicans, 253-4. 

Forey, Gen., siege of Puebla, 1863, 
474-7. 

France, war v/ith, 1838-9, 428-34; 
1862-7, 468-86; Maximilian's em- 
pire, 481-506. 

Garza, Brigadier, arrest, etc., of Itur- 
bide, 396-7. 

Gonzalez, M., president, 1880, 525; 
biog., 525; adminstr., 526. 

Government, among the Aztecs, 43-4 ; 
modern, 551-2. 

Grijalva, J. de, exped. of, 1518, 144-7. 

Guadalajara, city, Hidalgo at, 315- 
17. 

Guanajuato, city, captured by revo- 
lutionists, 1810, 287-97; recaptured 
by Calleja, 312-15. 

Guatemala, slavery in, 209-10. 

Guerrero, V., portrait of, 372; revo- 
lution of, 1828, 408-9; president, 
409, 415; biog., etc., 415, revolu- 



INDEX 



577 



tion against, 416-17; execution, 
1831, 419. 

Herrera, Gen. J. J., acting president, 
442; portrait, 443; president, 1848, 
451; administr., 451-2. 

Hidalgo, M., appearance, etc., of, 
278-9; portrait, 279; victory at Las 
Graces, 1810, 303-7; advance on 
Mex., 307-8; at Guadalajara, 315- 
17; defeat at Calderon, 1811, 319- 
23; capture of, 328-9; execution, 
330-1; character, 331-2. 

Hieroglyphics, Aztec, 90-6. 

Honduras, slavery in, 209. ' 

Huehuetzin, Chichimec chieftain, wars 
of, 13-16. 

Huemac II., Toltec king, reign of, 
11-13. 

Huerta, V., escorts Diaz to Vera Gruz, 
532; ten days' fight in the capital, 
534; betrays Madero, 534; betrays 
F. Diaz, 534; prov. pres., 534; por- 
trait, 535; life and character, 534—6; 
attitude of, 545; resignation, 549. 

Huitzilopochtli, Nahua god, name, 37; 
myth of, 37-8; picture of, 38. 

Iglesias, J. M., chief justice, 518; por- 
trait, 519; claims the presidency, 
1877, 522. 

Illustrations (see also portraits, maps, 
plans, and coats of arms), summit 
of Popocatepetl, 2; of Iztaccihuatl, 
3; of Orizaba, 4; culture hero, Pa- 
lenque, 5; vase, Vera Gruz, 9; col- 
umn, Tula, 10-11; monolith, Teoti- 
huacan, 14; fainting-stone, Teoti- 
huacan, 15; terra-cotta head, Teoti- 
huacan, 16; coat of arms, Guerna- 
vaca, 21; bas-relief, Xochicalco, 29 
HuitzUoiwchtli, 38; Genteotl, 39 
Mictlantecutli, 40; burial-vase, 41 
sculpture on sacrificial stone, 42 
terra-cotta image, Zachila, 62; sciolp- 
tured block, Mapilca, 67; aborigi- 
nal coin, 73; pottery from Gasas 
Grandes, 75; terra-cotta musical 
instrument, 79; serpentine hiero- 
glyphic block, 88; tablet, Palenque, 
89; Tabiila de las Graces, 90; edu- 
cation of Aztec children, 92 ; the Az- 
tec migration, 94-5; Troano manu- 
script, 97; Aztec cycle, 99; year, 100; 
month, 101; calendar stone, 102; 
sculptured front of building atKa- 
37 



bah, 103; Aztec knight, 106; Aztec 
weapon, 107; ruins of Quemada, 109; 
Casas Grandes, Ghihuahua, 110; 
temple pyramid, Cerro de las Juntas, 
111; earthen vase, Tula, 112; pyra- 
mid of Xochicalco, 113; sculptured 
block, Huahuapan, 114; rains, 
Monte Alban, 114; palace at Mitla, 
116-18; ruins at Mitla, 117; mosaic 
work, 117; pyramid near Tehuante- 
pec, 118; near Papantla, 119; near 
Puente Nacional, 120; of Huatusco, 
120; pyramid at Tusapan, 121; stat- 
ues, Nophat, 121 ; Mexico in the time 
of the Montezumas, 123; palace at 
Uxmal, 124; carving on Gate Mitla, 
125; trace of original structure in 
wood, Uxmal, 125; palace of Palen- 
que, 126; front of building at San- 
act6, 127; caravel, 144; bronze bells 
— Ghristy collection, 151; brigan- 
tine, 152; navio, 153; musical in- 
strument from Tlascala, 169; pipe 
from Gasas Grandes, 176; skull and 
cross-bones, Nophat, 184; valley of 
Mex., 187; stone in plaza, Mex., 
196; Mex. rebuilt, 1521, 197; coat 
of mail, Mex., 198; vase, Tlahuac, 
201; globe, Ococingo, 208; Aztec 
tomb, Ghila, Puebla, 213; building 
at Gozumel, 214; serpent balustrade 
at Ghichen Itzd, 217; watch-tower, 
Yucatan, 220; coast of Yucatan, 
222; painted boat, Ghichen Itzd,223; 
ancient tomb, Misantla, 233; govt, 
palace, Mex., 239; Mexican beggar, 
245; Pueblo, 247; mestiza, 248; zam- 
bo, 249; Spanish creole, 252; stage 
station, 253; pulqueros, 257; Mexi- 
can landscape, 259; Queretaro, 278; 
Alhondiga de Granaditas, 297; 
bridge at Huejutla, 332; medal of 
Apatzingan congress, 363; convent 
of Santo Domingo, 408; plaza of 
Oajaca, 488; rural guard, 505; 
Juarez' residence, 609 ; city of 
Oajaca, 517; residence of Diaz, 522. 

Imperialism, opposition to, 550. 

Intervention, American, 543; fancied 
insult, 543; seizure of Vera Gruz, 
543; salute demanded, 543; attitude 
of Washington government, 545; 
many ultimata, 546. 

Iturbide, Gen. A. de, biog., 302; oper- 



578 



INDEX 



ations of, 1813, 357-61; portrait, 
373; defection- of, 373-4; president 
of junta, 376; quarrel with congress, 
380-9; proclaimed emperor, 1822, 
383-5; coronation, etc., 386-7; re- 
volt against, 390-4; abdication, 394 
-5; exile, 396; return to Mex., 396; 
arrest and execution, 396-8; review 
of career, 398-9. 

Jalapa, city, description of, 232; coat 
of arms, 233. 

Jaujilla, fort, capture of, 1817, 370-1; 
plan of, 370. 

Juarez, B. P., revolution in favor 
of, 461-5; president, 466; biog., 466; 
portrait, 467 ; administr. , 468-5 1 1 ; 
death, 1872, 511; character, 512. 

La decena trdgica, the ten days' fight 
between Madero and Felix Diaz, 
534. 

Lamadrid, Gen., battle of Cinco de 
Mayo, 470-1, 

Las Casas, B. de, labors, etc., of, 210- 
13; character of, 213. 

Las Cruces, battle of, 1810, 303-7. 

Land-tenure, Aztec, 63-4. 

Lopez, Col. M., treachery of, 500-1. 

Loreneez, Gen., battle of Cinco de 
Mayo, 468-73. 

Lorencillo, capture of Vera Cruz, 226- 
30. 

Lozada, M., revolt of, 1872, 514. 

Madero, F. I., family and character, 
528; portrait, 530; political tareer, 
531; elected president, 532; injudi- 
cious measures, 533; betrayed by 
Huerta, 534; assassination of, 534; 
republican ideals, 542. 

Manufactures, Aztec, 70-1. 

Maps, Martin Behaim's, 1492, 137; 
Juan de la Cosa's, 1500, 139; Jo- 
hann Ruysch's, 1508, 140; Peter 
Martyr's, 1511, 141; Ptolemy's, 
1513, 142; of Yucatan, 143; of 
Vera Cruz, 231; Guanajuato, 282; 
Hidalgo's march, 302; field of Hi- 
dalgo's operations, 303; field of 
revolutionary movements, 1810-11, 
311, 326; campaigns in Puebla and 
Vera Cruz, 342; Oajaca, 345; dis- 
tricts occupied by the revolutionists, 
1813, 348; campaign in the east, 
1813, 350; eastern district, Barra- 
das' campaign, 414; Texas, 445; 



war map of Mexico, 529; central 
mining district, 564. 

Marquez, Gen., defence of Quer§taro, 
etc., 1867, 494-6. 

Maximilian, Ferdinand, emperor of 
Mexico, 1863, 479-82; portrait of, 
483; Napoleon's desertion of, 486; 
besieged at Queretaro, 1867, 493- 
501; surrender, etc., of, 501-2; trial, 
502-3; execution, 504-5. 

Mejia, Gen., defence of Queretaro, 
1867, 493-9; trial and execution, 
502-5. 

Mendoza, Viceroy A. de, rule, etc., 
of, 206-8. 

Mescala, Rock, siege of, 351-2. 

Mexico (see also Andhuac), ancient 
boundaries, 1; climate, 1-6; geog- 
raphy, 1-3; flora, 3-6; ancient 
races, 6-9; the Toltec and Chichi- 
mec periods, 10-21; the Aztecs, 22- 
9, 43-108, 122-32; mythology and 
traditions, 30-41; antiquities, 109- 
21; name, 122 ;Grijalva's expedition, 
1518, 145-7; conquest of, 152-94; 
famine in, 1691, 236; population, 
etc., 246-8; society and castes, 248- 
53; food, 253-4; dress, 254; cities 
and dwellings, 255; amusements, 
etc., 255-8; disaffection in, 268- 
77; war of independence, 278-375; 
national congress established, 1821, 
379-80; constitution, 401-4; foreign 
relations, 410-11, 427-8; Spanish 
invasion of, 1829, 413-15; war with 
France, 1838-9, 428-34; 1862-7, 
468-86; Maximilian's empire, 481- 
506; war with U. S., 444-50; for- 
eign intervention, 467-8; claims 
of U. S., 525; government, 550-2; 
congress, 552; the executive, 552; 
church affairs, 560-2; mining, 562-7; 
agriculture, 558. 

Mexico, city, founding of, 20, 122-3; 
ancient palaces, etc., 48—51; Cortes 
at, 171-84; destruction of, 1521, 
188-94; spoils of, 195; rebuilding, 
etc., of, 196-9; floods in, 234-5; 
riot in, 1692, 237-45; plan of, 238; 
captured by Scott, 1847, 447-8; 
French occupation of, 1863, 478-9; 
recaptured by Diaz, 1867, 507; de- 
scription of, 559-60. 



INDEX 



579 



Mexico, past and present, 550-67. 

Mictlan, Nahua hades, 39. 

Mietlantecutli, Nahua god, 39; pic- 
ture of, 40. 

Mina, biog., 366; exped. of, 366-70; 
capture and execution, 370. 

Mines and Mining, mineral wealth, 
563-4; remarkable development, 
565; enormous yield, 566. 

Miramon, Gen. M., president, 1858, 
463; portrait of, 464; defence of 
Queretaro, 1867, 493-9; trial and 
execution, 502—5. 

Mitla, ruins at, 1 15-18. 

Monte Alban, ruins at, 114-16. 

Montejo, F. de, conquest of Yucatan, 
214-23. 

Montezuma I., reign of, 22-4. 

Montezuma II., accession of, 1503, 28; 
authority, 44-5; coronation, etc., of, 
45—7; palaces, etc., 48-51; service, 
51-5; meals, 52-3; audience, 54; 
pastimes, 54; household, 55; reign, 
130-1; news of Grijalva's expedi- 
tion, 131-2, 146-7; character, 132; 
meeting with Cortes, 170-2; im- 
prisonment, etc., of, 173-80; death, 
1520, 179-80. 

Morelos, J. M., biog., 333; character, 
333-4; campaigns of, 1811-15, 335- 
60; capture of, 361-2; trial, 362; 
execution, 1815, 363. 

Myths, general remarks, 30-1; physi- 
cal, 31-3; animal, 33; religious, 33- 
40. 

Nauhyotl, Toltec king, defeat of, 18- 
19. 

New laws, code of the, 211-12. 

Nezahualcoyotl, Acolhuan monarch, 
reign of, 25. 

Oajaca, ruins in, 114—16; map of, 
345. 

Oajaca, city, captured by Morelos, 
1812, 343-6; by Bazaine, 1865, 
483-4. 

O'Donojti, Viceroy J., surrenders 
authority, 1821, 374. 

Ordonez, Col., defeats Villagran, 1813, 
349. 

Orizaba, city, description of, 232-3. 

Orozco, Pascual, insurrection, 532; 
536. 

Ortega, Gen. J. G., defence of Puebla, 
1863, 474-7; portrait, 476. 



Osorno, Gen., campaign of, 1813, 
350-1. 

Outrages on foreigners, 542. 

Palacio, Gen., siege of Quer6taro, 
1867, 495-7. 

Palo Alto, battle of, 1846, 446. 

Paredes, Gen., revolution of, 1843, 
442. 

Pedraza, G., portrait of, 407; presi- 
dent elect of Mex., 1827, 407; flight 
of, 409; restored to power, 422—3. 

Pena y Pena, president ad interim, 
1848, 451; portrait, 451. 

Plans, of Teotihuacan, 112; of Mitla, 
115; of palace of Mitla, 116; Vera 
Cruz, 225; city of Mex., 238; battle- 
field of Las Cruccs, 304; affair at 
Aculco, 310; roj'^alist operations 
against Guanajuato, 313; battle- 
field of Calderon, 320; Cuautla, 336; 
Oajaca, 344; Chapala lake and the 
Mescala rock, 352; Mina's opera- 
tions, 367; fort of Los Remedies, 
369; fort Jaujilla, 370; Vera Cruz 
harbor, 412; Tampico, 419; Puebla, 
422; San Juan de Uliia, 430; Vera 
Cruz, 432; seat of war, 1838-9, 
434; Vera Cruz and Ultia, 462; 
Puebla, 469 ; field of Cinco de Mayo, 
470; battle in front of Puebla, 472; 
Monterey, 487; Quer6taro, 494; 
Matamoros, 516. 

Politics, party spirit, 551; natives and 
foreigners, 556; position of Span- 
iards, 557. 

Porter, Commodore D., operations of, 
412. 

Portraits, M. Hidalgo, 279; I. de 
Allende, 280; I. L. Rayon, 316; J. 
M. Morelos, 334; G. Victoria, 371; 
V. Guerrero, 372; A. de Iturbide, 
373; N. Bravo, 402; G. Pedraza, 
407; V. G. Farias, 423; A. L. de 
Santa Anna, 425; J. J. Herrera, 
443; Pena y Pena, 451; I. Comon- 
fort, 456; J. Alvarez, 458; F. Zulo- 
aga, 461; M. Miramon, 464; B. P. 
Juarez, 467; J. G. Ortega, 476; F. 
Maximilian, 483; R. Corona, 499; 
J. N. Mendez, 508; L. de Tejada, 
513; J. M. Iglesias, 519; P. Diaz, 
521; F. I. Madero, 530: V. Huerta, 
535; Pancho Villa, 537; V. Carranza, 
539;E. Zapata, 540. 



580 



INDEX 



Puebla, city, plans of, 422, 469; de- 
scription of, 468-9; captured by 
the French, 1863, 474-7; recap- 
tured by Diaz, 1867, 488-92. 

Quauhtemotzin, King, defence of 
Mex., 191; capture, etc., of, 193-4; 
execution, 200. 

Quemada, ruins of, 109-11. 

Queretaro, picture of, 278; Maximil- 
ian besieged at, 1867, 493-501; plan 
of, 494. 

Quetzalcoatl, Nahua god, name, 35; 
myth of, 35-7; palace of, 51. 

Races, ancient of Amer., 6-9; classifi- 
cation of, 8; mixture of, 552-3. 

Rayon, Gen. I. L., portrait of, 316; 
biog., 316-17; operations, 1813, 
348-9. 

Rayon, R., defence of Mount Coporo, 
360-1. 

Remedios, fort, siege of, 1817, 369; 
plan of, 369. 

Repartimiento system, origin, etc., 
of, 202-3. 

Riano, Intendente, defence of Guana- 
juato, 288-97. 

San Juan de Ulua, fort, name, 146; 
Cortfes at, 154; captured by the 
Mexicans, 1825, 411-12; by the 
French, 1838, 429-31; plan of, 430, 

San Miguel, Hidalgo at, 284-5. 

Santa Anna, Gen. A. L. de, revolt of, 
390-1; campaign against Barradas, 
1829, 413-14; dictator, 424; por- 
trait of, 425; character, 425-6; affair 
at Vera Cruz, 1839, 432-3; rev- 
olution against Bustamante, 437—8; 
misrule of, 440-1 ; overthrow, 442-3; 
war with U. S., 448-9; honors paid 
to, 455; revolt against, 456-7. 

Slavery, among the Aztecs, 61-2; in 
Cent. Amer., 309-10. 

Society, politics and people, 550-1; 
classes of, 553; aristocrat and peon, 
553-7; degraded condition, 555. 

Sombrero, siege of, 1817, 368-9. 

Spain, invasion of Mex., 1829, 413-15. 

Spaniards in Mexico, 557. 

Spanish history, outline of, 133-6, 
264-7. 

Suarez, Jos6 Maria Pino, assassina- 
tion, 533. 

Taxation, among the Aztecs, 64-5. 



Tecuhtlis, Nahua knights, initiation, 
etc., of, 56-60. 

Tehuantepec, city, ruins near, 117-19. 

Tejada, S. L. de, president, 1872, 512; 
administr., 518-19; portrait, 513; 
flight, 519-20. 

Teotihuacan, picture of monolith at, 
15; of fainting-stone, 15; of terra- 
cotta head, 16; ruins of, 112-13; 
plan of, 112. 

Teotl, Nahua god, worship of, 33. 

Texas, American colonization, etc., in, 
444-5; map, 445. 

Tezcatlipoca, Nahua god, mvth of, 
34-6. 

Tezcuco, city, royal palace of, 49; 
aborig. architecture at, 113; descrip- 
tion of, 123. 

Tlaloc, Nahua god, myth of, 38. 

Tlascaltecs, Nahua nation, war with 
the Aztecs, 28; conquered by Cor- 
tes, 159-66. 

Tollan, city (see also Tula), founding 
of, 11; abandoned, 17. 

Toltecs, Nahua nation, name, 10; an- 
nals of the, 11—21; palaces, 51. 

Tortillas, preparation of, 76. 

Trujillo, Lieut-col., campaign of, 
1810, 301-7. 

Tula (see also Tollan), pictures of ba- 
saltic column at, 10—11; ruins at, 
111-12. 

Tultitlan, city, Toltecs defeated at, 
15. 

United States, war with Mex., 444-50; 
claims on Mex., 525. 

Urrea, Gen., revolution against Busta- 
mante, 435. 

Valladoiid, Morelos' defeat at, 1813, 
356-8. 

Venegas, Viceroy, administr. of, 276- 
346. 

Vera Cruz, ruins in, 119-21; map, 
231. 

Vera Cruz, city, Cortes at, 154-5; 
sack of, 1683, 225-30; plans of, 225, 
432; description of, 1777, 231-2; 
French occupation of, 1839, 432-3; 
American occupation of, 543. 

Victoria, G., the revolutionary war, 
371; portrait, 371; president, 1824, 
402-7; character, 404. 

Villa, P., bandit friend of Madero, 
536; henchman to Carranza, 537; 



INDEX 



581 



portrait, 537; character and vil- 
lainous exploits, 537-40; war on 
Huerta, 640; the Benton murder, 
541; captures many cities, 540; 
hatred of Huerta, 542; military 
successes, 543-4. 

Xuihtecutli, Nahua god, recognition 
of, 32, 39. 

Xochicalco, picture of bas-relief at, 29; 
ruins at, 113-14. 

Xoloc (Xolotl), city, founding of, 
17. 



Xolotl I. and II., Chichimec kings, 
reigns of, 17-20. 

Yorkinos, party, mention of, 405-6. 

Yucatan, Cordoba's expedition, 1517, 
141-4; map of, 143; name, 144; 
conquest of, 214-23. 

Zapata, E., insurrection, 532; por- 
trait, 540; attitude, 541. 

Zapotecs, Nahua nation, war with the 
Aztecs, 27. 

Zuloaga, Gen. F., revolution of, 460-1; 
president, 1858, 461; portrait, 461. 




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